Skip to main content

Full text of "Bancroft's Works: History of Mexico vol. 5"

See other formats


J* . . /gj 

£4< : ^ 





Presented by: John F. Evans 
In memory of: J. Fred Evans 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 



Walter w. Mclaughlin 



Aspen, Colorado 

March, 1886. 









Vol. V. 1824-1861. 



Entered according to \ct of Congress in the Year 1885, by 


In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

All Rights Reserved. 






Demoralized Condition of the Army — A Bad Precedent — The New Gov- 
ernment — Congressional Acts — The Triumvirate — Foreign Loans and 
Financial Measures — National Coat of Anns and Flag — Federalists 
and Centralists — Their Press Organs — Political Troubles — Honors to 
Heroes of the Independence — A Constituent Congress Installed — 
Acta Constitutiva — Federal System Adopted — Revolutions — Loba- 
to's Revolt — Disturbances in Jalisco — Victoria Elected President — 
The Constitution — Organization of States and Territories — Union of 
Chiapas with Mexico — The Federal District , 1 




Authorities Inaugurated — President Victoria — Injustice to his Character 
— Political Situation — Amnesty for Political Offenders — First Ordi- 
nary Congress — Arizpe's Character and Public Career — Germs of 
Future Calamity — Masonic Lodges and Political Parties — Poinsett — 
The Press — Financial Troubles — Disturbances in Vera Cruz — Nove- 
narios — Plan of Montafio — Bravo 's Rebellion and its Suppression — 
Expatriation of Bravo and Others — The Yorkinos Triumphant — 
Presidential Election — Imparciales versus Guerrerists — Santa Anna's 
Rebellion — Revolt of La Acordada — The Parian Sacked — Congres- 
sional Action — Guerrero Made President — End of Victoria's Rule — 
His Last Days and Death „. 27 




Recognition by Foreign Powers — Negotiations with the Pope — Treaties 
with United States — Poinsett's Public Career — His Notes on Mexico 
— Diplomatic Relations with Great Britain and France — Treaties 




with European Nations — Hostility to Spaniards — Royal Plan of 
Eteconqaest — Arenas' Plot — Executions and Banishments — Expul- 
sion of Spaniards— Siege of San Juan de Ulua — The Spanish Com- 
mander Capitulates — Departure of the Spanish Garrison — Commo- 
dore Porter and Naval Operations — The War Brig Guerrero — 
Surrender of Ships on the Pacific 46 



Spanish Scheme of Reconquest — Barradas' Invasion — His Defeat and Sur- 
render — Rejoicing in Mexico — Monarchical Intrigues — Vicente Guer- 
rero Second President — His Administration — Abolition of Slavery 
— Extraordinary Powers — Party Animosity — Recall of Poinsett — 
Charges against Ministers — History of Yucatan — Secession of Yuca- 
tan — Revolution of Jalapa — Its Effects in Mexico — Provisional Gov- 
ernment — Bustamante as the Executive — Guerrero Deposed — War 
in the South — Treachery against Guerrero — His Capture, Trial, 
and Execution — Ministers' Impeachment — Honors to Guerrero's 
Memory 71 



Despotic Measures — Codallos' Revolution — Yorkino Opposition — Polit- 
cal Blunders — Institutions Prostituted — Inclan's Affair — Impending 
Changes — Santa Anna's Pronunciamiento — His Defeat at Tolome 
— Siege of Vera Cruz — Its Failure — Revolutions in Tamaulipas — 
Teran's Suicide — Santa Anna's Reformed Plan — It is Seconded 
Elsewhere — Battle of Los Carmelos — Fall of San Luis Potosi — Its 
Effects in Mexico — Acting President Muzquiz — Bustamante's Vic- 
tory in Guanajuato — Santa Anna's Success — Bustamante's Defeats 
in Puebla — Armistice — Plans of Pacification — The Revolution Tri- 
umphant , . 102 



Administration of Gomez Pedraza— His Subsequent Career, Character, 
and Death — Biography of Gomez Farias — His Political Principles 
and Administration — Disturbances in Michoacan — Santa Anna's 
Paradoxical Action — Arista's Revolt and its Suppression — First 
Movements in Favor of Centralism— Political Defeat of Farias 



— Santa Anna's Biography and Character — Downfall of the Fed- 
eral System — Santa Anna Dictator — Political Parties and Contests 
— The New Congress — Centralism Inaugurated — The New Constitu- 
tional Law — Dissatisfaction — Attempts to Reestablish Federalism. 125 




Boundary Line — American Aims — Long's Invasions — Colonization Plans 
— Colonies Formed by Austin and Others — Mexico's Liberal Policy — 
Coahuila and Texas — Stephen F. Austin's Imprisonment — Texas 
Separates from Coahuila — Revolutionary Acts — Mexican Troops 
Assailed — San Antonio de Bejar Taken — Course of the United States 
— Neutrality Violated — American Troops Invade Texas — Declaration 
of Independence by Texas — Texan Garrison at Alamo Massacred — 
Battle of San Jacinto, and its Results — President Corro's Adminis- 
tration — President Bustamante — Spain Recognizes Mexican Nation- 
ality — Financial Distress — Political Troubles 151 



1838-1839. / 

Foreign Reclamations — French Demands — Ultimatum and Blockade — ■ 
Federalist Agitation — Admiral Baudin Appears on the Scene — Con- 
ference at Jalapa — The Mexican Gibraltar — Bombardment and Fall 
of San Juan de Ulua — Mexico Declares War — Expulsion of French- 
men — Descent on Vera Cruz — Santa Anna Poses as a Hero and 
Martyr — Critical Condition of the Government — The Ministry of 
Three Days — Santa Anna Called to Assist Bustamante — English 
Mediation — Arrangement with Baudin — Disappointing Result of 
the French Expedition 186 




Checked in the West, the Federalists Rise in the East — Tampico Takes 
the Lead — The Movement Spreads from Tuxpan to the Rio Grande 
del Norte — Dilatory Action of Bustamante — Santa Anna Figures as 
Reformer — His Energy Saves the Government — Defeat and Execu- 
tion of Mejia — Tampico and Tuxpan Capitulate — Bustamante Re- 
sumes the Presidency — Yucatan Secedes from the Republic — Revo- 
lution in Tabasco — Urrea's Pronunciamiento at Mexico — Bombard- 
ment of the Palace — Failure of the Outbreak — A Monarchical Breeze. 206 






AIore Taxes and Less Reform — Paredes Pronounces at Guadalajara — Va- 
lencia Seconds Him at the Capital — Santa Anna Steps Forward to 
Assume the Leadership — Bases of Tacubaya — Federalist Counter- 
pronunciainiento by the President — Mexico again Besieged — Busta- 
mante Resigns — His Character and Rule — Santa Anna Vaults into 
the Chair — Small Concessions to Cover Large Encroachments and 
Abuses — Yucatan Defeats the Centralist Troops and Obtains Practi- 
cal Autonomy — Sentmanat's Invasion of Tabasco — Movements along 
the Texan Border — Claims of the United States and Growing Bitter- 
ness 226 




A Prospective Liberal Constitution — Santa Anna Withdraws behind the 
Arras — Intrigues against Cougress — The Chambers Forcibly Dis- 
solved — Installation of the Junta de Notables — New Organic Bases 
— Further Political Juggling — A Dummy President — Reelection of 
Santa Anna — His Ridiculous Vanity and Peculiar Mode of Life — Ad- 
ministrative Corruption and Abuse — Paredes again Pronounces at 
Guadalajara — Santa Anna Promptly Takes the Field — The Hall of 
Congress Closed — The Capital Joins the Spreading Movement — 
Herrera Proclaimed President — Bluster and Vacillation of Santa 
Anna — His Flight, Capture, Impeachment, and Exile — Efforts at 
Reform Hampered by Factions 232 



Jose Joaquin de Herrera as Constitutional President — Opposition to his 
Policy on the Texan Question — Preparations for War — Archbishop 
Posada's Course — Plan of San Luis Potosi — Herrera Deposed — Pare- 
des as Provisional President — Dissatisfaction — Revolution at Guada- 
lajara— Paredes Overthrown— Santa Anna Recalled — He is Elected 
President — Gomez Farias as Vice-president Assumes the Executive 
Office — Santa Anna Supersedes Him 2SS 



Coercive Diplomacy— Claims against Mexico— Their Remarkable In- 
crease—Demands for Adjustment— American Hostility and Mexi- 



can Forbearance — Diplomatic Relations Suspended and Renewed — 
Arbitration and its Results — More American Claims and Mexican 
Counter-claims — Unfairness of the United States Government — 
Recognition of Texan Independence — Foreign Intrigues — Annex- 
ation of Texas — Means of Accomplishment — A Casus Belli — Rup- 
ture of Relations — Pressure on Mexico — Warlike Demonstrations — 
Slidell's Unsuccessful Mission 307 



March-May, 1846. 

Taylor Moves to Point Isabel — Advance against Matamoros — Erection 
of Fort Texas — Arista Appointed General-in-Chief — The Mexicans 
Assume the Offensive — Capture of Captain Thornton's Command — 
Taylor Retires to Point Isabel — Bombardment of Fort Texas — The 
Battle of Palo Alto — Arista Retreats to Resaca de la Palma — De- 
scription of the Field — The Battle — Defeat of the Mexicans — The 
Garrison at Fort Texas — Death of Major Brown — Arista's Retreat to 
Linares — Taylor Occupies Matamoros t 34G 




May-September, 1846. 

The United States Declares War — Scott and the Government at Va- 
riance — Call for Volunteers — Gaines' Unadvised Action — The Vol- 
unteer Question — Want of a War Plan — March to Monterey — Prep- 
arations of the Mexicans — Ampudia Appointed Commander-in-Chief 
— Description of Monterey — The Siege — Capture of Fort Tenerfa — 
Hard Fighting — Worth's Operations — Ampudia Capitulates — Mon- 
terey Evacuated — Dissatisfaction in the United States 3GS 



July, 1846-March, 1847. 

Expeditions against New Mexico and California — Doniphan's March to 
Chihuahua — Battle of Sacramento — Operations of the Gulf Squadron 
— Taylor's Plans — He Advances to Saltillo — Tampico Evacuated by 
the Mexicans — Taylor Occupies Victoria and Abandons It — Scott 
Takes Command — Withdrawal of American Troops — Mexican Prepa- 
rations — Santa Anna at San Luis Potosi — His March to Agua Nueva 
— Taylor Takes up a Position at La Angostura — Description of the 
Pass — Dispositions of the Two Armies — Battle of Buena Vista — The 
Final Charge Repulsed — Santa Anna Retreats 403 



scott's march to puebla. 
February-July, 1847. 


Taylor Returns to Monterey — Preparations against Vera Cruz— Landing 
of United States Forces — Apathy of the Mexican Government — 
Fortifications of Vera Cruz — Siege and Capitulation — Respective 
Losses— Operations of the Gulf Fleet — Santa Anna's Preparations — 
He Takes up a Position at Cerro Gordo— Scott Advances into the 
Interior— Battle of Cerro Gordo— The Height Carried— Scott Enters 
Jalapa— The Castle of Perote Evacuated — Worth Proceeds to Puebla 
— Trist Appointed Commissioner to Mexico — His Disagreement with 
Scott — Attempts at Negotiation with Santa Anna 437 



August, 1847. 

Scott Advances — Mustering of the Mexicans — Defences of the Capital — 
The Chalco Route — A Flank Movement — Valencia's Insubordination 
— His Ambitious Designs — The Battle of Padierna Begins — Santa 
Anna's Inaction — The Morning Surprise — Effect of Valencia's Defeat 
— Bravo Outflanked — Fortifications of Churubusco — Antiquated 
Tactics — Cannonading the Convent — Critical Position of Shields — 
The Tete de Pont — Gallantry of Rincon and Anaya — Santa Anna 
Retreats within the Gates — Peril of the City 468 



August-September, 1847. 

Panic at Mexico — Scott is Lured into an Armistice — Delusive Peace Ne- 
gotiations — Patriotic Sentiments — Santa Anna Manoeuvring to Gain 
Time — Mutual Recriminations — Molino del Rey — Capture and Re- 
capture of the Battery — Some Mexican Heroes — A Barren Triumph 
— Inner Defences of the Capital — The Hill Fortress of Chapultepec — 
Bombardment and Storming of the Castle — Worth Carries the Gate 
of San Cosine — Quitman's Operations against Belen — Santa Anna 
Evacuates the City — Entry of Scott — A Patriotic Uprising 489 



Santa Anna's Administration — Anaya's First Term — Federal Constitu- 
tion Restored — State of Guerrero — Santa Anna Resigns — President 
Pefla and his Efforts for Peace — Invader's Rule and Operations — 



Santa Anna Deprived of Command — Anaya again President — Pefia 
Succeeds — Peace Policy Continued — Internal Disturbances — War of 
Races in Yucatan — Treaty with the United States, whose Forces 
Evacuate Mexico — Gains and Losses — Evils of the War — Paredes' 
Revolution — End of Pena's Administration 524 



Obstacles to Reform — Weakness of the Government — Party Agitation — 
Opposed by Popular Sentiment — Arrangement with Foreign Credi- 
tors — Consolidation of the Interior Debt — Effort to Reduce Expenses 
— Smuggling and Other Inroads on the Revenue — Involved Finances 
— A Succession of Ministerial Changes — Military Corruption — The 
Service in Disrepute — Its Reconstruction — New Armament — Reduc- 
tion of Force — The Navy — Militia System — Efforts at Colonization 
— Military Colonies on the Frontier, and their Value 557 




Race Feeling — Condition of the Indian Population — Hostilities in the 
Sierra Gorda — A Projected Northern Republic — Border Raids — 
Scalp-hunting — The War in Yucatan — Attitude of British Settlers 
in Belize — The Bacalar Expedition — Selling Prisoners into Foreign 
Slavery — Dissensions among the Rebels — Inefficient Campaign Plans 
of Micheltorena and Vega — Revolutionary Movements in the South- 
ern States — Agitation for Religious Tolerance — Presidential Elec- 
tion — Obstacles to Reform — Character and Services of Herrera 576 


arista's administration. 


A Reformed Turncoat — False Economy — A National Finance Council — 
Clamoring Creditors — Cabinet Changes — Ramirez as Prime Minis- 
ter — Inaction of the Chambers — Carbajal Invades the North-east- 
ern Provinces — The ^.valos Tariff— Indian Raids — Severity toward 
Journalists and Party Leaders — Blancarte Starts the Revolution — 
Plan of Guadalajara — Uraga Manoeuvring — Attitude of Congress — 
Growth of the Hostile Party — Vera Cruz Turns the Scale — Resig- 
nation of Arista — His Character and Death 596 





llo3 is Confirmed as President — Inefficient Measures — Suppression 
of the Congress — Plan of Arroyozarco — Resignation of Ceballos — 
Lombardini Succeeds — Nepotism and Corruption — Electoral Cam- 
ign — Victory of Santanists and Conservatives — Return of Santa- 
Anna — His Ministry and Policy — A Centralized Administration — 
Reconstruction of the Army and its Object — Favoritism, Espionage, 
and Persecution — A Few Redeeming Efforts — Death of Alaman, 
the Great Conservative Leader — Pomp and Arrogance of the Dicta- 
tor — Orders and Titles — Visions of Empire 615 




Santa Anna's Despotism and its Consequences — Plan of Ayutla — Juan 
Alvarez and Ignacio Comonfort — Santa Anna's Campaign in Guer- 
rero — Disturbed Condition of Mexico — Sale of National Territory — 
A Farcical Plebiscit — Santa Anna Confirmed in Power — His Attempt 
at a Change ' of Policy — Conservative Opposition — End of Santa 
Anna's Public Career — Counter-revolution in Mexico — President 
Carrera — His Conciliatory Efforts — Reactionary Intrigues — Liberal 
Triumph — Alvarez Chosen Provisional President 64C 




President Alvarez' Administration — Reforms Initiated — Ley Juarez — 
Differences in the Liberal Party — Alvarez Retires — Ignacio Comon- 
fort, the Substitute President — His Conciliatory Policy — Difficulties 
with the Clergy and Military — Seditious Movements — Puebla Cam- 
paign — Decrees against the Clergy — Congressional Work — Raousset's 
and Walker's Invasions — Resignation of Alvarez — Dissensions be- 
tween the Executive and Congress — Estatuto Organico — Adoption 
of Liberal Principles 6G6 



onfort Suspected— Archbishop La Garza's Course — Ley Lerdo — Co- 
monfort and Congress Reconciled — Constitution of 1857 — Rebellious 
Clergy— Second Puebla Campaign— More Seditious Acts— Negotia- 



tions with the Pope Fail — More Suspicions against Comonfort — Po- 
litical Confusion — Laws Affecting the Clergy — Conservative Manoeu- 
vres — Liberal Demands — Comonfort 's Vacillation , 690 




Conservative Intrigues — Talk of a Coup d'Etat — Spanish Complications 
— Comonfort's Vacillating Course-r-Hostility of the Clergy Continues 
— Congress Installed — Comonfort Avows Liberalism — His Election 
as Constitutional President — Promises Made and Violated — Plan of 
Tacubaya — Comonfort Becomes its Chief — Action of Congress — Ar- 
rest of Juarez and Others — Reactionists Victorious — Comonfort's 
Overthrow — Civil War in Full Blast — Zuloaga, Reactionary Presi- 
dent — Juarez, Constitutional President — His Narrow Escape from 
Capture — He Establishes his Government in Vera Cruz 71$ 




President Juarez — His Government at Vera Cruz — War Operations — Zu- 
loaga's Difficulties — His Change of Policy — Echcagaray's Pronuncia- 
miento and Plan — Robles Pezuela's Reformed Plan — Zuloaga Set 
Aside — Miramon Comes to the Front — Zuloaga Reinstated — Robles 
Pezuela Retires — Zuloaga Names a Substitute — Miramon as Presi- 
dent — His Campaign in Vera Cruz a Failure — Battle of Tacubaya — 
Constitutionalists' Defeat — A Day of Horrors and its Evil Conse- 
quences , 738 




United States' Recognition of Juarez — Miramon's Action — Confiscation 
of Church Property — Interior Campaign of 1859 — Treaties — Mira- 
mon's Second Expedition to Vera Cruz — United States' Armed In- 
tervention — Interior Campaign of 18G0 — Miramon's Return to Mex- 
ico and Resignation — President Pa von — Miramon's Title to the 
Presidency — Approach of Constitutionalists — Miramon's Defeat and 
Escape— Juarez' Triumphant Entry into Mexico 767 




Demoralized Condition of the Army — A Bad Precedent — The New- 
Government — Congressional Acts — The Triumvirate — Foreign 
Loans and Financial Measures— National Coat of Arms and 
Flag — Federalists and Centralists — Their Press Organs — Politi- 
cal Troubles — Honors to Heroes of the Independence — A Con- 
stituent Congress Installed — Acta Constitutiva — Federal System 
Adopted — Revolutions — Lobato's Revolt — Disturbances in Jalis- 
co — Victoria Elected President — The Constitution — Organiza- 
tion of States and Territories — Union of Chiapas with Mexico — 
The Federal District. 

Liberty, equality, fraternity: these words fall pleas- 
antly on ears accustomed for three centuries only to 
the grinding of the chains of tyranny. But even now 
all is not sunshine; and what light there is dazzles 
rather than cheers. Many years must }^et elapse be- 
fore the full benefits of the long and bloody struggle 
for independence will be fully felt. But the more im- 
mediate infelicities, whence do they arise? 

After this manner. There is set in motion among 
men caring more for themselves than for their coun- 
try the wheel of retribution, which scarcely stops 
turning for half a century. Somewhat as Iturbide 
had dethroned the viceroy Apodaca, Santa Anna and 
others had dethroned Iturbide. Made governor in 
Vera Cruz, Santa Anna revolted, and detached that 

Vol. V. 1 


place from the emperor's control. Echdvarri, the 
trusted friend, proclaimed the plan of Casa Mata at 
the head of the troops given him to put down Santa 
Anna. Other military officers enjoying Iturbide's 
confidence were equally perfidious. But the chief 
trouble was the faithlessness of his army. Iturbide 
had himself set a bad example to his troops. It was 
a pernicious lesson to teach soldiers; and unfortu- 
nately for Mexico's future, it was too well learned. 
Thenceforth all pretensions, whether personal or other- 
wise, found a ready support in that large and demoral- 
ized element of the army which had no respect for 
public opinion, personal rights, or any interest in the 
national welfare, and was always willing to fight for 
those who paid best, either in money or some species 
of personal advancement. 

The national congress, as heretofore narrated, hav- 
ing been reinstalled on the 29th of March, 1823, 1 
decreed on the 31st the cessation of the powers con- 
ferred on the executive created on the 19th of May, 
1822, appointing in its place a triumvirate, consisting 
of generals Nicolas Bravo, Guadalupe Victoria, and 
Pedro Celestino Negrete. This selection of military 
men exclusively established a bad precedent. The 
next day Mariano Michelena and Miguel Domin- 
guez were chosen substitutes to discharge the duties 
of the regular triumviri in the event of absence, or in- 
ability to act from death or any other cause. 2 

The executive authority, now held by Bravo> Ne- 
grete, and Michelena in Victoria's absence, at once 
entered upon its duties. One of its first acts was the 
construction of a cabinet: Lucas Alaman, minister of 
foreign and interior relations; Pablo de la Llave, of 

1 Bustamante, Quad. Hist., MS., viii. 135-51; Alaman, Hist. M6j., v. 744-6, 
759-60, 766-7; Gaz. de Mex., i., 1823, 171-4; Dispos. Far., iii. 122; Mex. Col. 
Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 92-3. 

2 Mex. Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec, ii. 89-91, 118; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. 
Mex., 93-4; Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 149-50, 158; Id., Cuad. Hist,, MS., 
viii. 163-4; Ward's Mex., i. 281. 


justice and ecclesiastical affairs ; Francisco de Arrillaga, 
of the treasury; and Jose Ignacio Garcia Illueca, of 
war and the navy; but this last department, on the 
death of the incumbent, July 12, 1823, was given to 
Brigadier Jose Joaquin de Herrera. 3 

The whole system of administration was soon 
changed: the capitanias generales instituted by Itur- 
bide were reduced to mere comandancias in each 
province. 4 The congress and government devoted 
their energies to repair the evils inflicted on the coun- 
try during the last days of the empire. Political 
prisoners were liberated; the appointments for mem- 
bers of a supreme court were made null; 5 the council 
of state was suppressed. Every mark or badge of the 
late empire was done away with, it being taken for 
granted that the future form of government would 
be republican. The issue of paper money was discon- 
tinued, 6 and other important commercial and financial 
measures were enacted. To provide resources for the 
current expenses and for other urgent obligations was 
a matter of paramount necessity. 7 Orders were ac- 
cordingly issued for the immediate sale ab lower than 
regular rates of all tobacco and cigars in the govern- 

3 The four portfolios had been for a time in charge of Illueca; that of rela- 
tions to the 15th of April; that of the treasury till the 30th of April; and that 
of justice till the 6th of June. JSlex. Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1027; Alaman, 
Apuntes Blog., 19, 21-2; Ramirez y Sesma, Col. Dec, 307; Bustamante, Hist. 
Iturbide, 150. 

4 That of Mexico was left in charge of the Marques de Vivanco, detached 
from the civil government; Echavarri went back to that of Puebla; Victoria 
retained that of Vera Cruz, but having gone to Jalapa together with the Span- 
ish commissioners, left the command with Colonel Eulogio de Villa Urrutia; 
Anastasio Bustamante resigned his position in the provincias internas, the 
eastern portion of which was again detached from the western, and its com- 
mand given to Brigadier Felipe de la Garza. Bustamante became comandante 
general of Guadalajara, ■ his native place. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 760. 

5 Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec, ii. 115; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 
95, 134, 147-8. 

6 This measure was decreed by the junta instituyente at the latter part 
of 1822. It was ordered that notes to the amount of $4,000,000 should be 
manufactured. From Jan. 1, 1823, one third of all public salaries was to be 
paid in this money, which was also made a legal tender, in the same propor- 
tion, in all commercial and retail transactions for amounts over three dollars. 
This currency was, however, received with disfavor. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 

7 On the day the provisional government was installed there were only $42 
in the treasury. Alaman, Hist. JSUj., v. 811. 


merit warehouses, and for the disposal of the tempo- 
ralities of the Jesuits, and of the property of the hos- 
pitallers and inquisition. Money was borrowed from 
an English house, which was repaid later out of the 
proceeds of a loan of §16,000,000 negotiated in Lon- 
don. The government likewise, as a matter of policy, 
effected a second loan of an equal amount from the 
house of Barclay and Company in England, believing 
that the British government, for the protection of 
these interests, would have to recognize and uphold 
Mexican independence. The terms of the loans were 
indeed burdensome, a large part of the second being 
received in military supplies, such as armament, ships, 
and clothing, at exorbitant prices. However, the ships 
proved useful, for with them two years afterward was 
captured San Juan de Ultra from the Spaniards. 
With the specie received the government met its 
most pressing obligations, such as paying for the Ma- 
nila conducta, and for the one which had been seized 
at Perote, and cancelling a number of forced loans. 

Another measure of the congress, enacted on the 
14th of April, 1823, was the establishment of the na- 
tional coat of arms and flag. The former represented 
an eagle perched on a nopal growing on a rock rising 
from the waters of the lake; in his right claw he 
holds a snake, and is in the attitude of tearing it to 
pieces with his beak. The flag consists of three ver- 
tical bars, respectively green, white, and red, the first 
color beingr next to the flas:- staff. These colors are 
symbolical of the three guaranties of the plan of 
Iguala. White denotes the purity of the Roman 
catholic religion; the green, independence; and red, 
the union of the Spanish element with the Mexican 
nation. The bars were originally horizontal, but were 
changed to vertical by the first congress. 8 

I will now review the political condition of the 
country. The victorious republicans soon divided 

8 Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 145; Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec, ii. 94. 


themselves into two distinct parties, namely, federal- 
ists and centralists. The former, as their name de- 
notes, preferred a federal system of government, and 
to them the partisans of Iturbide attached themselves 
in order to be revenged on the men that overthrew 
him. This party had an organ in the press called at 
first the Archivista, but which later assumed the 
name of El Agiiila Mexicana, and being edited under 
the influence of Juan Gomez Navarrete, Iturbide's 
attorney, and printed on his premises, added strength 
to the Iturbidists. The centralist party was formed of 
the masons of the Scottish rite, and the old monarch- 
ists, from whom it unjustly obtained the nickname of 
Bourbonists. To this party belonged the existing gov- 
ernment and congress. Its press organ, El Sol, was 
ably supported by Santa Maria, the Colombian min- 
ister, who was honorably reinstated in his official posi- 
tion from which he had been dismissed by Iturbide's 
government. His writings were widely read, and ap- 
peared under the pseudonyme of Capitan Chinchilla. 
In some issues, with no small wit, he w T ould criticise 
the occurrences of the day; in others he would cen- 
sure with great bitterness the errors of the opposing 
party, or ridicule them as mercilessly as he had the 
ceremonials of the imperial court. 

The government had, however, most to fear from 
the exaggerated pretensions of the provincial juntas. 
These from the first kept the country in agitation; 
but timely rebuke put them down. 

Commissioners from Oajaca, Zacatecas, San Luis 
Potosi, Valladolid, and Guanajuato demanded a new 
congress. 9 The minister of relations laid before the 
chamber the information that in Monterey a junta of 
delegates Lad been organized, representing Nuevo 
Leon, Tamaulipas, Coahuila, and Texas, which desired 

9 This was on April. 4th. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 159-60. Bastamante, 
a member of the congress, and a centralist, calls those men demagogues want- 
ing a legislature subservient to their will, as their schemes could lind no favor 
with the one then sitting. 


a federal union with the province of Mexico. 10 A few 
days later news reached the capital that the governor of 
Texas had proclaimed the empire, and had been joined 
by several savage tribes. The bishop of Sonora refused 
his support to the plan of Casa Mata. This was of 
little consequence; but affairs in Guadalajara were 
assuming a serious aspect. The clergy was ridiculed 
in El Pensador Mexicano, a popular journal, and mani- 
festations of disloyalty and disobedience to the gov- 
enment were daily occurring. 

The diputacion and people of that city, seconded 
later by other provincial capitals, demanded the con- 
vocation of a congress to establish the federal system 
with a suitable constitution. On the 12th of May 
resolutions were passed in that city to suspend the 
enforcement of decrees and orders issued by the exec- 
utive or congress until the popular demand was com- 
plied with. The chief authority within the province 
was then vested in the diputacion provincial, strength- 
ened with the members of the ayuntamiento of Gua- 
dalajara. 11 

The congress, in its anxiety to allay the agitation, 
increased the powers of the provincial deputations in 
the nomination of public officers within the respec- 
tive provinces, giving them also supervision over the 
administration of their revenue, and at the same time 
declared its willingness to accept the desired federal 
system. But these concessions did not satisfy the 
demands, and it finally became necessary to convoke 
a constituent congress to assemble in Mexico on the 
31st of October. The decree was issued on the 21st 
of May, 12 and the rules for the elections appeared on 
the 17th of June. 

10 The matter was submitted April 21st. Id., Quad. Hist., MS., viii. 177. 

11 Other provinces were urged to pursue the same course. Bustamante, 
Hist. Iturbide, 1G2-8, 172-4; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 175-7, 180-9; Mex. 
I, let dine n de la Com., 1-22; Yuc. Represent., 3-5; Baqueiro, Ens. Yuc., iii. 
ap. 4-8; Suarez, Informe, 5-6; La Minerva, 1845, May 15, 1. 

12 The ratio for t!ic election was one deputy for every 50,000 inhabitants, 
every freeman of eighteen years and upwards being a voter without other 
restriction. Alaman, Hist. Mej., 700-5, 771-2; Bustamante, Cuad. IIist. t 


In several provinces revolutionary movements 
against the government had been promoted, not only 
by those who in good faith desired the establishment 
of the federal regime, but in some of them by Itur- 
bidists who hoped to secure, in the midst of the tur- 
moil, the restoration of the empire. Guadalajara and 
San Luis Potosi presented the most formidable oppo- 
sition. In the latter province Santa Anna with his 
troops 13 had established a protectorate to be main- 
tained until the federation of states should be con- 
stituted; but the energetic resistance of the author- 
ities, supported by General Armijo with the force 
placed under his command, soon compelled Santa 
Anna to abandon his plan, and report himself in 
Mexico to answer for his conduct. 14 In Guadalajara 
the case was quite different; the cry for a federation 
was a mere pretext, the agitators' real aim being 
Iturbide's recall. The deputies from there had been 
instructed to demand that one person only should 
hold the executive authority, and that a strictly fed- 
eral constitution should be framed. The authorities 
and people pretended a willingness to obey the gov- 
ernment, but continued the opposition. 15 

The executive, therefore, resolved to check by force 
the insubordination of the Iturbidists, whose chiefs 
were generals Quintanar and Bustamante. Two thou- 
sand men under Bravo and Negrete marched to Guada- 
lajara, and on approaching Nueva Galicia, Negrete in- 

MS., viii. 193-7, 201-3; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 174-80; Ward's Hex., i. 231; 
Mex. Col. Leyes, Orel, y Dec., ii. 121-35, 142-3, 146, 172-3, 180-1; Disposic. 
Var. iii. 118-23; Suarcz y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 50; Lizardi, Advert., 1-8; 
Yue. Manifiesto del Cong, del Est. 1-23. 

13 After the declaration of the plan of Casa Mata, Santa Anna played no 
prominent port in subsequent events connected with the downfall of Itur- 
bide. He remained in Vera Cruz when the army marched toward the capi- 
tal, and soon afterward went to Tampico to promote the revolution in that 
region. He was later made comandante general of Yucatan. 

u Hi3 ti'oops were transferred to Quoretaro. Santa Anna, Manif., 41-4; 
Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 717, 738, 765-G, 781-2; Suarez y Navarro, Hist.Mcx., 

15 The province, being called on for a quota of troops to serve in Vera 
Cruz against the Spaniards on San Juan de Uliia, refused to furnish it unless 
Bravo and Negrete were removed from office. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MJS., 
viii. 208. 


duced Colima with all its district to refuse further 
recognition of the authorities at Guadalajara, and the 
troops stationed there under Colonel Correa joined 
Bravo's force. This action led to the erection of 
Colima as a federal territory, 16 and brought about 
temporarily the settlement of affairs in that quarter, 
an arrangement being made at Lagos between Bravo 

o o o 

and Quintanar. The former then retired with his 
army to Guanajuato and established his headquarters 
at Celaya, his troops acting as a corps of observation 
to be ready for possible disturbances in the future. 

The absence of Victoria in Vera Cruz, and of Bravo 
and Negrete in Nueva Galicia, had left the executive 
in charge of the substitutes Michelena and Domin- 
guez, and necessitated the appointment of a third 
substitute, the choice by the congress falling on Gen- 
eral Vicente Guerrero. The government was then 
practically in charge of Michelena. 17 

The congress in its deliberations enacted measures 
for the improvement of the country's industries, and 
for the reorganization of the army. The frequency 
of conspiracies in favor of the ex-emperor, as well as 
of robberies on the public highways, prompted the 
adoption of a law giving the cognizance of such cases 
to the military courts, and fixing a very short and 
peremptory term for the termination of each cause. 
This law was used afterward as a weapon in the war- 
fare of parties. The government was also authorized, 
October 2d, to confine at convenient places persons of 
whose guilt there was a moral certainty, even though 
it had not been actually proved by process of law. 
This last measure was adopted in consequence of the 
alleged discovery of a plot that was to be carried into 

10 The authorities of Guadalajara in the latter part of 1S23 made an un- 
successful attempt to bring Colima again under their control. Bustamante, 
Hist. Iturbide, 189, 217, 237-43; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 13; Id., 
Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 179, 192-3, 215,229-30; Dispos. Var., iii. 55, 11G; Co- 
lima, Represent., 7; Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec., ii. 147-8, 159. 

17 Dominguez waa very aged. Guerrero, though possessed of much pene- 
tration and sound sense, waa uneducated, and inexperienced in state affairs. 
The latter^ appointment appears in Mex. Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec, ii. 141-2. 


execution on the fourth of that month, and in which 
were implicated several officers and bodies of troops, 
whose chief, General Andrade, though a deputy, was 
arrested, and finally exiled to Guayaquil, where he 
died. 18 

Congress did not neglect to pay due honor to 
the original heroes of national independence. On 
the 19th of July a law was enacted recognizing the 
services rendered in the first eleven years of the war 
as good and meritorious. Its promoters and lead- 
ers 19 were declared "benemeritos de la patria en grado 
heroico," and their names were ordered to be inscribed 
in letters of gold in the hall of sessions of the national 
congress. Monuments to the memory of those who 
had suffered for the cause were ordered to be raised 
on the sites where they were executed, and their 
remains, such as could be found, were exhumed and 
brought to Mexico, where funeral honors on a magr- 
nificent scale were paid them at the cathedral, sev- 
eral of the very men who had caused them to be shot 
being present at the ceremonies. Their bones were 
placed in an urn and deposited in the vault of the 
Altar de los Reyes, and the two silver keys of the urn 
delivered, one to the congress, and the other to the 
executive. The latter was placed in charge of the 
department of relations. 20 In the midst of these sol- 

18 About 50 persons were arrested; among them, besides Andrade, gen- 
erals Jos6 Velazquez and the conde de San Pedro del Alamo, 5 colonels, 7 
captains, and about 11 subalterns; schoolmasters, and even barbers, were im- 
prisoned for complicity. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Ilex., 50; Alaman, Hist. 
Mej., 772-4; Dustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 183-5. 

19 Hidalgo, Allende, Juan Aldama, Abasolo, Morelos, Matamoros, Leon- 
ardo and Miguel Bravo, Hermenegildo Galeana, Jimenez, Mina, Moreno, and 
Kosales. A little later were added to the list Nicolas Bravo, Victoria, Guer- 
rero, Joaquin Leho, and others. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 768, 771; Mex. Col. 
Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 143, 175, 189. 

20 On one occasion when the national palace was captured by revolutionists, 
this key was stolen, together with the silver seals of treaties with foreign 
powers. The monuments ordered were not all erected; one was raised in 
Puebla where Miguel Bravo was shot, and one in Morelia on the site of Mata- 
moros' death. Abasolo having died in Cadiz, his bones were not obtained; 
and those of Galeana and Leonardo Bravo were not found. Alaman, Hist. 
Mej., v. 7G9; Bustamante, Cueal. Hist., MS., viii. 202-3. A description of 
the funeral ceremonies may be found in the Getceta Extraordinaria of Septem- 
ber 20, 1823. 


eiiin obsequies, the rabid haters of Spain and every- 
thing Spanish urged the Indians to fall upon Hernan 
( 'urn's' sepulchre, burn his bones, and throw the ashes 
to the winds. The disgraceful plan would have been 
accomplished had not the government averted it by 
causing the sepulchre to be opened in the night, and 
the remains to be deposited in a place of safety. 

In the mean time the elections for the constituent 
congress were proceeding, and as was to be expected, 
the majority of the members chosen were federalists; 
there were also some centralists elected, equally hostile 
to Iturbide. The freemasons lost the preponderance 
they had in the preceding body, and the monarchists 
w T ere wholly excluded, Fagoaga, Tagle, and others 
of their party not being reelected. Had it not been 
for subsequent mistakes on the part of the repub- 
licans, the royalist party would have been forever dead 
in Mexico. 

The old congress, after adopting measures for pay- 
ing the deputies, and appointing a permanent deputa- 
tion from its body, closed its sessions on the 30th of 
October, just one year from the date of its dissolution 
by Iturbide, thus ceasing to exist at the urgent de- 
mand of the very diputaciones provinciates that had re- 
volted against Iturbide in order to force its reinstate- 

In the midst of so much agitation, the constituent 
congress was installed with great solemnity, and on 
the 7th of November, 1823, began its labors 21 to place 
the countrv under the most liberal institutions, ac- 
cording to the express national will. The most in- 
fluential man among the federalists was Miguel Ramos 
Arizpe, deputy from Coahuila; he was aided by Rejon, 
Velez, Gordoa, Gomez Farias, Garcia, Godoy, and 
others. Among the centralists figured prominently 

21 The proceedings of installation, list of members, etc., appear in Mex. 
Col. Ley. Fund., llli; Id., Col. Leyea, 6rd y Dec., iii. 1-2, S4-7; Id., Actus 
Coikj. Condituc, 1—2; Prov. Mex. Lista Ciudad tkj., 1. 


Jose L. Becerra and Servando T. de Mier, Carlos M. 
Bustamante, Jimenez Mangino, Cabrera, JEspinosa, 
Ibarra, and Paz. 

The secretary of justice and ecclesiastical affairs, 
Pablo de la Llave, by order of the executive, moved 
on the 14th that the house should proceed at once to 
carry out the wishes of the people; and Ramos 
Arizpe, as president of the committee on constitution, 
promised to present within three days the draught of 
an organic law fulfilling that object, and which was to 
remain in force until a constitution could be framed 
and promulgated. Such is the history of the acta 
constitutive/ 2 the draught of which was circulated to 
the authorities on the 22d of November, the discussion 
of it being formally begun on the 3d of December. 

The main point to be determined was the system 
of government embodied in the fifth article, 23 yet in 
the face of the provincial demands, it was made the 
subject of a warm discussion. Several deputies spoke 
against the plan of federation, and Doctor Mier, dep- 
uty from Nuevo Leon, on the 13th of December, expa- 
tiated on the evils that a separation of the till then 
united provinces would bring upon the country. The 
proposed acta constitutiva, he said, was but a trans- 
lated copy of the constitution of the United States 
of America, which he contended was entirely un- 
suited to Mexico. The federating of her provinces 
would be equivalent to separating them — a policy that 
must necessarily entail upon them the very evils that 
the An odo- Americans of the north endeavored to 
avert with their federation. 24 It must be confessed 

22 Mex. Acta Constit. (Mex. 1824), 1-12; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 

23 Though not lengthy, the future institutions of the country depended 
upon it. It was as follows: ' The nation adopts the republican, federal, pop- 
ular, representative form of government.' Mex. Col. Constituc, i. 2. 

2i lie said that the United States had been separate provinces which fed- 
erated to resist England's oppression. They suppressed the king's name from 
their constitution, and the instrument answered very well for their republic; 
whereas Mexico had as a whole suffered the yoke of an absolute monarch 
during 300 years. He therefore thought the difference between the two 
cases to be immense. Mier, Profecia Polit., 3-23; Bustamante, Cuad. llist., 
M.S., viii. 200. 


that Doctor Mier's prophecy became nearly realized, 
the threatened evils actually covering a long period 
of years. However, article five was adopted and sol- 
emnlv proclaimed; and when the discussion was ended, 
and the acta adopted on the 31st of January, 1824, 23 
both the executive and congress made known to the 
people the patriotic spirit that had presided at its 
formation, expressing hopes for the best results. 

The adoption of the fifth article, so boisterously 
demanded, should have acted like oil upon troubled 
waters; but it did not. Revolutions followed one 
another with various intents, and arising from differ- 
ent causes. In the tierra caliente, and in Puebla, San 
Luis Potosi, Guadalajara, and Queretaro the govern- 
ment had to quell disturbances. The infamous muti- 
lator of Spaniards, Vicente Gomez, el capador, was 
forced to sue for pardon, which was granted him on 
condition of his living in California. 26 General Echa- 
varri, who had given signs of hostility to the govern- 
ment in Puebla, was removed by force, and Gomez 
Pedraza sent there to hold the civil and military 
authority. 27 Disorders in Cuernavaca and Cuautla 
obliged Guerrero to hasten thither in person. His 
presence sufficed to restore quiet in the south. The 
most serious trouble occurred in Mexico in the night 
of January 23, 1824. It was headed b} r General Lo- 
bato, and had for its pretext the same one advanced 
in Cuernavaca by Colonel Hernandez, namely, hostil- 
ity to the Spaniards. The executive authority, now 
held by Michelena and Dominguez, found itself without 
other support than a small body of troops. The two 
triumviri repaired to the hall of congress and re- 
ported the alarming state of affairs. Santa Anna, 
who was then subject to prosecution for his acts at 

*AIaman, Hist. Mej., v. 77o-7; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist, MS., viii. 227- 
31; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 1S5-9, 199-230, 243, 270-7; Mex. Col. Leyes, Orel, y 
])<■<■., iii. 18-24; Adas del Cong. Constituy. iw ; Cong. CoTistituyente, Man*/., 
1-16; Mex. Col. Constituc., i. L— 15; Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 76-7. 

a6 More of him in Hist. Cal., iii.; Mex. Col. de Leyes, Orel, y Dec, iii. 53. 

- 7 ( reneral Guerrero's report to the secretary of war, from Puebla, Jan. 6, 
1821, at 11 p. m., in Gaceta Extraord. Cob. Sup. Mex., iii. Jan. 8th, 15-16. 


San Luis Potosi, tendered his good offices as a medi- 
ator; but the congress energetically refused, at two 
o'clock in the morning of the 24th, to consider any 
representation of the rebels until they laid down 
their arms; and on the 2Gth stringently ordered all 
army officers that were not with the mutineers to 
hasten to the defence of the country and its consti- 
tuted authorities. All officers failing to obey that 
order were declared traitors, and outlawed. The 
rebels, finding themselves unsupported and awed by 
the prestige of the authority vested in the executive 
and congress, and more so by their fear of Bravo, 
Guerrero, and Gomez Pedraza, who with their forces 
would soon be upon them, submitted to the govern- 
ment, with the exception only of the mounted gren- 
adiers under Lieutenant- colonel Staboli; but these 
were soon forced to surrender. Staboli was tried and 
sentenced to suffer death; but the penalty was finally 
commuted to exile. 23 The revolution was thus re- 
pressed; Lobato accusing Michelena and Santa Anna 29 
of being the chief promoters. 

The acta constitutiva having been published on 
the 31st of January, 1824, congress summoned the 
regular members of the executive to the discharge of 
their functions, and Michelena was given leave to re- 
tire. General Bravo obeyed the summons in March, 
and the executive was then represented by him with 
Dominguez and Guerrero, as Negrete, who had also 
returned, resigned his position under the pretext of 
ill health. 

Disturbances soon broke out afresh in Guadalajara. 
The authorities had not only refused to recognize 
General Jose Joaquin de Herrera as comandante 
general, but also exhibited a marked partiality for 

28 One of the reasons assigned was that his wife was a daughter of the 
sculptor Tolsa. Bustamante, hist. Jturbide, 1SS-9; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 
218-2G; Mex. Col. Leyes, (Jrd. y Dec, iii. 15-17; Alaman, Hist. M4j., v. 
778; Suarczy Navarro, Hid. M(fx., 51-72; Zavala, Hevol. Mex., i. 207-72; 
Tornel, Breve Besena Hint., 1G3-4; Liceaga, Adic. y Beet., G17-18. 

29 Santa Anna was acquitted. His course in Vera Cruz was declared mer- 
itorious, the nation having adopted the federal regime. 


tho enemies of the government, and began to exercise 
powers not vested in them under the acta constitu- 
tive. Indeed, they manifested generally a spirit of 
insubordination to the national authority, and gave 
encouragement to the Iturbidist party. The govern- 
ment, therefore, again sent Bravo and Negrete to 
that part of the republic, which now bore the name of 
Jalisco, with a strong division. Victoria having by 
this time returned to the capital, took the place of 
Bravo in the triumvirate. Bravo and Negrete en- 
tered Guadalajara June 11th, without meeting with 
resistance, having made a convention with Quintanar 
and Bustamante. Herrera was installed as coman- 
dante general. A relative of Iturbide, named Eduardo 
Garcia, and Baron de Rossemberg, a German whom 
Iturbide had made a lieutenant-colonel, attempted 
resistance in Tepic, but Colonel Luis Correa defeated 
them, and Garcia, Rossemberg, and some others were 
executed. Quintanar and Bustamante were sent to 
Acapulco for the purpose of being shipped to South 
America, but the order of banishment was not carried 
out, 30 and both were allowed to go unpunished. 

These revolutionary movements placed the govern- 
ment and congress in so difficult a position that the 
extreme measure was contemplated of vesting the 
executive authority in a single member of the trium- 
virate, under the title of Supremo Director, with large 
though w r ell defined powers. The executive, however, 
opposed the creation of this supreme magistrate, and 
circumstances being now changed, it became unneces- 
sary. The termination of the attempted effort on 
behalf of Iturbide, followed shortly after by his death, 
gave the coup dc grace to his party. 31 

After the Jalisco campaign General Bravo returned 

30 Bravo was falsely accused by Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 286-7, of bad faith; 
it is on record that every act of his was pursuant to orders from Mexico. All 
the occurrences in Guadalajara and Tepic appeared in the government gaccta 
for June and July. Bustamante, Quad. Hist., MS., viii. 240-7, 202; Alaman, 
J list. Mcj., v. 787. 

31 Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 235-8; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 230, 
235-G; Alaman, Hist. M6j., v. 787. 


to Mexico, and congress decreed that the executive 
should consist of Victoria, as president, Bravo, and 
Guerrero; the last named being authorized to retire if 
his health demanded it, in which event Dominguez 
was to replace him. From this time to the end of 
the provisional rule Victoria, Bravo, and Dominguez 
constituted the executive. Till then the minister of 
relations, Lucas Alaman, and the minister of war, 
Manuel Mier y Teran, who were intimate friends 
and entertained the same views on public policy, had 
the chief influence in the administration of the gov- 
ernment. 32 Victoria's presence in the government 
caused a material change, which greatly influenced 
subsequent events. He caused Arrillaga to be dis- 
missed, notwithstanding the opposition of Bravo and 
Dominguez, and of ministers Alaman and Mier y 
Teran; but Dominguez finally assenting, Jose Ignacio 
Esteva was placed in charge of the treasury. 33 The 
new minister was an able, energetic, industrious man. 
He laid himself open to obloquy, however, by unduly 
interfering in the affairs of other departments; hence 
his differences with the minister of war. 

Meanwhile the discussion of the federal constitu- 
tion had been going on in congress since the first of 
April. The work progressed slowly, owing to the 
necessity of attending to much executive business, 
and it was only on the 1st of August that the first 
article was adopted. After that date, Iturbide hav- 

32 Arrillaga attended exclusively to his department, the treasury; and 
Llave spent much of his time in scientific studies. Alaman, Hist. Mt'j., v. 

33 The following statesmen had the several portfolios between April 1, 

1823, and October 10, 1824: Relations: Jose' Ignacio Garcia Illueca, April 2 
to 15, 1823; Lucas Alaman, April 16, 1823, to April 23, 1824; Pablo de la 
Llave (ad. int.), April 24 to May 14, 1824; Lucas Alaman, May 15 to Sept. 
21, 1824; Juan Guzman, chief clerk, Sept. 22d to Oct. 10, 1824. Justice: 
Illueca, April 2 to June 6, 1823; Llave, June 6, 1823, to Jan. 25, 1824; 
Geronimo Torrescano, chief clerk, Jan. 26 to April 20, 1824; Llave, April 21 
to October 10, 1824. Treasury: Illueca, April 1 to 30, 1823; Francisco de 
Arrillaga, May 2, 1823,. to Aug. 8, 1824; Jose Ignacio Esteva, Aug. 9 to Oct. 
10, 1824. War: Illueca, April 2 to July 11, 1823; Jose Joaquin de Herrera, 
July 12, 1823, to March 11, 1824; Manuel Mier y Teran, March 12 to Oct. 10, 

1824. Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1027. 


ing been put out of the way, and with him all dynastic 
pretensions, the progress attained was satisfactory. 
There was not much warmth in the debates till the 
point was reached whether the executive authority 
should be vested in one person or in three. 34 It was 
finally decided in favor of one, with the expectation 
that in the course of time, and checked by laws en- 
acted by congress, the president would not have it in 
his power to do much harm. In the matter of terri- 
torial division, grave difficulties were encountered from 
the absence of reliable statistical data respecting pop- 
ulation, revenue, and resources; for it was noticed that 
some of the states were more powerful than others, 
and it was necessary to establish a sort of equilibrium. 
The last territorial division of intendencias under the 
Spanish rule was recommended by some members, 
but objected to by others, because Queretaro and 
Tlascala, which at that time were mere corregimientos 
de letras, wanted to be separate states. Some trouble 
was experienced with respect to the territories, namely, 
Colima, the Californias, and Tehuan tepee. But the 
greatest difficulty was to fix upon the quota of reve- 
nue that each state was to contribute for the support 
of the general government, inasmuch as the revenue 
of each being unknown, the distribution as fixed upon 
was mere guess-work, 35 and the result was, that after- 
ward very few of the states punctually paid their 

Each part of the constitution, when passed, was 
published and given the force of law. This was done 
respecting the election of president and vice-president 

31 The point was in doubt, because, according to Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., 
MS., viii. 262, it was presumed that if the power was vested in one only, Vic- 
toria would be the chosen one. Bustamante and his fellow-centralists did not 
like Victoria. 

Sj The sum of $3,136,875 was to be yearly paid into the national treasury 
by the states as follows: Mexico, $975,000; Jalisco, $3G5,C25; Tuebla, 8323,- 
125; Oajaca, 32(3°, 500; Guanajuato, $218,750; Michoacan, 8175, 000; Yucatan, 
$156,2o0; Zaeateeas, $140,025; San Luis Potosi, 8101,250. The rest ranged 
from .VD7.875 (Vera Cruz) down to $15,025 (Coahuila). The payments were 
to be made in instalments every month or fifteen days from the time the 
states eoliected their revenue. Mex. Col. de Leyes, 6rd. y Dec., iii. 60-2. 


and their salaries, and the manner of electing deputies 
and senators, and justices of the supreme court. 36 

At the presidential election the centralists made 
Nicolas Bravo their candidate, Guadalupe Victoria 
being: the favorite of the federalists. The latter 
obtained a majority of the seventeen votes that 
were cast, and congress declared him constitutionally 
elected. The votes for vice-president being divided 
between Nicolas Bravo and Vicente Guerrero, neither 
of them having the requisite majority, congress chose 
the first- named. 37 

The constitution required that the president and 
vice-president elect should assume their offices on the 
first of April, and hold for four years; nevertheless 
the congress decreed that they should enter at once 
upon the discharge of their duties, inaugurating with- 
out loss of time the new system of government. 

The constitution of Los Estados Unidos Mexica- 
nos, the name given the republic, 33 having been sol- 
emnly published on the 4th of October, 1824, 39 this 
day and the 16th of September were declared the 
only national anniversaries. 

The constitution thus adopted confirmed the fed- 
eral system already established by the acta constitu- 
tiva. After declaring the absolute independence of 
the country, and the Roman catholic religion as the 
only one permitted therein, and recognizing the states 
that were to be the component parts of the federation, 

30 The president's salary was fixed at $36,000, and the vice-president's at 
$10,000. The other laws were passed Aug. 4th and 27th. Mex., Col. de Orel, 
y Dec, iii. G2-3, G7-9, 72. 

37 The congressional acts appear in Gaz. Gob. Sup., 1824, Oct. 5th, 209; 
Mex. Col. Orel, y Dec, iii. 78; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 80S-11; Bustamante, 
Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 26C; Id., Hut. Iturbide, 273-4. 

38 With the change of system was introduced a new practice in some par- 
ticulars, namely: to the date of a degree or official letter were added, 4° de 
la independenria, 3° de la libertad, and 2^ de la federacion; the word Ciuda- 
dano superseded Don before a person's given name; and in lieu of Dios guarde 
d Yd muchos afios, with which official letters were formerly ended, were put 
Dios y Libertad. 

39 Appropriate addresses were made on this day to the Mexican nation by 
the congress and the executive. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 278-01; Mex. 
Col. If yes Fund., 125-31; Gac Gob. Sup. Mex., 1824, 221-4; Dispos. Var., 
iii. 125-8; Tornol, Nac Mrj., 24-5. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 2 


the instrument divides the powers of the supreme 
government into three branches, to wit, the legisla- 
tive, executive, and judicial. The instrument is epito- 
mized in a note. 40 

40 The legislative power is vested in a congress consisting of a house cf 
deputies and a senate; the members of the former to be chosen every two 
years, one for every 80,000 inhabitants, as well as for every fraction exceed- 
ing 40,000. A deputy must not be under 23 years of age; must have resided 
two consecutive years in the state electing him. Adopted citizens with eight 
years' residence and property to the value of $8,000, or an occupation yield- 
ing $1,000 yearly, could be chosen. Natives of other Spanish colonies needed 
only three years' residence. The president and vice-president, members of 
the supreme court, secretaries of state, and employe's of their departments could 
not be elected deputies; neither could governors of states or territories, mili- 
tary commandants, archbishops, bishops, vicars-general, judges of districts, 
and commissaries general of finance and war, for the states or territories in 
which they exercised their functions. To become deputies, such officials had 
to resign their offices at least six months before the election. The senate is com- 
posed of two senators from each state, chosen by a plurality of votes in the state 
legislature or congress. The junior or last chosen senator is replaced by a 
new appointment at the end of two years; the first chosen holds his place for 
four years. Both must be 30 j'cars of age or upwards, and possess ail the 
qualifications requisite for a deputy. Deputies and senators are made invio- 
lable. The congress is required to meet every year on the 1st of January, 
closing its session on the 15th of April, unless it or the executive deem it 
necessary to prolong the session for 30 days more. It may also hold an extra 
session between the dates of the ordinary sessions. Either chamber may im- 
peach the president, supreme judges, secretaries of state, and the governors 
of states for infractions of the constitution; if two thirds of the votes sustain 
the impeachment, the accused is suspended from office and surrendered to a 
competent court to try him for the offence. 

The executive power is placed in the hands of a president; in the event 
of his becoming morally or physically disqualified, the vice-president assumes 
his functions, temporarily or for the rest of the term, as the case may be. 
None but a Mexican-born, at least 35 years old, and a resident of the country 
is eligible for president or vice-president. The president cannot be reelected 
till four years have elapsed after his term. Tho election of president and 
vice-president is made by the congresses of the states, each of which, on the 
1st of September of the year immediately preceding the installation of a new 
president, names two individuals as candidates, one of whom at least must 
not be a native of the state. A committee of the lower house of the national 
congress, composed of one deputy from each state, passes upon the validity of 
the certificates received from each state, and the chamber then declares who 
arc the elect. Should two candidates have an equal number of votes, or no 
one have an absolute majority, then the house of deputies chooses the presi- 
dent or vice-president from among the candidates having the greatest num- 
ber of votes from the state congresses. Many precautions are enjoined against 
possible encroachments on the part of the president* 

The judicial power is vested in a supreme court of justice, and in supe- 
rior courts of departments and districts. The supremo court is composed of 
eleven judges and the attorney-general. The members must be natives of 
Mexico, and 35 years of age or upwards. They are elected by the legislatures 
of the states in the same manner and with the same formalities as the presi- 
dent of the republic. 

The state governments are also divided into three branches, the same as 
the federal government. The states have the management of their local 


Several of its articles arc transcripts of correspond^ 
ins: clauses in the constitution of the northern United 
States. Here and there appears the old Spanish 
leaven, particularly in the fourth article, which de- 
clares that the Roman catholic religion "is and shall 
perpetually be the religion of the Mexican nation/' 
and forbids the enjoyment of any other. It must be 
said, however, to the honor of the framers of the in- 
strument, that they manifested a praiseworthy interest 
in the improvement of the country and in the ad- 
vancement of education, science, and trade; for the 
establishment of copyrights and patents, freedom of 
the press, and abolishment of barbarous practices in 
the administration of justice, such as torture, arbi- 
trary imprisonment, confiscation of property, retro- 
active laws, and other procedures by which life, limb, 
personal liberty and property were at the mercy of 
unscrupulous tribunals or officials. We note the ab- 
sence of clauses to establish trial b} r jury and pub- 
licity in administering justice. It cannot be denied 
that many of the provisions of this constitution pro- 
duced good results and roused the country into useful 
activity, even in the midst of the turmoil and confu- 
sion Mexico was afterward subjected to during the 
succeeding half-century or more. Comments, almost 
without number, were made even in those early days, 
bv both Mexicans and foreigners, endeavoring to show 
that the troubles Mexico soon found herself involved 
in were the result of the liberal institutions she had 
adopted by servilely copying, as the commentators 
said, her more fortunate neighbor of the north. The 
opponents of republican government have argued from 
their standpoint the manifest incompatibility, as they 
allege, of such political institutions with the habits and 
education of a people who had been for three centuries 
in leading-strings, ruled by a system of royal command 

affairs with entire independence of the general government. Their constitu- 
tions must conform with the requirements of the national organic law. 

The full text may be found in Mex. Col. Constituc, i. 1G— 101; Mex. Col. 
Orel, y Dec, hi. 78-10G; Gaz. de Mex., 1824, iv. 173; Ward's Mex., i. 285-302. 


emanating from a court several thousand miles away. 

o *■' 

and enforced by officials who had nothing in common 
with the country. No good could, in the estimation 
of these men, be expected from the sudden change, 
the fact that the change was absolutely needed being 
ignored. The subsequent troubles that constantly 
succeeded one another confirmed them in their pre- 
conceived ideas, affording them the opportunity to 
ascribe to the federal institutions faults that were 
really faults of the enemies of such institutions — of 
those who caused the disturbances for their own self- 
ish purposes, and often forced well intentioned men 
in power, in order to save the government and them- 
selves, to go beyond the orbit of their constitutional 
authority. It will be seen in the course of this his- 
tory that such was the beginning of the revolutionary 
movements that disturbed Mexico almost from the 
promulgation of the first constitution. 41 

The functions of the provisional government ceased 
when the constitutional executive went into office. 
During the interregnum of eighteen months the coun- 
try was often imperilled, and the provisional authori- 
ties experienced much difficulty in securing the free 
institutions that the people demanded. Among the 
obstacles they had to contend against was the scarcity 
of property. Amidst constant political disturbance, 
and notwithstanding the frequent changes in the per- 
sonnel of the executive, and the unanimous disapproval 
by it and the cabinet of the sj^stem of government de- 
manded, all rose superior to their preferences, labor- 
ing zealously to satisfy the popular aspiration. By 
blending moderation with rigor, they restored public 
peace, left abundant resources, though unfortunately 
the proceeds of loans, and removed all hinderances to 

41 The following authorities are referred to: Alaman, Hist. M;lj., v. 883-6 
Suarezy Navarro, Hist. Mex., 74-76; Gaudal. Exposition del Cabildo, 1-16 
V. Cruz, El Plan Rcpub., 1-27; Martinez, Sindp. Hist. Bevol. M6x., i. 135-9. 
Gutierrez, Carta y O-pin. Aid., 6-18; Beecrra, Voto Particular, 1-16; North 
Am. Rev. , xxxi. 112-11. Carlos M. Bustamante solemnly protested on the 4th 
of October, 1824, against the adoption of the constitution. The text is given 
in his Gabinete Mex. , ii. 243-9. 


administrative action. The provisional government 
was accused of excessive severity, but the facts prove 
that no more was used than the preservation of the 
public peace called for, and that the government and 
congress made themselves respected without resorting 
to arbitrary penalties. Punishments inflicted were in 
almost every instance pronounced under process of law 
by the regularly established courts. 

Having arrived at the end of the provisional admin- 
istration, I will now consider the organization of the 
country into states and territories. 

The constituent congress on the 8th of January, 
1824, passed a law establishing constituent legisla- 
tures in the "provinces that had been declared states 
of the Mexican federation," and in which such legis- 
latures did not yet exist. The states thus summoned 
to choose their own legislative bodies were Guana- 
juato, Mexico, Michoacan, Puebla de los Angeles, 
Queretaro, San Luis Potosi, and Vera Cruz. The 
same law prescribed the mode of choosing the deputies, 
whose number was to be for each legislature no less 
than eleven, nor more than twenty-one, aside from the 
suplentes, who were to be respectively no less than 
four, nor more than seven. 

Meanwhile the authorities then existing in each of 
the states were recognized, and were to continue in 
power till the legislatures should be installed, by 
which time the nation's acta constitutiva would be 
already promulgated. Under that acta the states of 
the federation were: Guanajauto; Interno de Occi- 
dente, composed of Sonora and Sinaloa; Interno de 
Oriente, formed of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Texas; 
Interno del Norte, which comprised Chihuahua, Du- 
rango, and New Mexico; Jalisco; Michoacan; Oajaca; 
Puebla de los Angeles; Queretaro; San Luis Potosi; 
Tabasco; Tamaulipas, formerly Nuevo Santander; 
Vera Cruz; Yucatan; and Zacatecas. The two Cali- 
fornias and the partido de Colima were temporarily 


made territories of the federation, to be tinder the 
direct control of the general government. 42 

A law of May 7th made Nuevo Leon a state, and 
Coahuila and Texas another. Decrees of May 2 2d 
and July 6th raised Durango and Chihuahua respec- 
tively to the same rank, New Mexico being made a 
territory. 43 

Under the acta constitutiva the congress of the 
state of Mexico was installed on the 2d of March, 
1824, and the next day the election of governor took 
place, General Manuel Gomez Pedraza being chosen 
for the position. 44 On the 9th of August the state 
congress adopted a provisional organic law, which bears 
the signatures of Jose Figueroa, president, and Manuel 
de Cortazar and Joaquin Villa, deputies, acting as sec- 
retaries. 45 The other states pursued the same course, 
organizing their respective congresses, and choosing 
their o-overnors. All in due time were acting in their 
capacity as sovereign states of the federation. 40 

Chiapas, during the confusion prevailing after Itur- 
bide's fall, kept aloof from all participation in Mexican 
events. The partisans of Mexico and Guatemala in 
that province endeavored to arrive at a conclusion 
that would favor their respective wishes. The govern- 
ments of Mexico and Guatemala invited the province to 

42 Jfex. Col, Orel y Dec, iii. 12-14. A law of Feb. 4th provided thai 
for the legislature of the estado interno de Occidente, Sinaloa should choose 
six diputados proprietaries and two suplentes, and Sonora live diputados 
and two suplentes; for that of the interno del Norte, Chihuahua five dipu- 
tados and one suplcnte; Durango, five diputados and two suplentes; New 
Mexico, one diputado and one suplente; for that of the interno de Oriente, 
Coahuila was to choose five diputados, Nuevo Leon five, and Texas one; of 
suplentes, Nuevo Leon Mas to elect two, and the others one each. The fol- 
lowing places were provisionally made capitals for the purposes of the decree: 
Villa del Fuerte for the estado interno dc Occidente; ciudad de Chihuahua for 
the interno del Norte; and ciudad de Monterey for the interno de Oriente. 
The legislatures were to designate their future capitals. 

43 On July 19th each territory was given the privilege of choosing one 
proprietary deputy and one substitute to represent it in the national con- 
gress. Id., 18, 19, 25, 2G, 40, 47, 57, 58; Austin, Espos. al Pub., Asuntos de 
T4jas, 14-15. 

** Bustamante, Cawl Hist., MS., viii. 231; /(/., Hist. Iturbidc, 230. 
''•' Alex. Ley Orgdnica, 1-24. 

46 Gaz. Gob. Sup. Mex., 1824, nos 40, 45, 47; Mex. Col. Constituc, ii. 
294-308; Zamacois, Hist. Mej. t xi. 575. 


unite her fate with the nation they respectively repre- 
sented. The former was for a time indisposed to allow 
her the discretion conceded to the other provinces of 
Central America, 47 and she was in hourly danger of be- 
coming a bone of contention between these two nations, 
or a prey to internal strife, each power having numerous 
partisans in Chiapas. 43 Fortunately a more generous 
policy was adopted by the Mexican congress, on the 26th 
of May, 1824, the executive being instructed to place 
Chiapas in absolute liberty to make her choice. 49 The 
decree was hailed by the junta suprema gubernativa 
of the province with demonstrations of delight. Com- 
pliance therewith was decreed June 24th, and the de- 
partments were required to clearly manifest their 
opinions and disband the troops. The ayuntamientos 
of the capital and of almost all the other towns, hold- 
ing the junta in high respect, left to it the decision of 
the question. The partisans of Guatemala did not 
fail to make efforts to win the province for Central 
America. Opposition was also encountered on the 
part of the asamblea of Guatemala, and much trouble 
was caused by the contending elements. The junta 
in all its proceedings exhibited prudence, and thereby 
averted a revolution with its concomitant evils. On 
the 12th of September the junta proceeded in the pres- 
ence of a Mexican commissioner 50 to the examination 
and qualification of the reports of the committees named 
at the session of August 28th. It appeared therefrom 
that there were 12 departments, one of w T hich was 
Soconusco, with 104 pueblos, the population being 

47 Mexico recognized the independence of the united provinces of Central 
America, by decree of congress, on the 20th of August, 1824. Mex. Col. 
Leyes, Ord. y Dec. , iii. 66. 

^ Mix. Decretodel Sob. Cong. Mex™, in Dispos. Var., iii. no. 8, 2; Larrain- 
zar, Is otic. Hist. Soconusco, 31-52; Pineda, Descrip. Chiapas, in Soc. Mex. 
Geog. Bolctin, iii. 350; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 759. 

49 The existing government of the province, namely, the junta suprema 
gubernativa, which had been reinstated by the action of the Mexican military 
authorities, was called upon to convoke, within three months from the date of 
the decree, a congress to delare its will on the subject of annexation to Mex- 
ico. Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec. , iii. 50. 

50 Guatemala had failed to send such an officer, though invited so to do. 


172,953 inhabitants, 9G,829 of whom favored aggrega- 
tion to Mexico, and GO, 400 annexation to Guatemala. 
In this last number were included the voters of So 
conusco; 15,724 cast no votes. The junta therefore 
declared that Chiapas had legitimately pronounced in 
favor of union with Mexico. This declaration was 
solemnly made on the 14th, 51 and celebrated with a 
te deuin. Thus were the destinies of Chiapas fixed. 
With the aw relation to Mexico the office of the 
junta properly ceased; but as there w-as no political 
organization of the province, that body undertook to 
effect one. Its two principal duties were to bring to- 
gether a convention to form the constitution of the K 
state, and to see that the oath to support the federal 
constitution w-as duly taken. As to the first duty, it 
issued the necessary convocation, and fixed upon No- 
vember 12th for the publication of the federal con- 
stitution, and the 13th and 14th for administering 
the oath. Notwithstanding some opposition on the 
part of the partisans of Guatemala, its decrees w r ere 
carried out. On the 27th of September the junta ad- 
dressed an energetic note to Guatemala containing a 
formal reclamation of Soconusco, which had been occu- 
pied by that government, but no effect was produced. 
However, the constitution of the state of Chiapas, 
framed November 19, 1825, in designating 1 her terri- 
tory, included Soconusco, one of the signers of the 
document being Pedro Corona, as representative of 
that department. The Mexican government con- 
firmed Manuel Zebadua as gefe politico. State con- 
gress was installed on the fifth of January, 1825. 52 

Under the constitution of 1824 the following polit- 
ical divisions were declared to be states of the union, 
namely: Chiapas, Chihuahua, Coahuila and Texas, 

51 The acts were forwarded to Mexico at once. Gaz. Extra. Gob. Sup., 
1824, 201. 

02 The junta's functions finally ceased the same day. Larrainzar, Notic. 
Hist. Soconusco, 52-77; Zavala, Revol. Mex., 198; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist, 
MS., viii. 2G0-7; Id., Diario Mex., MS., xlv. 203; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 273-4. 


Durango, Guanajuato, Jalisco — then spelled Xalisco — 
Mexico, Michoacan, INTuevo Leon, Oajaca, Puebla de 
los Angeles, Queretaro, San Luis Potosi, Sonora and 
Sinaloa under the title of Estado de Occidente, Ta- 
basco, Tamaulipas, Vera Cruz, Yucatan, and Zacatecas. 
The two Californias, Colirna, and New Mexico were ad- 
mitted as territories. Tlascala's position was left open 
for future decision, and finally, on the 24th of Novem- 
ber, the congress decreed that it should also be a 
territor}^. 53 

The states proceeded to frame their constitutions, 
making" them conform with the general one. In a 
note I give the dates on which each adopted its 
organic law. 5 * 

Among the last acts of the constituent congress 
was the creation of a federal district. Daring the 
work of framing the constitution no thought had been 
given to the establishment of a capital or place of 
residence for the supreme powers of the republic, it 
being taken for granted that the city of Mexico was 
the natural capital of the nation. But no sooner had 
the state authorities become established than differ- 
ences arose with the governor, Melchor Mozquiz, and 
it was decreed by the national congress, on the 18th 
of November, that the city, including a radius of two 
leagues from the centre of the main plaza, should be 
under the exclusive control of the general govern- 
ment, which was to appoint a governor to exercise 

53 The territory of each state is clearly defined in her organic law. Mex. 
Col. Leyes, (Jrd. y Dec, iii. 79, 125; Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, i. 96; Romero, 
Mich., 150-1; Col. Constituc, vols, i., ii., and iii., passim. 

5 'Chiapas, Nov. 19, 1825; Chihuahua, Dec. 7, 1825; Coahuila and Texas, 
March 11, 1827; Durango, Sept. 1, 1826; Guanajuato, April 14, 1826; Jalisco, 
Nov. 18, 1824; Mexico, at Tezcuco, Feb. 14, 1827; Michoacan, July 19, 1825; 
Nuevo Leon, March 5, 1825; Oajaca, Jan. 10, 1825; Puebla de los Angeles, 
Dec. 7, 1825; San Luis Potosi, Oct. 16, 1826; Estado de Occidente (Sonora 
and Sinaloa), Oct. 31, 1825; Tabasco, at Villa Hermosa, Feb. 5, 1825; Tamauli- 
pas, at Ciudad Victoria, May 7, 1825; Vera Cruz, June 3, 1825; Yucatan, 
April 6, 1825; Zacatecas, Jan. 17, 1825. Guan., Const. PoUt., 1-78; Mich. 
Constituc, 1-78; Id., Dec del Cong. Constituyente, 1-83; Puebla, Const. Polit., 
1-54; Pineda, Descrip. Chiapas, in Soc Mex. Geog. Boletin, iii. 370; Mex., 
Col. Constituc, i. 102-473, ii. 3-469, iii. 3-484; Mex., Mem. Bel., 29-30; Pin- 
art, Doc Hist. Son., MS., 38-53; Cor. Fed. Mex., Nov. 2, 1826. 


civil jurisdiction over the district. Jose Maria Men- 
divil became the first appointee. The state of Mexico 
strongly remonstrated against the spoliation, declaring 
it a manifest violation of her rights so solemnly guar- 
anteed by the constitution lately adopted. But it 
availed naught: the congressional decree was carried 
out, and the city of Mexico, under the law making it 
the federal district, was deprived of all participation 
in framing the laws of the country, and in the choice 
of the president, and became subject to such taxation 
and authorities as the general government chose to 
impose upon it. as well as to other inconveniences. 65 
The altercation, however, was continued, the state's 
claims being supported by several congresses and 
ayuntamientos, as well as by prominent statesmen and 
writers; nor was it till the end of January 1827 that 
the state congress and authorities moved to Tezcuco. 
During that interval the congress held its sessions in 
the old building of the inquisition; and when the 
transfer was made the authorities took with them 
about §500,000 that Governor Muzquiz had saved. 56 
Even as late as 1829 the state congress renewed the 
claim for the restoration of the city of Mexico, 57 but 
all such efforts have been unavailing, and the city 
has ever since remained as the national capital. 

55 The state congress and governor were, however, permitted to reside in 
Mexico till such time as they could prepare a capital to remove to with their 
records, etc. Mex. Col. Leyes, Orel, y Dec., iii. 122; Dispos. Tar., iii. 12S-9; 
8. Miguel, Seg. Quia, 189-91; Mex. Represent. Ay ant., 1-12; Mex. Mem. Bel., 

56 They were soon consumed for necessary expenses. Bustamante, Voz de 
la Patria, ii. no. 5, 5-G. 

67 Mex., Iniciativa que la Leg. del Est. eleva al Cong, de la Union. 1-16. 




Authorities Inaugurated — President Victoria — Injustice to his Char- 
acter — Political Situation — Amnesty for Political Offenders — 
First Ordinary Congress — Arizpe's Character and Public Career 
— Germs of Future Calamity — Masonic Lodges and Political 
Parties — Poinsett — The Press — Financial Troubles — Disturbances 
in Vera Cruz — Novenarios — Plan of Montano — Bravo's Rebel- 
lion and its Suppression — Expatriation of Bravo and Others — 
The Yorkinos Triumphant — Presidential Election — Imparciales 
versus Guerrerists — Santa Anna's Rebellion — Revolt of La 
Acordada — The Parian Sacked — Congressional Action — Guerrero 
Made President — End of Victoria's Rule — His Last Days and 

The constitutional era was now fairly begun. On 
the 10th of October, 1824, President Guadalupe 
Victoria and Vice-president Nicolas Bravo assumed 
their respective offices, after having sworn to support 
the constitution, and to discharge their duties faith- 
fully. The president's inaugural address shows that 
he was conscious of his responsibilities. He bespoke 
the aid of providence and the cooperation of the peo- 
ple, assuring them that the prosperity of the nation 
was near to his heart. Religion should be allowed 
neither to wear the garb of superstition nor sink into 
licentiousness, while for independence he would die. 1 

1 ' La independencia se afianzara con mi sangre, y la libertad se perdera 
con mi vida.' Gaz. de Max., 1824, iv. 225-7; Mex. Col. Leyes, Orel, y Dec., 
iii. 107-9; Bustamante, dead. Hist., MS., viii. 270; Id., Voz de la Palria, 
ii. no. 5, 4-5. A portrait of Victoria in oil hangs in the Colegio de San Ilde- 
fonso of Mexico, of which he had been an alumnus. Akiraan, Hist. Mc'j., v. 
811, 958. 



Victoria belonged to a respectable family of Du- 
ranu;(). His real name was Juan Felix Fernandez; 
but during the war of independence he changed it, 
taking as his first that of Guadalupe, in honor of the 
virgin patroness of Mexico, and as his surname that 
of Victoria, to commemorate a victory over the 
Spaniards. He was tall, and though lame, capable 
of great endurance. 2 For many years he made only 
one meal in twenty-four or even thirty-six hours. 
Later he conformed with the usual hours of his coun- 
trymen in regard to meals, but ever continued to be 
most abstemious. He w T as an honest, unassuming 
citizen, amiable and kind-hearted, of undoubted cour- 
age, and a true lover of freedom. He has been treated 
fairly but by few. His virtues have been set down 
as faults, and his talents ignored. 3 But for his pru- 
dence and purity of character, his country's troubles 
during his administration would probably have been 
greater; and yet they were attributed to his supposed 
indolence and apathy. Because he would not uphold 
the schemes of those who wanted him to be their 
tool, they said that he lacked decision; those who 
could not induce him to take part in their resentments 
called him apathetic. His errors were ascribed to a 
refined malice. The truth is that base ambition never 

2 In campaigning he fared as his men did. It is related that once he was 
extremely ill with fever, and was conveyed on a bed into the battle-field. As 
soon as he descried the enemy, he had himself mounted on a horse and rushed 
into the skirmish. In the heat of it the crisis of the fever took place, and 
lie returned well to his division. Abispa de Chilpanelngo, 284—5. 

' 6 He has been credited with only mediocre talents, and accused of indo- 
lence, and of relying too much on his own judgment. Bustamante, Voz de la 
PatHa, ii. no. 23, 1. Alaman makes a statement, as received from Iturbide's 
secretary, Manso, that when Victoria visited that chief at San Juan del Rio 
he proposed in writing that the plan should be changed, and an unpardoned 
insurgent — as if suggesting himself — should be called to the throne and mar- 
ried to an Indian female of Guatemala, to make of the two countries a single 
nation. He claims that the paper in question, as he and Bustamante were 
told by Manso, was filed in the department of relations. Hid. Mcj., v. 2 JO. 
How is it, I would ask, that Alaman and Bustamante, who had access to that 
department, and were no friends of Victoria, at least as a ruler, did not 
produce a copy of the document? The story looks like one of Alaman's ex- 
hibitions of spite against his former chief. Of Bustamante I must say, how- 
ever, that though not friendly to Victoria's administration, he gives him the 
highest commendation for military services, purity of character, modesty, 
and generally for civic virtues. Cuad. Hid., iv. 175-G. 


entered his heart. He was ever ready to lay aside 
his private opinion when duty demanded it. His ab- 
negation and ntter neglect of his own interests were 
notorious; his country was his idol. 4 He died so poor 
that he had to be buried at public expense. 5 

Victoria's administration began under the happiest 
auspices. 6 The republic was at peace; party violence 
had been kept under, and every one hoped for the 
best. The president's authority was disputed by none ; 
and as for money, all the minister had to do was to 
draw bills on London. And yet there was a dread of 
impending trouble. Eighty days after the sanction of 
the constitution, congress authorized the executive to 
expel all foreigners deemed dangerous ; to remove from 
one place to another, when necessary, any servant of 
the federation, or inhabitants of the territories and fed- 
eral district, as also those of the states through the 
medium of their respective governors. Should the 
supreme authorities of the states conspire against the 
national independence, or the adopted federal system, 
the executive was to bring them under subjection by 
military force agreeably to article 110 of the consti- 
tution. 7 Following this example, the state legislatures 
voted ample powers to their governors. 8 However, 
on the 24th of December congress voted an amnesty 
for political offences, excepting from its benefits only 
persons convicted of treacherous designs against the 

4 'A type of Plutarch's republicans,' says Gen. J. M. Tornel, himself an 
able man and an honorable citizen, who served under Victoria, near to his 
person. Breve Resena Hist., 2-1-5. 

5 After he had filled the highest offices, and had every possible facility for 
peculation. Pay no, Cuentas, Gastos, 599-600; Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 60. 

G Warmly congratulated from all quarters, and by none more than Vicente 
Guerrero, whose ill health prevented his attending the inauguration. Gaz. de 
Mex., 1S24, no. 53 et seq.; no. GO, 322-4. 

7 Act of Dec. 23, 1824. Mex. Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec., iii. 162-3. These 
powers were in force till repealed in May 1826. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 
125; for all that, after the latter date, the government, on a false accusation, 
had the liberal writer Marchese de Santangelo taken by force to Vera Cruz, 
and sent out of the country. In Vera Cruz his son, 18 years of age, died of 
yellow fever before his. eyes. Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 353-9; EL Amigo del 
Pueblo, ii. 139; Bustamante, Voz de la P atria, ii. no. 14, 5-6. 

8 'Para guardarlatranquilidad y hacer respetar las leyes en sus respectivos 
territorios. ' Saarcz y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 75. 


national independence. By this act Bustamante, 

Quhitanar, and others who had caused disturbances 
in Jalisco and elsewhere were relieved of all responsi- 
bility for their past proceedings. 9 Whatever fears 
might be entertained of the minister's abusing such 
powers under other circumstances were quieted by the 
general recognition of Victoria's circumspection and 
benevolence. 10 

Anions the acts of the constituent congress was 
that of declaring the constitutionally chosen justices 
of the national supreme court. They were all promi- 
nent citizens of the capital and states. The I 
president of the court was the licentiate Miguel Do- 
minguez, till lately a member of the executive. 11 
The constituent assembly closed its sessions on the 
24th of December to make way for the first constitu- 
tional congress, which be^an its labors on the 1st of 
January, 1825. 12 It must be stated to the credit of 
the former that it not only accomplished much in a 
short time, but also showed much judgment and 
tact. 13 The senators and deputies chosen for the con- 
stitutional congress, during the interval of peace, were 
men of sound judgment and moderate views; among 
them were several of the members of the constituent 

9 Bustamante, who must have his shot at Victoria, says that the president 
blundered in granting those pardons: ' empezo a hacer sus alcaldadas, como la 
de dejar impunes a Bustamante y Quintanar por las fechorias q 6 hicieron en 
Guadalaxara.' Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 202; Id., Hist. Itarbkle, 242, 270. 

10 The first cabinet was constituted as follows, and held office during the 
terms appended to the respective names: Minister of relations, interior and 
foreign: Juan Guzman, chief clerk, Oct. 10, 1S24, to Jan. 11, 1825; Lucas 
Alaman, Jan. 12, 1S25, to Sept. 26, 1S25; justice, Pablo de la Llave, Oct. 10, 
1824, to Nov. 20, 1S25; treasury, Jose I^nacio Esteva, Oct. 10, 1S24, to Sept. 
2G, 1S25; war, Manuel de Mier y Teran, Oct. 10, 1824, to Dec. 18, 1821. 

11 Dominguez was a native of Guanajuato, and had been 'corregidor de 
letras ' of Queretaro, an office that brought on him much trouble, as has been 
recorded in the early history of the Mexican revolution. He was a learned 
and upright man, and a good statesman. His death occurred April 22, 1S30. 
Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 25, 6-7. 

12 The president of the republic and his ministers were present at the 
opening, and mutual congratulations passed between the executive and the 
congress. Id., ii. no. 6, 1-2; Mex. Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec., Hi. 13S, 163; Rive- 
ra, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 360. 

"Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 815, though disapproving the federal system 
which that congress established, speaks of it in eulogistic terms. 


President Victoria retained, as we have seen, the 
former cabinet; but early in 1825, being displeased 
with Mier y Teran, he sent him to Vera Cruz with a 
military commission, and appointed as his successor 
Manuel Gomez Pedraza. u Miguel Ramos Arizpe, 
who had not been re-elected to congress, became tem- 
porarily oficial mayor in Llave's department, and 
when that minister resigned in November, the place 
was given to Arizpe. 

There was great antipathy between Arizpe and 
Alaman. The former was impulsive, frank, generous, 
bold, and imaginative, generally acting without method 
or order; a man withal who made many friends. 
Alaman was in every respect different. Arizpe, on 
his return to the Spanish cortes in 1820, after his 
long imprisonment, wielded great influence, which he 
used to benefit Spanish America, never neglecting 
the private interests of his countrymen. He returned 
to Mexico when she w T as already a nation, to fill the 
office of precentor in the diocesan chapter of Puebla. 
He at once placed himself on the side of the party 
opposed to Iturbide's empire, advocating republican 
principles. In the constituent congress he was chair- 
man of the committee on constitution, and labored at 
the task of framing that instrument with all the per- 
severance and assiduity characteristic of the man. 
He was a decided federalist. I give in a note further 
details of his career. 15 

14 Pedraza was in bad odor with the centralists, because of his friendship 
for Iturbide. Victoria adopted the policy of having in his cabinet men of 
both parties. Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 341. 

15 In 1830 he acted as plenipotentiary to conclude treaties with Chile. In 
1831 he was made dean of Puebla. The following year he labored for the 
peace of the republic, and was again minister of state till Nov. 1833. In 
1841 he was elected from Saltillo to the constituent congress. Failing to 
bring public affairs to a satisfactory condition, he became despondent, and in 
March 1842, had an apoplectic fit, which paralyzed an arm and a leg. He 
became affected with gangrene in April of the following year, and died on the 
28th of that month at the age of 68 years. Arizpe was a great man, an ex- 
cellent clergyman and pastor, wise, just, charitable, humble. In his last 
years, says Torn el, he was a liberal without exaggeration, and very pious; bub 
hypocrisy was no part of his nature. Breve Reseua Hist., 36-7; Bustamante, 
Hist. Santa Anna, 142-3; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., vi. 548-53; Arroniz, Bioy. 
Mex. t 272. 


Toward the end of September Alaman resigned, 
his influence being nullified by that of Arizpe, Esteva, 
Pedraza, and others. 16 His successor in the depart- 
ment of relations was Gomez Pedraza, who was soon 
after replaced by Sebastian Camacho, and on the latter 
being sent to London as plenipotentiary, Juan Jose 
Espinosa de los Monteros was placed in charge. 17 

Seeds of wild calamities are now sown broadcast. 
Different writers explain their origin according to 
their several political tenets. The error seems to lie 
in attributing to individuals social troubles resulting 
from the general condition of things. The progres- 
sionists and retrogressionists, or conservatives, as the 
latter prefer to be called, imagine that the symbol of 
opposition has no importance other than that given it 
by the character and influence of its supporters. Hence 
the conservative proneness for blood-letting, and the 
practice of the progressionists of exiling every political 

There was not now, or for some time after, any 
well established social or political system. There 
was little left of the old one, bequeathed by Spain 
at an early day, for its principles had become vitiated 
and its interests destroyed. On the other hand, the 
new order of things widely disseminated its ideas, but 
failed either to blend them with what remained of 
the former system, or to cause its entire disappear- 
ance. These opposing elements hindered every effort, 
and the republic could move neither backward nor for- 

About this time a number of political clubs which 
wielded great influence began to be organized under the 
name and forms of masonic lodges of the York rite. 
Their creation has been ascribed to Poinsett, the 

16 According to his own statement. Hist. M6j., v. 822. 

17 Alaman says that Espinosa was much esteemed by Victoria, notwith- 
standing his pernicious counsels to Iturbide, adding that those which he gave 
later to Victoria himself were equally so. lb. Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 341-4, 
confirms this statement. 


American minister, 18 but the real founder was the 
clergyman, Jose Maria Alpuche, rector of a parish in 
Tabasco, and senator from that state. 19 To Poinsett 
was also attributed the formation of a plan to do away 
with the somewhat aristocratic character of the gov- 
ernment, which was still influenced by the old fami- 
lies, the clergy, and the army, and of replacing it, not 
with a pure democracy, but by introducing a class of 
men who were merely ambitious office-hunters less 
respectably connected. Alaman has fathered on Poin- 
sett this absurd charge. He would also have us be- 
lieve that the president had been assured by members 
of the Scottish rite lodges that though they had 
opposed his candidacy, they cheerfully bowed to his 
authority, in which assurance he placed no faith. 20 In 
these Scottish lodges were affiliated Barracan, Ne- 
grete, Echdvarri, Guerrero, Filisola, and other promi- 
nent generals and colonels, besides many regular and 
secular priests, and civilians of social and political 
standing. Several deputies and the minister Esteva 
had been officers of such lodges, and seceded to join 
the new societies. After the overthrow of Iturbide, 
due in a great measure to the action of the ancient 
rite lodges, it is true that many of their members for- 
sook them to join the York lodges, but the escoceses 
still had for a time much influence with the government 
and congress. Later, however, the desertion became 
so general and simultaneous that some Scottish lodges 
held meetings with the object of placing themselves, 

18 Zavala pronounces it a pure invention of the aristocrats, and of some 
European agents who meddled with Mexican affairs much more than Poin- 
sett ever did. After five lodges had been organized Poinsett was requested 
to procure a charter. This step, and the installation of the grand lodge, was 
all the part that Poinsett took in the matter. That author declares, besides, 
that he, Zavala, was invited to join a lodge, and did so without any political 
design. Revol. Mex., i. 346. 

13 He is represented as a restless spirit, a sort of Danton, without his 
brains. In the senate he worried the ministry with questions and bitter re- 
proaches. To his political opponents he gave no rest, and they, in their turn, 
gave him a bad character. His death was sudden. Tomel, Breve Helena IJist., 
308-9; Alpuche, Rasgo Hist., in Pap. Sueltos, no. xi. 

20 For information on origin, political principles, and action of the escoces 
party, from 1313 to 182G, see Mora, Pap. Sueltos, i. pp. xii.-xiv. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 3 


with their archives, under the new order, leaving the 
Scottish sect or party with the assertion that they could 
no longer be affiliated in a society that wished to restore 
the monarchy. Gomez Pedraza retired from the old so- 
ciety without joining the new one, but said that the es- 
coceses desired a foreign dynasty. Victoria, Esteva, 
and Alpuche at once saw that if a society bearing the 
name of federal could be formed, it would counteract 
the plans and labors of the escoceses. 21 The president 
wanted the support of such an organization, but did 
not foresee that the pretensions of a popular society 
knew no limit. 22 It is said that he had never been 
partial to secret societies, and particularly abhorred 
the logias escocesas, because of the men belonging to 
them, among whom was his rival Nicolas Bravo; and 
that he now lamented having patronized the logias 
yorkinas? as the government had been belittled by 
them. Some attempts were made in the congress, 
weakly supported by minister Espinosa, to prohibit 
secret societies; but nothing was then accomplished. 23 
The two societies were now like two armies facing one 
another in battle array. Such was the origin of the 
yorkino lodges, or rather clubs, 24 whose sudden develop- 
ment and increased power soon awed their own 
authors, and whose subsequent divisions and disagree- 
ments gave a bloody victory to their foes the old 
escoceses. At the elections, toward the end of 1826, 
the yorkinos were victorious in the federal district — 
the municipal authorities of which possessed great in- 

21 The York lodges were given attractive names, such as Independencia, 
Federalista, India Azteca, etc. 

--Copious information in Cor. Fed. Mex., 1826, Nov. 1st and Dec. 4th; 
Gomez Pedraza, Manif., 32-3; Monteros, Esp. de los Inf. Masones; Busta- 
mante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 15, 8; Mex. Informe Prim. Sac., 22, 25; 
Paz, Doloroso Pec. Aztecas, 4-5; Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. xiv. xvi. ; Suarez 
y Navarro, Hist. M~cj., 10. 

23 The two parties had become too strong, and later brought on two disas- 
trous revolutions. Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 45-8. On the 13th of March. 
1825, the pope had issued a bull against freemasonry. It was published in 
Mexico toward the end of 1828. Masones, Bula de K tro S mo Padre Leon XII., 

24 Minister Esteva was the grand master, and Arizpe master of one of the 
lodges. General Bravo was grand master of the logias escocesas. 


fluence — in the state of Mexico, of which Lorenzo de 
Zavala was elected governor in March 1827, and in 
most of the states. The important state of Vera 
Cruz, however, went against them." 25 Both, these 
societies were strongly represented in the press. Dur- 
ing this period of Mexican history the number of 
periodicals greatly increased, and the people read 
them with interest. They were, however, with hardly 
an exception, devoted to polities. 


The year of 1827 was a painful one for Mexico. 
Among other troubles, to complicate matters and ren- 
der the situation of the government still more per- 
plexing, came news of the failure of Barclay and 
Company of London, in whose hands was a balance 
amounting to nearly $2,250,000 of the loan contracted 
with that house. In November congress authorized 
the government to borrow four millions, pledging the 
revenues from customs and tobacco, and an equal sum 

25 Also a few of the less influential. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 
15, 4; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 400-1; Id. , Gob. de Mex., ii. 12G; Masones y 
Elecc, 1-8. 

26 In Yucatan were issued the Yucateco and another; in Vera Cruz, the 
Mercurio, whose editor, Kamon Ceruti, a Spanish emigrant, was a stout cham- 
pion of popular rights, and the Veracruzavo Libre; in Jalapa, the Oriente, 
established by Sebastian Camacho, and continued under his direction after lie 
became a minister of state; in Mexico, El Sol, the organ of the escoces party, 
supposed to have among its chief contributors Lucas Alaman and other able 
politicians well versed in national affairs; El A(/uila Mexicana, the organ of 
the Iturbidists, more popular than El So', which gradually lost ground, and 
it may be said was sustained only by the great ability of its writers. The 
yorkinos established the Correo de la Federacion, whose contributors were 
Lorenzo de Zavala, and all the men of the party that could and were inclined 
to write. It was their organ till 1829. Though lacking in plan, this paper 
struck El Sol some severe blows. These papers excited the passions of their 
respective supporters, but violated the laws of decency and the respect due to 
society much less than some newspapers of the present day. The escoceses, 
pretending to respectability, also published El Observador, and the yorkinos 
later brought out in opposition to it El Amigo del Pueblo. The former was 
noted for its incisive logic; the latter for its more popular and independent 
ideas, and for its marked American principles. These two papers were types 
of the political exaggerations of that period, which were but the preliminaries 
of a civil war. And yet there was in the midst of all a generous idea — that 
of the country's welfare as each party understood it. For all that, the abuse 
of the liberty allowed the press had a baneful effect. 

There were periodicals also in Guadalajara, Puebla, San Luis Potosi, 
Oajaca, Valladolid, and a little later in Durango, Sonora, and even in the 
most distant and smallest places. Torne.l, Breve Resefia Hist., 80-1; Zavala, 
Revol. Mex., i. 355-6; Pedraza, Manif., 34-5. 


guaranteed by recognized assets. In these transac- 
tions the treasury suffered heavy losses. The secre- 
tary of the department thought to cover with the 
ordinary revenue the appropriations approved by con- 
gress for the following year, amounting to a little over 
fifteen and a half millions; 27 but he found it impossible, 
and the payments of the dividends on the foreign debt 
had to be suspended. 23 

Those who from the beginning of the independence 
had opposed the third clause of the plan of Iguala kept 
up the agitation against the Spaniards, all of whom 
were supposed to be accomplices of the Arenas plot, 
particulars of which will be narrated in the following 
chapter. The political parties took advantage of the 
situation to push their pretensions, one of them de- 
manding the destruction of secret societies and the 
expulsion of Poinsett. In that party were affiliated. 
Barragan and Santa Anna. 

Esteva. after resigning the portfolio of the treasury 
in March 1827, was despatched as comisario general 
de hacienda to Vera Cruz, but the legislature of that 
state, composed chiefly of escoceses, refused to recog- 
nize him. Shortly before, on the 25th of June, 
Colonel Rincon had put the troops under arms, a pro- 
ceeding which the escoceses severely condemned, and 

27 Alaman, Hist. Mtj., v. 834-5. 

28 The secretary of the treasury, Esteva, had resigned March 4, 1827, and 
was succeeded by Tomds Salgado, who on the 1st of Nov. surrendered the 
office to Francisco Garcia, who held it only one month. The department then 
was placed ad interim in charge of the chief clerk Jose" Ignacio Pavon till the 
7th of March, 1828, when Jose Ignacio Esteva resumed control as minister, 
and held it till Jan. 12, 1829, when he resigned, and was replaced the next 
day by Bernardo Gonzalez Angulo, in whose charge the office remained till 
the end of Victoria's administration. During these years changes occurred 
also in other departments. In that of relations, Juan Jose" Espinosa de los 
Monteros was minister to March 1828; Juan de Dios Canedo, from March 8, 

1828, to Jan. 25, 1S29; and Jose Maria Bocanegra, from Jan. 26 to April 1, 

1829. In that of justice, Espinosa de los Monteros succeeded Arizpe, from 
March 8, 1828, to March 31, 1829. In that of war, with the exception of the 
period from Feb. 10 to March 3, 1827, when Manuel Rincon held it tempora- 
rily, Pedraza retained it till Dec. 3, 182S, when his connection with it ceased. 
Jose" Castro, chief clerk, held it to Dec. 7th; Vicente Guerrero from Dec. 8 to 
25, 1828; Francisco Moctezuma 'from Dec. 20, 1828, to April 1, 1829. Mex. 
Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1027-8; Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Feb. Sand 14; Gaz. de 
Mex., 1827, Feb. 3, 13, and March 8; La Palanca, 1827, Aug. 9; Arrillaga, 
fiecop., 1828, 200. 


for which Rincon was arrested. 29 He effected his es- 
cape, however, took command of his battalion, and 
issued a proclamation to the effect that he would 
recognize no authority not emanating directly from 
the supreme federal powers. 

Seconded by the artillery brigade, Rincon main- 
tained himself upon the defensive, till finally the presi- 
dent ordered him to Tlaliscoyam, there to await fur- 
ther orders. The president also compelled several of 
the chief escoceses to remove to Jalapa; placed San 
Juan de Uliia, which had been surrendered in 1825 
to the Mexicans, in trusty hands; and in July Rarra- 
gan, who was in command there, was superseded by 
Guerrero. 30 

The failure of their plans in Vera Cruz demoralized 
the escoceses, to the great joy of their opponents. 
The escoces party, which about the middle of 1827 
had taken the name of novenarios, had spread in 
Vera Cruz, Puebla, and Guanajuato. Its members 
were not numerous, but anions them figured several 
prominent political men, and not a few wealthy ones. 
The Spaniards belonged to it, and supported it in its 
work by contributions of money. 31 The society made 
a strenuous effort to recover its influence, proclaiming 
at Otuniba on the 23d of December, 1827, the plan 
of Montaho, so called after an obscure lieutenant- 
colonel of the old insurgents, who was its figure-head, 
Nicolas Rravo, the grand master, being the real 
leader. The plan embraced four articles, namely: 

29 A riot occurred, during which the yorkinos in arms destroyed the press 
of their rivals, .who were supported by the governor and General Barragan. 

30 Guerrero remained there a short time, during which Esteva assumed 
his office. Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Ap. 27 to Nov. 24; Buslamante, Voz de la 
Patria, ii. nos 21, 22, 25, and 20; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 21-4; V. Cruz, 
Contestac. Guerr. 3-1G; El Atleta, 1830, Ap. 10, 47G; El Obwrvador Rep. 
Mex., i. 36-8, 314-10, ii. 77-100; El Amigo del Pueblo, i. 13-15, ii. 200, iii. 
19, G9; V. Cruz, Manif. Cong., 11-23; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 425-39. 

31 The name novenarios was assumed because each member of the grand 
consistory had to catechise nine men and bring them into the society; each 
of these nine had to procure nine others, and so on, thus multiplying them- 
selves ad infinitum. The members of the escoces party also bore the names 
of hombres de bien, chaquetas, borbonistas, aristdcratas, defensors s de la 
constitucion. Atleta. 1830, Apr. 15, 407. 


1. Suppression of secret societies; 2. Dismissal of 
the cabinet; 3. Dismissal of Poinsett, the American 
minister; 4. A strict fulfilment of the constitution 
and laws. 82 Under the existing circumstances and 
the well founded apprehension that the yorkinos 
would enact proscriptive measures against them, the 
novenarios w 7 ere in a great measure justified for their 
own protection in demanding a change of ministry. 33 
The plan was printed and circulated on the 30th of 
December, in the city of Mexico. The real authors 
soon became known; for on the next day Bravo and 
Berdejo and a number of colonels and other officers 
began to leave the capital. Gabriel Armijo in San 
Luis Potosi, and Barragan in Vera Cruz, accepted the 
plan. Teran, Hernandez, Moran, and Santa Anna 
were also said to have done so, but there is no evi- 
dence of the fact, though Moran certainly received 
the conspirators in his house. Santa Anna suddenly 
appeared in Huamantla; but it remains unexplained 
how a military officer came to find himself without 
leave from the government in a town so close to the 
centre of a rebellion. 34 No other name is more ap- 
plicable to this movement, which had a general-in- 
chief, staff, treasury, and all other elements pertain- 
ing to an army. Bravo was the commander; and we 
now behold the strange spectacle of the vice-presi- 
dent of the republic, who was also a general of divi- 
sion, whose bouncten duty it was to support the gov- 

32 Pedraza, the minister of war, had been in June accused of malefeasance, 
probably with good reason in some cases, but he had successfully defended 
himself. Cor. Fed. Mcx., 1827, Aug, 6, 7; La Palanca, 1827, Aug. 9-30; 
Mora, Obras Sueltas, ii. 244-7, 280-1. 

33 Suarez y Navarro finds the justification in Pedraza's own statements. 
Hist. Max., 89-97. 

34 Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 198; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 836-7. Tornel 
says that Santa Anna was always hostile to secret societies; but Alaman pos- 
itively asserts that he saw the diploma of high office in a Scottish rite lodge 
issued to him in Yucatan. Santa Anna had been removed from his command 
in that locality for meditating a sudden dash with 500 men upon the Cabana 
fortress of Habana. He was vice-governor of Vera Cruz when he went to 
Huamantla. It was believed by the escoceses, and appearances justified the 
impression, that he went there to join Bravo, but on seeing the superiority 
of the government forces he tendered his services to their commander, which 
were accepted, but not till he ha*l been reproved for his suspicious actions. 


ernment, jeopardizing his position as well as his stand- 
ing as an old patriot by heading an armed faction to 
demand the dismissal of the president's ministers, and 
the expulsion of the representative of a friendly and 
powerful nation. Bravo's popularity had been on the 
wane because of his intimate connection with a party 
including so many Spaniards among its members. 
He was undoubtedly actuated by generous impulses 
toward those whom his efforts had contributed to 
bring low. Still, his revolutionary course on this 
occasion was a serious error, and throws a blot upon 
his otherwise pure and honorable record. The min- 
ister of war displayed much energy. Guerrero started 
with forces almost as soon as Bravo, so that the latter 
had barely a fortnight for preparation before Guerrero 
was upon him. Bravo established his headquarters 
at Tulancingo, a town of ten or twelve thousand 
inhabitants, twenty-five leagues from the federal 
capital, in order to give his partisans in Mexico and 
elsewhere time to organize forces, distract the govern- 
ment's attention, and divide its resources. The rebel 
force under him was only GOO men. Tulancingo was 
assaulted on the 6th of January, 1828, by Guerrero 
with 1,500 men — not 3,000, as Zavala has it — and 
after a feeble resistance, 35 in which the number of cas- 
ualties did not exceed twelve, all the chiefs of the re- 
bellion on the spot were captured. Barragan and 
Armijo were also made prisoners somewhat later. 
They were all taken to Mexico, to be dealt with ac- 
cording to law. 36 The congress of Vera Cruz, which 
had adopted the plan de Montano, was forced to 
make an honorable recantation. 

25 Bravo and the escoceses claimed afterward that Guerrero violated an 
armistice of eight hours for conferences. Guerrero's friends allege the con- 
trary. Alxman, Hist. Mej., v. 837; Facio, Mem., 203-4. The documents on 
this point are insufficient to clear it up. Tornel, Breve Resefla Hist., 200-1. 

30 Alaman alleges that he saw the communication signed by Guerrero as 
grand master and Col. Mejia as secretary of the yorkino grand lodge, to 
the lodges in the United States, wherein he detailed the triumph, not as that 
of the government against rebels, but as that of one masonic sect against its 
rival. Llist. Mej., v. 637. 


Bravo was impeached by the house of deputies. 
Pending the trials of himself and his fellow-prisoners, 
a motion for an amnesty was made in the senate, 
which produced a violent agitation among the yorkino 
state legislatures, most of which, as well as the ayun- 
tamiento of Mexico city, demanded the execution of 
the rebels. 37 Congress took a middle course, the only 
possible one under the circumstances. It neither 
granted the amnesty asked for by the escoceses nor 
allowed the trials to proceed as the yorkinos required; 
and remitting the penalty of death which had been 
pronounced against some officers, decreed the expatri- 
ation of all ; and to that end the prisoners were taken 
to Acapulco. Bravo and others in the following 
June went to Valparaiso and Guayaquil, whence the 
former transferred himself to Guatemala and the 
United States, losing by death on the voyage his 
only son. 33 The expatriated were later permitted to 
return to Mexico. 

This heavy blow not only left the escoceses power- 
less, but eventually ruined the yorkino party. This 
faction, now master of the situation, might have done 
good service to the republic, correcting abuses, intro- 
ducing improvements, and securing peace and tran- 
quillity; but, unfortunately, to a great extent it was 
made up of ignorant, ambitious, and unscrupulous 
men, to whom the national welfare was of no conse- 
quence. Instead of trying to heal the wounds in- 
flicted during the past troubles, they opened new 
ones. Dissension soon broke out among them, which 

37 Tornel gives most of the representations and other particulars touching 
the rebellion, trials, etc., in Breve Resetia Hist., 93-97, 10G-2G5. 

38 The following authorities have also been examined in connection with 
the noveuarios and their rebellion: Bustamante, Vozdela Patria. ii. nos 17- 
34, iii. no. 18, iv. supl. no. 4; Mex. Col. Leyes, 1829-30, 151; Mex. Mem., 
1828, 2-4, 14-1G; Decretos y Orel, Puebla, 152-3; Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Feb. G 
to Dec. 30; 1828, Jan. 1 to April 9; Barragan, Prision; Bravo, Exped. Instruct., 
1-52; Id., Exposition, 1-7; Gac. de Mex., 1827, Jan. 4, May, 2G; El Amigo 
del Pueblo, ii. 97-108, 159, 200, iii. 69, 97-104, 149-60, 307-18; El Observa- 
dor Rep. Mex., i. 343-6, ii. 100-2, 101-252, iii. 145-74; Corre*. Seman., 
i. 217-19, 285-8; La Palanca, 1827, Jan. 4; 1828, Jan. 3, 21, 24, 31; Id., iii. 
64-70, pt 2, no. 2, 6-8; Cuevas, Porvenir Mex., 419-52; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 
175-85; Martinez, Hist, Revoi, i. 145; and many others. 


paved the way for the overthrow and extinction of 
the party. 

Victoria's term of office was approaching its end. 39 
The most prominent candidates, now that Bravo and 
Baixagan were in exile, were Gomez Pedraza and 
Guerrero. The former's popularity had been much 
enhanced by his energetic action and general effi- 
ciency. Both candidates having belonged to the same 
political party, much dissension arose among their 
friends. A portion of the escoceses, and the aristo- 
crats who could not brook the idea of the low-born 
Guerrero aspiring to the highest office in the republic, 
supported his rival. 40 So did the Spaniards, which 
must be set down as a blunder on their part; for it 
imbittered the popular animosity toward them, and 
assisted to bring about the order for their expul- 
sion. 41 The agitation was not confined to the con- 
tending parties; it also existed in both houses of con- 
gress. Intrigue was freely used by politicians, as 
well as calumny and insult by the press. A peace- 
able termination of the contest was impossible which- 
ever side w r on the election. Victoria kept himself 
aloof from all complications, though his ministers 
favored Pedraza. 42 The latter won, eleven states 
voting for him against seven for his opponent. Only 
eighteen state legislatures had taken part in the elec- 
tion, being the only ones in session at the time. For 
vice-president the votes were given to Bustamante, 
Ignacio Godoy, and Melchor Muzquiz, and the first 
named eventually won. 43 

39 Ths choice of the next president and vice-president by the state legis- 
latures was to take place on the 1st of Sept., 1828. 

40 His supporters called themselves the ' partido de los imparciales,' made 
up of federalists, yorkinos friendly to Pedraza, and escoceses hating Guer- 
rero. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 165. 

41 In the latter part of March 1829, a law was enacted expelling from the 
country all natives of Spain or of the Spanish dominions save Cuba, Porto 
Rico, and the Philippines, with only few exceptions. The law was enforced 
in the federal district and elsewhere in the strictest manner. Zavala, Bevol. 
Mex., ii. 

• 42 Zavala, governor of Mexico, and Santa Anna, of Vera Cruz, were in 
favor of Guerrero. 

43 Mexico, however, voted for Guerrero and Zavala. Zavala, lievol. Mex. , 


Guerrero's partisans, anticipating defeat, had be- 
gun a revolution in the state of Vera Cruz, headed 
by Santa Anna, at Perote, on the ground that Pe- 
draza had employed force, and taken advantage of his 
position to overrule public opinion. 44 This in the face 
of an order from the president to remove even the 
semblance of force, and of an assurance from the min- 
istry that the public troops would not be used except 
to sustain the free action of the state. Gomez Pe- 
draza had been constitutionally elected president, but 
the opposing party denied it, Guerrero making no ef- 
fort to quiet the discord. 45 The president resolved to 
uphold the constitution, and was seconded by the con- 
gress. Santa Anna and his followers were declared 
without the pale of the law if they did not lay down 
their arms. 46 That leader, having sustained a reverse, 
fled from Perote to Oajaca, pursued by the govern- 
ment forces, which closely besieged him on the 14th 
of November. His situation had become desperate, 
when the revolution of the ex-acordada in the federal 
capital on the 30th of that month saved him, the gov- 
ernment having to recall its troops from Oajaca. 

This new pronunciamiento was the work of Anasta- 
sio Zerecero, according to his own statement, 47 and 
Colonel Santiago Garcia, commander of the Tres 

ii. 5S-72, 76, 144; Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, July 17 to Sept. 3; Arrlllaga, fie- 
cop., 1830, 102; Tornel, Breve Reseua Hist., 101. God oy was the superior in 
intellect. Muzquiz had rendered good service for Mexican freedom while Bus- 
tamante was still serving in the royalist ranks; but the latter having joined 
the yorkinos, the odium of his past record was thus wiped out. Guerrero 
had, it appears, recommended him. 

44 In Vera Cruz Governor Santa Anna and the ayuntamiento of Jalapa had 
been impeached before the legislature and suspended. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
ii. 483-02. The privileged and wealthy were frantic in Pedraza's interest. 
Every bishop, chapter, vicar, etc., addressed pastoral letters to the people to 
stop the progress of the revolution. Most of the printed documents of that time 
were pastoral letters. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 134. 

45 Revolutionary movements also took place in Michoacan, Costa Chica, 
and elsewhere. Robberies and murders became quite common in town and 
country. Cor. Fed. Mex., 182S, July 8, 17, 19; La Palanca, iii. no. S3. 

40 Sept. 17th. This outlawry was revoked March 17, 1820. D uhlan and 
Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 79-80, 97-8. 

17 He afterward regretted it. 'Esta revolucion 6 pronunciamiento lo com- 
bim'), dirigi('), y llevo a cabo, el autor de estats memorias. Hizo may mal, lo 
confiesa ante Dios y los hombres.' Zerecero, Revol. Mex.. 109. 


Villas, headed it with his battalion. They were 
seconded by Governor Zavala and General Lobato ; 48 
Guerrero himself demanding a change of the minis- 
istry, in order that the congress might freely decide 
the presidency question. Zavala had been hovering 
for some days near the capital with an armed force, 
though without committing hostile acts, and entered 
it undetected. The rebels occupied the ex-acordada 
building and the citadel. 49 The troops sent against 
them were under Colonel Inclan. On the morning 
of December 2, 1828, hostilities began, and the fight 
lasted till mid-day of the 4th, when the revolt 
triumphed. Then pillage was the order of the day. 
The leperos, taking advantage of the situation, raising 
the old cry of "Mueran los Espaiioles!" rushed to the 
Parian, where were the stores of the Spanish mer- 
chants, broke open the doors, and sacked it. In a 
short time over $2,000,000 worth of property was car- 
ried off, and upward of 1,000 industrious persons 
were reduced to want. Many other commercial build- 
ings were pillaged. 50 Victoria in vain attempted to 
arrest the outrages by going in person to the ex-acor- 
dada building, and pleading with the leaders. Mean- 
while Pedraza secretly fled to Guadalajara, where he 

4S Lobato, after this revolution, was sent by the government to Guadala- 
jara as comandante general, and died there early in 1829. He was of humble 
origin, and rose under favor of the revolution for independence; served in 
the first revolution, and was pardoned. He was, however, one of the first 
to join Iturbide in 1821. An ignorant man of small intellect, but a good 
soldier under an able chief, and faithful. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 142. 

49 See plan of the city of Mexico, this volume. 

50 This was not foreseen. General Lobato, who was in command, Colonel 
Garcia having been mortally wounded on the 3d, went to the Parian to stop 
the robberies, leaving Zavala in charge of the ex-acordada. At this moment 
Lieut-col. Vicente Gonzalez, an old soldier of the independence, who had 
been serving with the government force, was captured and brought to the ex- 
acordada. The enraged mob demanded his life. Zavala acceded, and Gon- 
zalez was shot. Zerecero, Revol. Mex., 109-10. The episode, a blot on Zava- 
la's fame, is also mentioned by Tornel and Bustamantc, who add that Zavala 
did likewise, out of personal revenge, shoot with a pistol Judge Juan de Raz 
y Guzman in the arm, and would have done the same with Senator Vargas had 
he been able to find him on that day. Victoria reproached Zavala for killing 
Gonzalez. Bustarnante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 245. Zavala himself, in Revol. 
Mex., ii. 220 et seq., mentions the wounding of Raz in his own house 'a 
deshoras de la nochc, y quizas creido de que Zavala haya tenido parte en su 
desgracia.' Raz did Zavala a good service in December 1829. 


lived for some time in concealment. On the 2d of 
March, 1829, he embarked at Tampico for London, 
] laving- previously resigned his right to the presi- 
dency. 51 The result of this victory was that the con- 
gress, which assembled on the 1st of January, 1829, 
annulled the election of Gomez Pedraza, and chose 
Guerrero as the second president, Anastasio Busta- 
niante being appointed vice-president. Thus was the 
national constitution rent, and the door opened for 
future excesses. 

The retiring president had hoped to weather the 
storm, and recover his lost authority by the appoint- 
ment of Guerrero as minister of war. 52 The latter 
part of his administration was indeed stormy, and 
he seems to have become bewildered, an evidence of 
which is the step he took in going to the ex-acordada 
building to parley with rebels. 

The country felt the shock of the lawless acts of 
the mob at the capital. But the yorkinos looked at 
the matter in a different light, claiming that a new 
era of peace, prosperity, and happiness had been 
secured for Mexico. 

Victoria's term ended on the 1st of April, 1829, 
and he retired from office, never again to appear in 
public life except in an inferior role. 53 It must be 
said in his favor that though he was often influenced 
by favorites, he never was false to his principles. 
During his rule were founded the order of the A<mila 
Ne<na, and the York rite lodges, the former bv a 
Bethlehemite friar named Simon Cruz, whom Victoria 
banished to Yucatan, where he died. In the organ- 
ization of the lodges Victoria really took but little 

51 Suarezy Xavnrro, I list. Jfc'x., 139. 

52 Guerrero held that office only a few days and resigned it, that he might 
not Ll> suspected of looking after his personal interests. He was then given 
the command of the forces in Puebla, Oajaca, and Vera Cruz. Id., 131. 

53 He was governor of Tuebla, which position he resigned to become a 
senator for Durango, his native state. In March 1839 he served as one of 
the two Mexican plenipotentiaries to negotiate a treaty of peace with France. 
Blanckard and Banzai*, San Juan de Ulua, 493-4. 


action, and yet he has been accused of lending them 
much protection. 54 

Victoria retired to the hacienda El Jobo, which was 
wrongly supposed to be his own property. In the last 
four years of his life he repeatedly had epileptic attacks. 
At Tlapacoyam, in 1842, his sufferings, both on account 
of his country's troubles and of disease, were so great 
that for a change of climate he went in the latter part 
of the year to Teziutlan, and in February 1843 to 
Perote, where he expired on the 21st of March, his 
death being caused by enlargement of the heart. The 
body was embalmed and deposited in a vault in the 
chapel of the fortress, whence it was taken to Puebla 
in 1862. Santa Anna, when president, decreed m that 
Victoria's name should be inscribed in letters of gold 
in the chamber of deputies, and that a monument 
should be erected at the national expense for the 
patriot's remains in Santa Paula; but it seems that it 
was never done. 56 

54 His inveterate contemner, Bustamante, attributes to his errors all the 
subsequent revolutions and miseries of Mexico. 

55 Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., iv. 412. 

50 Breve Reseila Histdrica de los Acontecimientos mas notables de la Nation 
Mexicana. Mex., 1852. Svo. 424 pp. The author, Jos6 Maria Tornel y 
Mendivil, was governor of the state of Mexico in 1828, and previously pri- 
vate secretary of President Victoria. He had intended to give a full history 
of Mexico from the date of the independence down to 1852, but death suddenly 
overtook him when he had only written the events to 1828 inclusive, thus 
leaving his work a fragment; in fact, nothing but a rapid improvisation, 
though as far as it goes very useful. The eventful year 1828 is fully treated, 
and a review of occurrences in general from the beginning of the war of inde- 
pendence is also given. He mostly narrates his own observations in a clear 
and elegant style, quoting a little from other authorities. His work was first 
given to the public in the columns of the Ilustration newspaper. Lucas Ala- 
man took advantage of it to correct or amplify some facts — of which Tornel 
was better informed than any one else could be — but repeatedly disagrees 
with him in qualifying them. 




Recognition by Foreign Powers — Negotiations with the Pope — Trea- 
ties with United States — Poinsett's Public Career — His Notes on 
Mexico — Diplomatic Relations with Great Britain and France — 
Treaties with European Nations — Hostility to Spaniards — Royal 
Plan of Reconquest — Arenas' Plot — Executions and Banishments 
— Expulsion of Spaniards — Siege of San Juan de Ulua — The Span- 
ish Commander Capitulates — Departure of the Spanish Garrison 
— Commodore Porter and Naval Operations — The War Brig Guer- 
rero — Surrender of Spanish Ships on the Pacific 

Before proceeding further with the internal affairs 
of the country, I will give an account of her foreign 
relations during the first few years following the es- 
tablishment of the independence. The earliest diplo- 
matic act of the new nation w T as the recognition of 
the Colombian republic as a free and independent 
power. 1 Her accredited minister was Miguel Santa 
Maria, whose unpleasant relations with Iturbide have 
been already mentioned, as well as his reinstatement 
in his position. 

Congress having authorized the appointment of 
envoys to foreign governments, their instructions 
were given them by the regency, and did not require 
the sanction of the congress. Those, however, given 
to the envoy accredited to the holy see were special- 
ly framed by and with the advice and consent of the 
archbishops and bishops, and afterward submitted to 

1 April 29, 1822, Mex. Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec, ii. 38-9. 



the approbation of congress. 2 The government's 
choice fell on a most learned and worthy ecclesiastic, 
Pablo Francisco Vasquez, a canon of Puebla, Luis 
G. Gordoa being made his secretary. The pope, 
however, refused to receive him, or even allow him to 
pass the gates of Rome. The envoy continued his 
efforts, though without avail. Worldly interests 
swayed the papal counsels. Leo XII. valued too 
much the good-will of the sovereign, who after the 
events of 1814 and 1815 restored the pope to his 
states in Italy. The death of Leo XII. and acces- 
sion of Pius VIII. did not improve matters, and 
Mexican affairs remained stationary for several years. 3 
Early in January 1823 the separate independence 
of Central America was recognized, and in July the 
executive was empowered by the congress to enter 
into such relations with foreign powers as it might 
deem expedient and conducive to the recognition by 
such powers of Mexican independence.* A treaty of 
amity, league, and confederation was entered into with 
the republic of Colombia, which with some amendments 
was approved by the Mexican congress the next year, 
and a minister appointed to that republic. 5 The op- 
portunity for opening relations with foreign powers 
was now favorable. The government of the United 
States gave a courteous reception to Jose Manuel 
Zozaya, the minister accredited thereto by Agustin 
I., but took no action beyond the general declaration 
recognizing the independence of all the new Ameri- 
can states, two years before England did so. 6 Presi- 
dent John, Quincy Adams despatched on a visit to 

2 May 4, 1822. Id., ii. 40, 95-6, iii. 63-4, 113; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. 
Me'x., 71. 

3 Tor net, Breve Resefia Hist., 59-73; Santangelo, Cong. Pan., 73-5. 

4 Colonel Anastasio Torrens was then sent on a diplomatic mission to the 
United States, and Francisco de B. Migoni commissioned as consul general 
in London. Mex. Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec, ii. 152, 103, iii. 2, G3; Bustamante., 
Hist. Iturbide, 247. 

5 October 3, 1823. Mex. Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec., iii. 6, 10, 14; Niks' 
Register, xxix. 256-7. 

6 Particulars may be seen in Zozaya, Apelacion, 5; Am. St. Pap., iv. 848- 
50; Gaz. Imp. Mex., ii. 267-8; Mora, Rev. Mex., i. 347. 


Mexico Joel R. Poinsett to study the condition of 
public affairs. In Poinsett's report, after his return, 
though with a certain prudent reserve regarding 
the men in power and the state of the country, 
lie clearly predicted the end of the imperial rule, 
and the government at Washington acted accord- 
ingly. 7 Mr Poinsett returned as minister to Mex- 
ico early in 1825, and became very influential. 8 The 
first treaty concluded between the two republics was 
on the 12th of January, 1828, to fix the boundary 
line. The matter was negotiated by Sebastian Ca- 
niacho and Jose Iomacio Esteva for Mexico, and 
Poinsett for the United States. Its real aim was to 
declare and confirm the validity of a treaty made in 
Washington on the 22d of February, 1819, between 
Spain and the United States, before Mexico had 
ceased to be an appendage of the Spanish crown. 
That treaty established the Sabine River, at the ex- 

7 Pablo Obregon was accredited later as Mexican minister to Washington, 
where he won the respect of all. 

8 Poinsett had travelled in Europe and the holy land. Wherever he went 
he left pleasant memories. He had been in South America, and proved him- 
self a good soldier in the war of Chilian independence. As a member of the 
American congress from South Carolina he advocated the recognition as inde- 
pendent nations of the former Hispano- American colonies. Liberty with him 
was no Utopia. As a diplomate he was an able one, uniting frankness with 
a moderate circumspection, never resorting to untruth or mental reser- 
vation. He was keen-sighted, could see into characters, measure men's 
abilities, and weigh their value. Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 339-40; Id., Manif. 
de los principios polit., 1-23. Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 39, while acknowl- 
edging Poinsett's fine talents and soldierly merits, like many other Mexicans, 
accuses him of having taken advantage of an inexperienced people to mis- 
lead them, so that later in life numbers who had trusted him had reason to 
regret their infatuation. Poinsett's service in the American congress lasted 
from 1821 to 1825; he was secretary of war under Van Buren, and died Dec. 
14, 1851. Lawman's Diet. U. S. Cong., 384. Poinsett published a work en- 
titled Notes on Mexico, an Svo vol., containing such statistical data as he 
gathered on his first journey in 1822, with descriptions of the places he hur- 
riedly visited, and also a sketch of the revolution and translations of oilicial 
reports on the condition of the country at the time of his visit. The book 
likewise gives the judgment he formed of men and affairs. His sojourn there 
was a short one, but long enough to enable him with his remarkable keen- 
sightedncss to foresee coming events, and to pave the way for his country to 
have a greater influence in Mexico than the commercial nations of Europe. 
He also later on published in Mexico, 1S27, a pamphlet of 10 pp., entitled 
Exposition de la conduct a politica de los Estados Unidos para con las nuevas 
reptiblicas de Amerita; its object being to defend his government and his own 
course in Mexico against certain charges preferred against them by the leg- 
islature of Vera Cruz, whose suspicions he declared to be entirely unfounded. 


treme east of Texas, as the dividing line. The period 
for the ratification of the new treaty having elapsed, 
an additional article validated it on the 5th of April, 
1831, and the whole was ratified by the two govern- 
ments in 1832. A treaty also of amity, commerce, 
and navigation was entered into April 5, 1831, which 
was ratified by the high contracting parties respec- 
tively January 14, and April 5, 1832. 9 Several 
questions occurred in the years 1826 and 1827 that 
were subjects of discussion between the two govern- 
ments, such as claims of American citizens for rob- 
beries, impressment of seamen, and seizure and con- 
fiscation of vessels by Mexican authorities, of which 
it is unnecessary to give details here. 10 

Great Britain at the congresses convened in Europe 
to treat of Spanish American affairs had reserved her 
right to act as best suited her interests, manifesting 
a resolve to prevent the intervention of any power 
save Spain, to which she had left the priority of right 
to obtain by negotiation what advantages she could. 11 
Had it not been for the energetic and timely declara- 
tions of England and the United States against in- 
terference by the European powers, constituting the 
so-called holy alliance, France, in view of the suc- 
cesses obtained in Naples, Piedmont, and Spain, would 

9 Both trea-ties officially published by the Mexican government, March 7, 
1833. Mex. Derecho Intern., 1st pt 122-50; Am. St. Pap., For. Bel., iv. 
422-62G, 650-703, v. 907-10; Id. (new set), vi. 3GG, 578-613, 946-G2, 1006-14; 
U. S. Govt, cong. 19, ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc, 142, vol. viii. ; Id., cong. 22, ses. 
1, H. Ex. Doc, 225, 22-7, in Mex. Treaties, i. no. 1; U. 8. Pap., ii. no. 25, 
cong. 19, ses. 2; Cong. Debates, 1825-6, i. inch p. viii.; U. S. Acts and Resol. , 
141-2, App. 24-30, 22d cong. 1st sess. ; U. S. Govt., cong. 16, ses. 2, H. Jour. 
(Index Spain and S. Am.); Niks'' Reg., xxvii. 270, 334, xxix. 384, xxx. 202, 
421, xxxi. 13G, 301, xxxiii. 19, xxxiv.' 245, xxxv. 20, 41, 71, 213, 242, xl. 228 
-9; Am. Ann. Reg., 1831-2, Pub. Doc. 76-91; Mex. Mem. Pel, 1827, 10-11; 
Id., 1828, 6; Id., 1831, 2-5; Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1831, 113-5; Gaz. de 
Mex., 1826, May 16, 2-3, and June 6, 3-4; Arrillaqa, Recop., 1836, Jan. 
to June, 455-GO; Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Feb. 19,' 3; 1828, Jan. 13, 4; 
Duhlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 456-69; Torn el, Breve Resena Hist., 79- 
80; Mora, Revol. Mex., 358-68; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 35, 3- 
4, vi. 160-7; Poussin's The United States, 358-68; Id., De la Puissance, i. 412 
-3; Santangelo, Cong. Pan., 145-61; Cuevas, Porvenir Mex., 373-82; Mofras, 
Explor. Oreqon, ii. 464-6; FlUsola, Mem., i. 90-108. 

^Nties 1 Reg., xxxi. 23, 178, 310, xxxii. 79. 

11 In 1822 the Spanish court addressed itself to foreign powers deprecating 
precipitancy in their decision on the subject. Manif. Gob. Esp., 1-8. 

Hist. Mex.. Vol. V. 4 


have attempted to accomplish in America what she 
had effected in Spain by restoring Fernando's ab- 
solute power. Mexico would of course have been 
among the first to experience the effects of Spain's 
vindication of her supposed rights. England, in view 
of the victories won by the Colombians over the Span- 
ish forces in Peru, and of the prospect of a stable 
peace, concluded that the time had come to make a 
formal recognition of the independence of the Spanish 
colonies in America. Accordingly Mr Canning, the 
principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, instructed 
the diplomatic agents of his government at foreign 
courts to make known its resolve to enter into direct 
relations with the new governments of America, and 
to negotiate with them treaties of amity, commerce, and 
navigation, 12 to which effect instructions were issued 
to commissioners previously appointed. Prior to such 
action, early in January 1824, Lionel Hervey, H. 
G. Ward, and Charles O'Gorman 13 had been sent out 
as commissioners to study and report upon the political 
condition of Mexico. The agents were received in 
Vera Cruz with high honors by Victoria. On their 
transit to the capital the route through Puebla was 
avoided, that city being still agitated and manifesting 
hostility to foreigners. In Mexico they were enter- 
tained by the executive. Unfortunately, they were 
present during Lobato's revolt, and it is understood 
that they sent the government a note to the effect 
that they would leave the country if those disorders 
were not forthwith quelled, and protection afforded 
to foreigners. 14 

The British court soon after frankly entered into 

12 Alaman, Mem., 3-4; Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 32; Zavala, Revol. 
Mex., i. 322-8. 

13 Ward was subsequently accredited as charge" d'affaires to Mexico, and 
O'Gorman made consul-general. 

11 Judging by results, their reports to the British government must have 
been encouraging. Alaman, Hist. Mej. t v. 782; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., 
viii. 217, 221; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 195; Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 269; Ward's 
Mex., ii. 171-2, 175-7, 256, 262; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mej., 51; Gaz. de 
Mex., 1825, 177; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 46. 


relations of friendship and trade, and its diplomatic 
agent was received in Mexico with every mark of 
respect, the Mexican minister in London having an 
equally friendly reception. 15 

Mr Canning's treaty instructions were given in a 
draught which was to serve for all the Spanish 
American republics. In the negotiations conducted 
by Alaman and Esteva on the part of Mexico they pre- 
vailed on the British commissioners to embodv in the 
treaty certain clauses which were then repugnant to 
British policy, such as that the flag covered the mer- 
chandise. Moreover, the time the treaty was to be 
in operation was limited, and privileges were stipu- 
lated for Mexican and other Hispano- American ves- 
sels and merchandise. Mexico also reserved the 
right of conceding advantages to the Spanish flag 
whenever Spain should recognize her independence. 
The clause to allow Great Britain the same benefits 
as should at any future time be granted to the most 
favored nation was omitted. Such terms proved in- 
admissible in London, and the treaty was not ap- 
proved. The English government next sent Mr 
Morrier, the historian of Persia, and a distinguished 
diplomate, to make a treaty according to the original 
draught. Morrier succeeded in having the negotiations 
transferred to London, though President Victoria 
was well satisfied with the course pursued by his 
negotiators. Sebastian Camacho was now intrusted 
with the business on the part of Mexico at the British 
court. A treaty was concluded establishing reciproc- 

15 Jose* Mariano Michelena was appointed minister when he ceased to act 
for the executive. Vicente Rocafuerte, a native of Ecuador, became the 
secretary of the legation. Bustamante and several others objected to both 
appointments for good reasons, the chief against Michelena being that he 
would prove objectionable to the British government, as turned out to be the 
case. Rocafuerte cost the nation many thousands of dollars. The legation 
went to England on the British frigate Valorous, April 21, 1824. Michelena 
had orders to buy ships, arms, and clothing. Though neither he nor Roca- 
fuerte showed the best judgment in their purchases and other money transac- 
tions, their integrity was not impeached. They both defended their conduct. 
Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 231-2; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 783; Tor- 
nel, Breve liesena Hist., 78; Michelena, Esplic., 8-9, 29, 133-5; Rocafuerte, 
Regalo, 8-13. 


ity, and leaving unlimited the time it was to be in 
force. 16 Thus was Mexico placed at great disadvan- 
tage for the future development of a national marine, 
and maritime trade. 

France sent to America in January 1823 two 
secret agents, Julien Schmaltz and Achille de la 
Motte, to procure information on the political state 
of Colombia and Mexico, and to work in favor of 
erecting therein thrones for members of the French 
reigning family; or if such a scheme should prove 
impracticable, to enter into treaties of commerce with 
the two countries. The agents' plans were not de- 
tected in Colombia, it seems, but in Mexico, where 
they presented themselves as tourists, they were 
arrested, their papers were seized, and though nothing 
was actually discovered that could be detrimental to 
Mexico, the government treated them harshly. 17 The 
French could not be indifferent to England's superior 
influence in Mexico; and though closely allied with 
Spain by the interests of their reigning families, the 
needs of her commerce demanded some sort of com- 
munication with the new republic. In the endeavor 
to gain this point, the commander of the French naval 
forces stationed at Martinique was instructed to ap- 
point a provisional commercial agent to reside in 
Mexico, which was done; but the Mexican govern- 
ment refused to recognize him, and in future paid no 
heed to credentials of such a nature. In fact, no 
proposition from any government would be enter- 
tained unless based upon an absolute recognition of 
Mexican independence. 18 Finally the Mexican min- 

16 Ratified by Mexico Oct. 27, 1827. Gat. de Mex., 1826, May 13, Sept. 7, 
3; Alaman's Rep. to Cong., in Niks' Reg., xxA T iii. 169-71, xxix. 7, 39, 139, 
xxx. 340-1, 368, xxxiii. 18; Mex. Mem. ReL, 1826, 4-10; Id., 1827,3-11; Za- 
vala, Revol. Mex., ii. 13-15; Tor ml, Breve Rescua Hist., 55; Santangelo, Cong. 
Pan., 145-7; Macgregor's Prog. Am., i. 684-7; Annals Brit. Leg., 1866, 333; 
Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Nov. 26, 2-4; Bnstamante, Voz de la Pairia, ii. no. 7, 
3, no. 9, 3, no. 20, no. 26, 3-4; North Am. Rev., xxxii. 319-26; Arrillaga, Re- 
cop., 1829, 12S-9, 160; Dublan aud Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 19-25; Mora, Re- 
vol. Mex., 345-84; Ocios Espan. Emigrad., iv. 242-3, v. 213-14; Cuevas, 
Porvenir Mex., 287-8; Ortega, Mem. Rel. Dept., 55-6. 

11 Mora, Revol. Mex., i. 347; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 295. 

lb 0n the 4th of May, 1826, the congress passed an act enjoining that 


ister in London, Sebastian Camacho, was invited by 
the French government to enter into a sort of arrange- 
ment, to which it would not give the name of treaty, 
but merely that of provisional convention. By this 
means the chief points were arranged for the regula- 
tion of trade between the two countries. It was 
equally important to France, whose commercial in- 
terests were daily growing larger in Mexico, and to 
the republic, as a preliminary step toward the formal 
recognition bv the former, and the conclusion of a 
treaty embodying the usual words and forms of such 
instruments. Affairs remained in this state till 1828, 
when the French government concluded to despatch 
to Mexico a commissioner of the same character as 
that first sent out by England, to obtain data that 
might serve as a basis for future action. A serious po- 
litical disturbance, however, in Mexico, prevented the 
agent from going to his destination. Then followed 
the political changes of 1830 in France. Meantime, 
Seiior Gorostiza, Mexican minister in London, under 
instructions of his government, went to Paris, and 
negotiated a treaty which the Mexican government 
afterward failed to ratify. 19 Treaties of amity, com- 
merce, and navigation were, however, concluded with 
several European nations during this period/ 


policy. Gaz. de Mex., 1826, May 18, 2-3; Btistamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. 
no. 12, 6; Ramirez y Sesma, Col. Dec., 299; Dablaii and Lozano, Leg. Mex., 
i. 781. 

19 Mexico's equality with other sovereign nations was at stake, the alter- 
nate priority in the heading of the two drafts of the treaty having been re- 
fused by the French minister of state. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 
12, 5; Mora, Rewl. Mex., i. 349-52; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 71; Gaz. 
deMex., 1826, Nov. 25, 3; Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Aug. 18, 1-3; La Palanca, 
182G, Dec. 11, 4; Mies' Beg., xxvii. 218. 

20 Prussia in 1823 had attempted the subterfuge of keeping a commercial 
agent in Mexico without a treaty having been entered into between the two 
nations, but it was not permitted. In following years treaties of amity, 
commerce, and navigation were made with that kingdom and others, namely, 
Hanover, Denmark, and the Netherlands; and later with the Hanseatic cities, 
Wurtemburg, Bavaria, etc. Gaz. de Mex., 1820, May, 13, 4; Mex. Col. Ley., 
1829, 30, 35-46, 55-73; Arrillaga, Becop., 1833, 63-73, 137-56, 226, 273-322, 
464; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 136-9, 143-9, 184-94, 334-5, 491-4; 
Mex. Mem. ReL, 1833, 1-5, 16-20; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vi. 
102; Niks' Register, xxxii. 74-85. 


The policy of Mexico toward foreigners showed a 
marked distrust of them; and indeed, the masses of 
the population were anything but friendly to aliens 
in genera], and to Americans in particular. Foreign- 
ers were subjected to constant annoyance, little pro- 
tection being afforded to their persons or property. 21 
The position of Spaniards in Mexico became more 
perilous every day, and the system of despoiling them 
was constantly gaining supporters. The question was 
brought to a climax by a motion made in congress by 
Ramos Arizpe in 1824, to deprive all Spaniards of 
their public offices. The consideration that they had 
embraced the American cause, and had been guaran- 
teed the rights and privileges of Mexican citizens, 
was ignored; their enemies were also unmindful of 
the evil consequences to the country, both in a moral 
and material point of view, which would result from 
such an act of injustice, as well as from the needless 
loss by persecution of so many citizens, a large num- 
ber of whom had Mexican wives and children, while 
the greater portion w r ere engaged in some useful in- 
dustry productive of wealth to the young nation. 
Blind hatred caused justice and policy alike to be dis- 
regarded. 22 

The passions of the rabble were constantly kept at 
fever heat by a portion of the press, and all efforts of 
the government to check it were unavailing. 23 The 
utmost vigilance was practised to prevent disturbances 
of the peace, notwithstanding which, on the night of 
the 28th of May, 1824, a revolution was on the point 

21 June 5, 1826, the government showed its distrust in a most stringent 
passport law. Gaz. de Mex., 1826, June 13, 1-2. Reiterated in March, 182S. 
Dispos. Var., iii. 141-2. 

22 Guadalajara in June 1823, and the congress of Yucatan on the 10th of 
August, 1824, attempted to defeat these projects. Dispos. Far., iii. 116; Yuc. 
Manifesto del Cong, del Est., p. xiii. ; Navarro, Iturbide, 224-7. 

23 The most virulent was one whose motto was, 'O se destierra el coyote, 
6 mata nue.stras gallinas;' hence the Spaniards' nickname of coyotes. The 
editor was brought to trial; but the jury, intimidated by a mob, acquitted 
him. Another paper of the some stamp was 'El Borbonismo sin mascara.' 
However, a Frenchman who edited the Archivista was expelled for making 
remarks against the government, which was an arbitrary measure. Busta- 
manic, Cuad. Hist, MS., viii. 234-6; Id., Hid. Iturbide, 233-4. 


of breaking out in Mexico, headed by a lieutenant, 
Basiliso Valdes, to overthrow the government, plun- 
der and slaughter the Spaniards, and set fire to the 
Parian. The plot was fortunately detected, Valdes 
being" arrested and executed, though much influence 
was brought to bear on Bravo, then president, to save 
the prisoner's life. 

In the midst of the electoral agitation in 1824, the 
comandante general of Oajaca, Antonio Leon, a man 
who had rendered good service in the war of inde- 
pendence, and his brother Manuel, attempted there to 
carry out Lobato's plan of removing the old Span- 
iards from office, but in a more alarming way, for the 
attempt was begun with the murder of Cayetano 
Machado, collector of taxes at Huajuapan, while jour- 
neying with his family toward Oajaca. He was as- 
sailed by Sergeant Trinidad Reina, and put to death 
in the most shocking manner. The executive looked 
on this movement as a most dangerous one, and Vic- 
toria was sent to quell it, 24 leaving Mexico on the 8th 
of August. While on his march he learned that a 
Spanish fleet with reinforcements for San Juan de 
Ulua was off the coast, and immediately despatched a 
considerable part of his troops to Vera Cruz, pro- 
ceeding with only 250 infantry and 50 horsemen to 
Huajuapan, the birthplace of Leon, whose influence 
there was srreat. Leon, though at the head of a force 
three times that number, listened to reason, and the 
trouble was ended without further bloodshed. This 
happy result increased the esteem in which Victoria 
was held by his countrymen. 25 

24 Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 22-3, accuses Alaman and Mier y Teran of 
Laving caused this selection with a sinister object. Alaman denies the charge, 
asserting that Victoria asked for the appointment, and Bravo acceded, feeling 
it to be out of place to oppose him. Hist Mcj., v. 809. 

25 Before returning to Mexico, Victoria, on the 5th of September, at Huajua- 
pan, in a proclamation congratulated the people of Oajaca on peace secured 
without bloodshed. Gac. Gob. Sup., 1824, Sept. 18, 169-70. Sergeant Reina 
and Guadalupe La Madrid, who appeared as the instigators of Machado's 
murder, were executed. They implicated the brothers Leon, who were tried 
in Mexico. Antonio vindicated himself, and Manuel was pardoned by con- 
gress. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 810. 


A number of discontented Cubans sojourning in 
Mexico had urgently appealed to the government in 
1823 to despatch 1,500 men to their island, which 
they declared was ripe for independence; but they 
gave so much publicity to their plans that even if 
Mexico had been able to furnish the men, fleet, and 
a competent leader, a failure might be reasonably ex- 
pected. 26 The project was consequently abandoned 
as impracticable. 

It will be remembered that the Spanish commis- 
sioners, Ramon Oses and Santiago Irisarri, had arrived 
at San Juan de Ulua shortly before the fall of Itur- 
bide. The circumstances connected with that event 
prevented the imperial government from coming to 
any arrangement with them. Afterward Victoria 
was commissioned to treat with Oses and Irisarri, 
with whom he held conferences at Jalapa, but the 
only result obtained was a provisional treaty of com- 
merce, for which Victoria had been duly empowered 
by the government and congress. The Spaniards re- 
turned to San Juan de Ulua with Mexican passports, 
and the constitutional regime being shortly after up- 
set in Spain by the king with the aid of a powerful 
French army under the royal due d'Angouleme, all 
efforts toward a peaceful solution of the difficulties 
between the mother country and Mexico were discon- 
tinued. Soon after, rumors came from Habana of an 
expedition about to sail for the invasion of Yucatan, 
which the deputies of that state assured the govern- 
ment would be well received by the inhabitants. The 
people of Yucatan, especially those of Campeche, 
suffered by the interruption of trade with Cuba, and 
were for this reason dissatisfied with the political 
change. Santa Anna, then governor and comandante 
general, heeding the demands of the merchants and 
others, permitted trade to be carried on, in Spanish 

26 Santa Anna was thought of as the proper leader; and it was said that he 
contemplated leading an expedition against Cuba from Yucatan. Bustamante, 
Voz de la Patria, ii. no. G, 7, no. 11, 5; /(/., Hist. Iturblde, 231; Zavala, Re- 
vol. Max., i. 295-9; Pedraza, Manif., 28-9; Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 77. 


vessels, between that peninsula and Cuba, though 
contrary to law; it is even asserted that a number of 
such vessels arrived, August 18, 1824, at Sisal, es- 
corted by Spanish men-of-war to the entrance of the 
port. 27 

Fernando was no doubt planning the reconquest of 
his former colony, and conferred upon the ex-viceroy 
Apodaca the appointment of captain-general of Cuba, 
to carry out the scheme. The count, however, did 
not come out to Cuba. 28 

A few days after the constituent congress began 
its labors, a plot was divulged, at the head of which 
was a friar named Joaquin Arenas. 29 This individual, 
on the 19th of January, 1827, approached Ignacio 
Mora, comandante general of the federal district, in- 
viting him to join in a plan for the restoration of the 
Spanish government, and the protection of the true 
faith, which he claimed to be imperilled by the free- 
dom of the press and the introduction of heretical 
books. He threatened Mora with death if he divulged 
the plot to the government, assuring him that it had 
ramifications throughout the country, and was on the 
eve of execution. Mora, of course, at once apprised 
the president, and it was arranged that he should 
invite Arenas to a second interview, and that Colonel 
Torn el, the president's private secretary, and Molinos 
del Campo, the governor of the federal district, hidden 
from sight, should be present at the conference. The 

27 The same men-of-war that had brought relief to the garrison of San Juan 
de Ulua. Yuc. Manif. Cong, del Est., 39-53, 78-85; Yuc. Com p. Hist., 14-25; 
Beltrami, Mex., ii. 355-8; Barbachano, Mem. Camp., 40-3, ap. 9-14; 
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 67-70; Bustamante, C'uad. Hist., MS., viii. 
23S; Id., Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 6, 2-3. Under the pretext that the inva- 
sion of Yucatan would imperil Mexico's nationality, a motion was made in 
congress to empower the governors to remove from their homes all persona 
suspected of hostility to independence. The motion was rejected. Busta- 
mante, Voz de la Patria, ii. nos. 5 and 8. 

28 King Fernando, by his ambassor in London, the duque de San Carlos, ac- 
cording to the statement of the latter's agent, Jose Mariano Torrente, solicited 
the aid of Iturbide, but without avail. Torrente, Rc.vol. Hisp. Am., iii. 365; 
Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 228, 252-3; Id., Cuad. I list., MS., viii. 255. 

29 A barefooted Dieguino from Spain with a bad record; his last offence 
being that of counterfeiting coin at a place that was disguised as a soap fac- 
tory in Mexico. 


friar was caught in the trap and arrested. He stated 
in prison that the plot had been formed in Madrid, 
and that King Fernando VII. had sent out a comi- 
eario regio, who was already on Mexican territory. 
The royal commissioner's name was not divulged. 30 
Another friar, a Dominican named Martinez, and 
two other men, Segura and David, were also arrested 
as accomplices, 31 and soon after, March 2 2d, orders 
were issued that generals Echavarri and Negrete 
should be taken as prisoners, the former to the castle 
of Perote, and the latter to that of Acapulco. Gen- 
eral Gregorio Arana, and many other officers, the 
priests Torres, Hidalgo, and Friar Jose Amat, as well 
as a number of civilians, were implicated. ' All of 
them were 'old' Spaniards. Their trial was by court- 
martial, and Arenas, Martinez, Segura, David, Arana 
and others were sentenced to death. 32 Many officers 
were degraded or lost their commissions, and a num- 
ber of the prisoners were sentenced to various penal- 
ties. 33 Generals Echavarri and Negrete, deprived of 
their rank, were sent into exile. 34 

30 His name was afterward understood to be Eugenio Aviraneta, who en- 
tered the country in 1825, and worked in the office of the Veracruzano Libre. 
It was never known where he got his appointment, whether from Madrid or 
from the captain -general of Cuba, or only assumed it to give himself impor- 
tance. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 827. Aviraneta escaped. The friendly recep- 
tion given him in Cuba by the authorities, and his subsequent coming to 
Mexico with the rank of iutendente de eje'reito of Barradas' expedition, tend 
to confirm the friar's statement. 

31 The men arrested as chief conspirators were mere agents, not the mas 
ters. The plan and other details may be seen in Suarez y Navarro, Hist. 
Ilex., 390-5. This authority maintains that the conspiracy existed, and that 
the trials were perfectly in order. 

32 Arana to the end, and with his last breath, declared his innocence. Able 
and impartial lawyers could find in the evidence nothing to justify the penalty 
that was inflicted on him. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 35; Antepara, Defensa 
legal, 1-77. 

3:j Many cases were still pending August 29, 1829, when President Guer- 
rero, in use of his extraordinary powers, ordered them closed, as they then 
were commuting the penalty of death, where it had appeared to be merited, 
for others that the courts should designate. Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex. t 
ii. 153. 

34 Echavarri found refuge in the United States, where he eked out a sup- 
port by giving Spanish lessons. Ho would have died in misery but for the 
assistance afforded him by Iturbide's widow. It is hard to believe that Echa- 
varri threw away his past services to become a traitor to his adopted country. 
Spain always paid those who worked for the restoration of her sway in Amer- 
ica. How is it, then, that Echavarri was not the recipient of her favors? Ne- 


The political party known as the escoceses, who 
were accused of complicity in the plot, made no an- 
swer to the charge, but denied in toto the existence 
of the conspiracy; and in their turn asserted that the 
ministers Gomez Pedraza and Ramos Arizpe, and 
the yorkinos, had made a mountain out of a mole-hill 
for the purpose of effecting their long-meditated 
schemes against the Spaniards, and of destroying at 
the same time their political rivals. The escoceses 
even absurdly accused Poinsett of having suggested 
the idea to Arenas. Possibly the conspiracy would 
hardly deserve more than a passing notice in history, 
but for its results. As a fact, it was the precedent, 
if not the very origin, of the long series of disturb- 
ances and violations of personal rights which distracted 
the country during so many years. 35 

At this time the question of expelling the Span- 
iards was moved in the legislature of Mexico. Old 
wounds were reopened, and every means resorted to 
for keeping up the excitement against the Spaniards, 
who were accused of being incessant conspirators 
against the national independence, and for that reason 
ought to be forced to leave the country. Victoria 
did nothing to allay the excitement, and Guerrero 
promoted that measure with all his influence; Gomez 
Pedraza did the same, though less openly. Serious 
tumults occurred in Ajusco, Apam, Toluca, and Aca- 
pulco, which served as bad examples for the rest 

grete resided for some years in New York, leading a quiet life, without com- 
municating with the Spanish authorities, as Tornel, then Mexican minister 
in Washington, afterward testified. Later he went to live in Bordeaux, 
where he indignantly rejected a proposition from his former rival, General 
Cruz, to reenter the Spanish service. May 23, 1835, the Mexican congress 
restored them to their rights and rank, and permission was given Negrete to 
return to Mexico. Dub! an and Lozano, Leg'is. Mex., ii. 52. 

35 The following authorities have been consulted on this episode: Padre 
Arenas, Causa Contra, 1-117; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 6-11, 17-18, 34-5; 
Tornel, Breve Hist., 86-108, 114, 163; Alaman, Hist. Mcj., v. 825- 
34; Cac. Gob. Mex., 1827, Feb. 8, 1-2; El Amigo del Pueblo, vol. i.-iii. 
passim; El Observador de la Rep. Mex., i. 87-108, 151-76, 187-213, 415-49, 
ii. 37-74; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. nos 18, 20; Correo Semanario, i. 
136-42, 16S-9, 183-91, 230-7; Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Jan. to June, 1828, June 
2S; La Palanca, 1827, Jan. to June, ii. nos 14, 36, 42; Arenas {El Padre), 
Causas, 1-128; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 126-7; and a large number of others. 


of the country, since no armed force was sent to 
put tlicni down. Governor Zavala of the state of 
Mexico was also accused of favoring the hostility 
toward the Spaniards, but he explicitly denied it in 
the lodges and inofficial addresses to the legislature. 36 
The rioters of Ajusco and Toluca retired to their 
homes, but those of Apam and Acapulco continued 
in arms. Even the state of Vera Cruz decreed the 
dismissal of Spaniards from public office. 37 Leaving 
the subject of Spaniards to the legislative authority 
was tantamount to a decision against them. The 
legislature of Jalisco was the first to decree their ex- 
pulsion ; that of Mexico imitated it, and in the course 
of time the legislatures of all the other states fol- 
lowed the example. 38 

The final decree of expulsion, dated December 20, 
1827, was issued by the national congress in obedience 
to the demands of the state legislatures, but not with- 
out opposition in both houses on the part of some 
prominent members. But for the pressure of state 
governors, there would have been no majority in favor 
of the bill. The law as passed, fortunately for the 
country's good name, contained no clause confiscating 
property or prohibiting its exportation by the owner. 39 

36 He declares that he was the only one of the yorkino party to oppose the 
general ostracism. Revol. Mex., ii. 30-4. Tornel, while acknowledging that 
Zavala made such an assertion, says that he acted differently, and when 
Vice-governor Veramendi and some deputies made use of the poisoned weap- 
on, he regretted that they deprived him of the fatal popularity that arbi- 
trary measures would have secured him. Breve Reseiia Hist., 1G6. 

37 It was also provided that all Spaniards should be registered and kept 
under surveillance. Cor. Fed. Mex., 1827, Dec. 6 and 13; La Palanca, 1827. 
Dec. 5, 3-4; iii. 98-9. 

38 The Spaniards found themselves ostracized throughout the country be- 
fore the federal congress adopted a final action regarding them. Tornel, Breve 
Resefkb Hist., 1GG; Mora, Obras Suelias, ii. 254-G, 2G0-2; Cor. Fed. Mex., 
1827, June 19 to Dec. 28; Dispos. Var., iii. 137; Alvarez, Manif., 115-16; 
PueUa, Dec. y 6rd, 149-f>2. 

89 The law required the expelled Spaniards to leave the country within six 
months. The exceptions from the effects of the law were: 1 . Spaniards having 
Mexican wives and living with them; 2. Those having children not natives 
of Spain; 3. Those over GO years of age; 4. Those physically and perma- 
nently incapacited. The general government could also, after consulting the 
governor of the respective state, except such Spaniards as had rendered dis- 
tinguished services to the national independence, and shown themselves well 


President Victoria was not hostile to the Spaniards 
from the mere fact of their nationality; he had, on 
the contrary, shown favor to many of them who 
served under him. He abhorred supporting severe 
measures against them, and only did so when his 
ministers represented the necessity of such measures 
for the safety of the nation, and even of the Span- 
iards themselves, whose lives were often in great 
peril from popular violence. It is doubtful if the 
government could have guided the masses into the 
path of right and justice. Neverthless, the president 
endeavored to allay the convulsion, but his feeble ef- 
forts availed nothing — instance the results of his in- 
tercession when the Parian was sacked in December 
1828. The consequences of that scandalous occur- 
rence were that large amounts of capital were taken 
out of the country, and the merchants of Europe sus- 
pended their operations in Mexico. 40 

disposed to the country's institutions; also their sons, if they followed the 
example of their fathers, and resided in the republic; likewise those prac- 
tising some science, art, or useful industry therein, and free from suspicion. 
A previous law of May 10th had suspended all Spaniards from office. The 
other allowed pensions to such as did not go to reside in the enemy's country. 
The government from time to time, notably on the 20th of March, 1829, issued 
most stringent laws and orders against these subjects of Spain. A few were 
excepted, however, among whom were those who had served in congress, and 
had remained loyal to Mexico, and the officers and crews of the line-of-battle 
ship Asia. Dvblan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 12, 47-8, 66, 98-106; Mex. 
Col. Ley. y Dec, 1829-30, 9-10, 15-16; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 
151; Id., Voz de la Patria, i. nos. 4, 5, 11-19, ii. no. 16, iii. nos. 20-4, iv. nos. 
2-9; Arrillaga, Recop. 1828, 35-206; 1829, 47-195, 205; Tomel, Breve Reseiia 
Hist., 166-71; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 125; Gaz. de Mex., 1826, May 13; 
1827, May 10; Mex. Mem. Est. Libre, 1828, p. 3. 

40 The constitution was thus shattered, and the germ of illegality became 
finally rooted. Tomel, Breve Resena, Llist. 310-12, 332-424; Alaman, Hist. 
Mcj., v. 839-43; Dvblan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 90-1; Suarezy Navarro, 
Hist. M6x., 92-134; El EspirUu Pub., 1828, Nov. 2 to Dec. 28; 1829, Jan. 1 
to Feb. 28; Arrillaga, Recop., 1828, 250, 252, 258, 273; 1829, 4-6, 45-6; 1830, 
83-5, 113-14; Gaz. de Mex., Extr., 1828, a, 1-4, b, 1; Mex., Col. Leyes, 1829- 
30, 1-2, 8-14; Dispos. Var., ii. 55-6, iii. 144, 149, 151; Figueroa, J., Observ. 
de un Chid., 1-2; Alvarez, J '., Manif., 116-18; Puebla, Mem. alCong., 11-14; 
Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, i. nos 2-10, 15-19, 25, 27, 29, 30, 35, iii. nos 
1-5,8-17; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 149-50, 241-2; Id., Hist. Gob. Victoria, MS., 
555-76; Pedraza Maw/., 52-92; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 76-79, S3-149; Id., 
Manif. del Gobr., 1-39; Id., Viage d los E. U., 6; Santa Anna, Pronunc., 1- 
124, and 54 pp. of annexes; Rincon, M., Justijlcado, 1-89 and 1-108; Unda, 
P. V., Esposic, 1-32; Id. , Sorjjresa del Cumpo, 1-10; El Parian, Prim. 
Represent, del Com., 1-65; Molinos, Prision; Mex., Juicio Impar., 1-32; Mex. 
Manif. Disput., 4-7; Cuevas, Porveuir Mix., 472-80; Martinez, Revol. Mex., i. 


With the overthrow of the constitution in Spain, a 
change had also taken place in the conduct of Lemaur, 
the commandant of San Juan de Ulua, who had at one 
time manifested liberal ideas toward Mexico. Under 
the pretext that the Spanish envoys had been dis- 
missed, he assumed a hostile attitude, opening fire 
upon the city of Vera Cruz, September 25, 1823. 
The Mexican government then resolved upon active 
war. 41 

In July 1824 a law was passed to issue letters of 
marque to national and foreign vessels to prey upon 
Spanish commerce; and orders were given to reen- 
force the army besieging San Juan de Ulua, to pre- 
vent the landing and march of Spanish invaders into 
the interior, and at the same time to compel the 
speedy surrender of that fortress. 

The command of the fort had devolved in 1825 on 
Jose Coppinger, and the comandancia general and gov- 
ernorship of Vera Cruz had been placed by the Mex- 
ican executive in charge of Miguel Barracan. The 
fortress since September 1823 had kept up more or less 
vigorously a bombardment of the city, without other 
results than the destruction of buildings, and depriv- 
ing itself of the resources which the merchants of 
Vera Cruz had been wont to supply for the support 
of the garrison. 

A little before this some of the armed ships arrived, 
which had been purchased in England with the pro- 

146-8; El Atleta, 1829, Dec. 30; Montesdeoca, Prod., in Pap. Sueltos, no. 13; 
Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 185-91; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., 128-30; Id., Hist. Jalapa, 
ii. 481-506, 509-10, 514-20. 

41 Lemaur's action led to grave consequences, not only for the two nations, 
but notably for the Spaniards residing in Mexico. Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y 
Dee., ii. 151-2, 205, iii. 3; Mex. Manif. del Su.p. Poder Ejec., 1-4; Gitia de 
Hae., iv. 297-300; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 703-775; Bustamante, Hist. Itur- 
bide, 182-3; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 151-2, 202; Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 
24S; Mora, Revol. Mex., i. 348, 370-1; Mex. Mem. Rel., 1823, 6-9, 57; Mex. 
Mem. Giterra, 1823, 9-12, 15; Am. St. Pap. (new set), Naval A ff., ii. 290- 
1; Cuevas, Porvenir Me"x., 273; Pap. Sueltos, no. 1; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 
294-5, 303-4; Id., Gob. de Mex , ii. 107; Niks' Reg., xxiv. 217, 282-3, xxv. 
155, 213-14, xxvi. 100. Yucatan opposed the prohibition of trade with Cuba, 
her very existence almost depending on that trade, but at the same time de- 
clared her submission to the national decree. Yuc., Manijieslo del Cong* del 
Est., ix.-xi. 34-39. 


ceeds of the second loan. They were commanded by 
British and American officers; to cooperate with 
them a squadron of gun-boats was formed, under 
command of Post-captain Pedro Saenz de Baranda, 
a native of Yucatan. The siege was now closely 
pressed; 42 all communication between the fort and 
the shore was cut off, and the garrison found itself 
reduced to great straits. Food became scarce, and 
disease was decimating the men. Unless relief came 
immediately, the fort would have to surrender. 43 A 
Spanish fleet arrived from Cuba with troops and sup- 
plies to relieve the fort, but its commander, not con- 
sidering himself sufficiently strong to attack the 
Mexican blockading squadron, returned to Habana. 44 
Coppinger thus found himself compelled to sign a 
capitulation on the 18th of November, 45 1825, under 
which the Spanish garrison was allowed to depart 
with the honors of war, being conveyed to Habana 
at the expense of the Mexican government. The 
latter received with the fortress all the artillery and 
other arms and ammunition existing therein. 46 Both 

42 As early as Sept. 1823 a Mexican flotilla had taken the island of Sacri- 
ficios, though the possession was disputed by the fort. In Dec. 1824 the 
Spanish garrison was strictly confined within the walls of the fortress, and 
suffered for want of many of the necessaries of life. Mex. Mem. Marina, 

1824, 6-7. 

43 Alaman, Hist. Mej. , v. 820, assures us that at this crisis Victoria de- 
spatched his friend and minister of the treasury, Jose" Ignacio Esteva, to 
Vera Cruz, to push the operations of the blockade, or as it was generally 
understood, ' para que la gloria de la rendicion recayese en el, ' thus depriving 
Barragan of the part that rightfully belonged to him. This must be taken 
with reserve. Tornel, Breve Resetia Hid., 42, without detracting from Bar- 
ragan, gives Esteva much credit for the success obtained. 

44 The delay in sending relief to the fort has been attributed to a Col 
Montenegro, said to have been a friend to the American cause, who had a 
position near the captain -general of Cuba. El Veracruzano Libre, 1828, June 
8, 3, in Pinart, Colt. 

45 Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 43, and Zavala, Revol. Me"x., i. 252, com- 
mit the error of giving the date of surrender on the loth of September. The 
preliminaries of the capitulation ' en fuerza de las imperiosas circunstancias ' 
in which the Spaniards were situated was signed in the city of Vera Cruz on 
the 17th by Miguel Suarez del Valle and Domingo Lagru, commissioned 
therefor by Coppinger, and on the 18th ratified by Barragan and the Span- 
ish commander. Mex. Gaz. Extra., 1-3; Gaz. de Mex., Prim. £p. Fed., i. 

1825, no. 184, 1-3. 

46 Including also several launches, barges, boats, and a small schooner, 
also medicines, and the silver and other paraments of the church. Alaman, 
Hist. M6j., v. 820-1; Pedraza, Manif., 27-8; Liceaga, Adic. y Recti/., 614-15; 



the besiegers and besieged were entitled to much 
commendation for their bravery and constancy. 

The whole nation received with enthusiastic joy 
the news of the capture of the sole point of Mexican 
territory which had remained in the possession of Spain. 
The officers, soldiers, and sailors, to whose good ser- 
vices was justly credited this result, were duly re- 

H w w^i^ m jspptip^ ff| 



Vera Cruz Harbor. 

warded; and the Spanish flag that had waved over 
San Juan de Ulua was deposited on the 12th of De- 
cember in the Santuario de la Virgen de Guadalupe. 

Vallejo, Col. Doc, i. no. 14, 1-2; Ward's Mex., ii. 262; Niks' Beg., xxix. 182, 
231,259, 276, 355-6, 390; S. L. Potosi, Bel. de lasDemost., 1-10; Cor. Fed. Mex., 
Dec. 2, 1826, 1-3; Gaz. de Mex., 1826, May 2, 2-3; Suarezy Navarro, Hist. 
Mex., 73. The sick Spaniards, namely, 148 soldiers and sailors, one treasury 
officer, and six others, were cared for in the hospitals of Vera Cruz. 


But the expulsion of this last force did not end the 
strife between the mother country and the republic, 
though henceforth, for a considerable time, it was con- 
fined to maritime operations, in which Spanish com- 
merce was the only victim. The Spaniards could not 
retaliate in this warfare, as there was no Mexican 
marine to prey upon. 

A Mexican squadron, consisting of the frigate Liber- 
tad, and the brigs Bravo, Victoria, Guerrero, and Her- 
mon, under the command of Commodore David Porter, 
sailed on the 5th of December from Vera Cruz for the 
coasts of Cuba, where a number of Spanish merchant 
vessels were captured. In order to play still greater 
havoc with Spanish commerce, already much harassed 
by Colombian privateers, Porter issued letters of 
marque, and even approached the coasts of Spain, 
causing damage to several of the enemy's ships. 47 
The Spanish government in retaliation despatched 
some men-of-war to the gulf of Mexico, and on the 
11th of February, 1828, an action occurred between 
the frigate Lealtad of 50 guns and 300 men, and the 
Guerrero of 22 guns, the latter being captured 
after her commander, David H. Porter, a relative of 
the commodore, had been killed. From an official 
report of Lieutenant Charles E. Hawkins, command- 
ing the Hermon, to the commodore, it appears that 
on the previous day the Guerrero met a number of 
small craft conveyed by the brig Marie and schooner 
Amolia, of fourteen and five guns respectively, and 
opened fire on them off Mariel on the north coast of 
Cuba, and a short distance from Habana. The as- 
sailed sought the protection of a battery, which the 
Guerrero bombarded. But on the 11th the Lealtad 
came and chased the Guerrero, which kept up a run- 
ning fight till she was overtaken and forced to haul 
down her colors. 48 This gallant action produced much 

47 Cor. Fed. Hex., 1827, Feb. 20, April 14; Gaz. de Mex., 1827 r Feb. 22; 
La Palanca, ii. no. 21; Nile*' Reg. t xxxiii. 356. 

48 Cor. Fed. Mex., 1828, March 24; Niks' Eeg. y xxxiv. 8-9. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 5 


enthusiasm in Mexico. Money was freely subscribed 
to build another vessel, to be also called the Guer- 

Notwithstanding;' this misfortune, the Bravo and 
Ilermon continued their cruise for some time; and 
it is asserted that the latter captured an armed 
schooner. 54 

Privateers were fitted out to prey upon Spanish 
commerce, and schemes to prosecute this kind of 
warfare were contemplated as late as 1831. 51 Nothing 
was effected, however. In 1825 the remnant of the 
Spanish navy in the Pacific Ocean fell into the posses- 
sion of Mexico. The ship of the line Asia and the 
brig Constante escaped from Callao when that place 
was surrendered to the patriot forces of Colombia. 
On their way to Manila the crews mutinied, landed 
their chief officers in the Marianas Islands, and then 
brought the vessels to Monterey in California, already 
under the republican flag, where they were given up 
to Governor Luis Antonio Argiiello. 52 

49 What became of those funds is unknown; 'las desgracias de cuanto tenia 
el nombre de Guerrero comenzaron a ser fatidicas.' Tornel, Breve Fesena 
Hist., 270-3. The widows and orphans of the slain on the brig were pen- 
sioned. Dublau and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 65-6. 

50 The Mexican navy being disabled in 1829, Commodore Porter retired 
and went back to his home in Pennsylvania. President Guerrero, on the 14th 
of August, conveyed to him the warm thanks of the Mexican nation for his 
valuable services. Niles* Reg., xxxvii. 119. While the commodore and his 
friend Doctor Boardman were on their way to the city of Mexico in May 1829, 
they were assailed by three armed bandits. The commodore shot the chief 
dead, upon which the other two fled. The doctor received a sabre-wound in 
his left arm. Id., xxxvi. 381. 

51 Cor. Fed. Mex., 182S, Aug. 1. General Basadre took out 25 or 30 letters 
of marque issued by President Guerrero, and when he had already fitted out 
five vessels to attack the Spanish convoy taking silver to Spain, the British 
admiral at Jamaica under the supposition, it is presumed, that the letters 
were apocryphal, gave orders to arrest and treat as a pirate a 'certain Basa- 
dre.' Alaman, Proceso, 39; Id., Defensa, 81. 

52 Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 819, says the surrender took place in Acapulco, 
which is a mistake; they were taken there from Monterey by officers in the 
Mexican service. Full particulars on this episode are given in Hist. Cal., ii. 
this series. 

The following authorities have been consulted in writing the foregoing 
chapters: Mex., Acta Constitut., 1-12; Id., Diario Coivjr. Constituy., ii. 6S0- 
98; Id., Col. Constituciones, i. 1-101, 320-473, ii. 66-151, 294-368, iii. 165- 
235, 328, 403-84; Id., Col. Leyes, 6rd. y Dec, ii. 89-207, and iii. 1-163, pas- 
sim; Id., Col. Leyes Fund., 116-64; Id., Col. Leyes y Dec., 1844-6, 414-20; 
1847, 35-8, 76-153; Id., Col. Leyes, 1S29-30, 35-46, 55-S5, 90, 151 j Id., Col. 


DecretosSob. Congr. Mex., 92-5, 108-11, 134-79, 189, 219-21; Id., Constitution 
Fed., 1-28; Id., Constituc. Polit., 1-47; Id., Cddiqo Fund.. 1-92; Id., Plan 
Constituc. Polit., 1-83; Gac. Imp. Mix., ii. 213, 267-8; Gaz. de Mex., 1823, 
i. 10-11, 49-50, 171-4, ii. 11-12; 1824, iii. 15-16, iv. 173-258, 323; 1825, v. 
177; 182G, passim; 1827, Jan. 2, 4, 30, Feb. 3, 8. 13, 22. 27, March 8, April 3, 
10, 14, May 1, 10, 19, 24-29, etc.; Gaz. de Mex., Prim. Ep. Fed., 1825. i. nos. 
69, 1S4, 210; Soc. Mex. Geog. BoL, i. 56, 188, iii. 102-21, 132, 143, 350, 393, 
v. 95-112, xi. 343; Liceaqa, Adic. y Rcctific, 324-5, 014-18; Guia de II w. 
Hep. Mex., i. 35, 122-61, 'ii. 109-55, iv. 34, 49-51, 297-303, v. 36-9, 196, 217- 
18, 283-4, 304-6, vi. 43-5, 62-5, 96-138, 245-58; Mex., Gaz. Extraord. Feder. 
Mex., 1-3; Derecho Intern. Mex., 1st pt, 109-50, 177-80, 372-83, 427-564, 
597-008, 2d pt, 1-145, 181-96, 254-69, 301-21, 3d pt, 327-49, 495, 825-6, 
1159; Dublan and Lozauo, Leg. Mex., i. 605-6, 673-6, 684-710, ii. passim, iv. 
250, 254, 412, v. 260-1; Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii. 61-3, iv. 141, 724, v. pasciin; 
Id., Defensa, pp. ix.-xxii. ; Id. , Noticias Blog. Necrol6g., 10; Id., Memor. 
Presentada d la Cdmara, 1-51; /(/., Esposic., 1-67; Id., Apuntes Biog., 19, 
21-2; Dispos. Varias, iii. passim, v. fol. 5; Bustamante, Cuad. Hint., ii. 176- 
80, iv. 175-6, 222-33^ v. 207-8, 268, vii. 77-9, viii. passim; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 
62-88, 99-101, 139-50, 158-291; Id., Voz de la Patria, i.-iii. passim; Id., 
Hist. Gob. Victoria, MS., 555-76; Id. , Hist. Sta Anna, 126-7; Id., Garza 
Vindicado, 5, 30-52; Id., Gabinete Mex., ii. 225-9, 24S-9; Id., Resistentia 
Corie Exp., 1-32; Id., Medidas Pacific, MS., i. 114-18; Id,., Mem. para la 
Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 13; Id., Nccesidad de Union, 1-44; Id., Eiario Mex., 
MS., xlv. 203; Zincunegui, Respuesta, 1-36; D'Orbigny, Voy. Deux Amir., 
450-3; Earrainzar, Soconusco, 31-104; Martinez, Sin6p. Hist. Revol. Mex., i. 
117-241; Correo Semanario, i. 133-42, 168-9, 188-91, 236-7; El Tiempo, 1834, 
July 29, Aug. 1, Oct. 3; 1846, Feb. 22, etc.; Wappaius, Mex. and Cent. Am., 
83, 134; Southern Quart. Rev., xv. 104-7; Zerecoro, Rev. Mex., 73, 109-10; 
Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 19-32, 44-65, 465-89; Mirhelena, Explication, 8-9, 29- 
35; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 89-106; Id., Diet. Comis. line., 1-7; Bdrc> 
Caf.ecismo Hist., 215-40; Carbajal, Viudicac., 10-13; Voz de Mej., April 19, 
1864; Falconers On the Eiscov. Mississippi, 41-54; Lizardi, Advertei 
Necesar., 1-8; Proclama, El Gobernador del Distrito; Proclamadcl Gen. Mon- 
tesdeoca; Guerrero, Notic. Extraord.; Demcrrcdic Rev., i. 488-92; White's Coll. 
Laws, i. 375-410, 594-5, C22; Mod. Trav. Mex. and Gnat., i. 153-61, 322-5, 
ii. 169-73; Ramsey's Other Side, 12-14; Ocios Espan. Emigrados, iv. 122, 2 
67, 377-GO, v. 307-21, 405-13, 487-505, vi. 8-21, 107-17, 302-13, vii. 257; 
Beltrami, Mex., i. 10-12, 42, 63-5, ii. 239-56, 355-8; SembJanzas de los M 
bras, 1-28; Dec. y Ord. Puebla, 149-5;}; Rocafuerte, Contid. Gen., pt 2, 7-10; 
Id., Cuad., 14; Id., Regalo, 8-13; Lempriere^s Notes in Mex., 176. 426-7; 
Montiel y Euarte, Estud. Garant. Individ., 144; Otero, Ensayo Guest. Polit., 
109-12; Zczaya, Apjelacion, 5; Revue Americaine, i. 93-107, 190-215, 249-0, 
ii. 552-4; Yuc, Pacification, pp. iv.-ix.; Crichton, Mix. despues la Indep., 
1-91; Ariz., Acts, 1875, app. ; Id., HowelVs Code, 455-69; Manero, Doc. I.i- 
teres., 15-10; Rosario, El Payo del, 1-8; Juicio de un PcUr., 1-32; Santa Maria, 
Expos. Pretext., no. ii. 12; Patton's Hint. U. S.. GS5; Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 
60-1, 178-80; Beaufoy's Mex. Illustrations, 103-17, 275-82; Poinsett, Man':/. 
de los Principios, 1-23; S. Am. and Mex., i., 201; Villa- Amor, Biog. Ge,i. 
Sta Anna, 7-9; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 79-91; Cults' Conq. Col. and 
N. Mex., 9; Mier, Profecia Polit., 1-15; Puebla, Mem. Present, al Congr., 3- 
40, annexes 1-37; Id., Constituc. Polit., 1-54; Juarez, Biog., 12; Alejandro 
VI., Bula del Sto Padre, 1-8; Ferry, Revol. du Mex., 231-55; Poussin, De la- 
Puissance, i. 402-13; Siliceo, Mem. Foment. Col. Ind., 74-8; Olarte, Declur. 
Legal, -pp. i.— viii. 1-38; Lowenstern, Mex., 290-1; Terranova y Monteleone, 
Esposic; Dubois, Le Mexique, 112-31; Guadal., Esposic. del Cabildo, 81; La 
Minerva, May 15, 1845, 1; Unda, Sorpresa del Campo, 1-19; Id., Esposic. al 
Publ., 1-32; Poussin's The U. S., 278-9; El Fildvtropo, No Esperemos, 1-3; 
Abispa de Chilpancingo, 284-5; Payno, Cuentas, Gastos, 599-600; Id., Mem. 
sobre Convene. Esp., 1-62; La Cruz, vi. 524-5, vii. 690-1; Perez, Dice. Geog., 
i. 95-106, 670-708, ii. 754-71, iii. 358-61; Vera Cruz, Contest, del Gen. Guer- 


rero, 3-16; Id., El Plan Republ., 1-27; Id., Estadist., 3-64; Id., Manif. del 
Conqr., 1-23; Amer. State Pap., iv. 422-0-26, 650-703, 848-50, v., Foreign 
Relat., 21, 127, 507, 907-10, vi., Foreign Relat., 366, 578-613, 946-62, 1006- 
14; Car rin (/ton's Affairs, MS., 1-3; Guana j., Mem. que Presenta el Gobern., 
1-37; Id., Constit. Polit., 1-78; Id., Informe, 4 11.; Muzqulz, Deer, del 13 de 
Marzo de ISJJ, 1; Id., Diet., 1-25; Romero, Bosquejo Hist., 48-65, 321-462, 
495-795: Id., Mich., 150-1; Espiritu Publ., 1828, Nov. -Dec., passim; 1829, 
Jan. 11; Estrella, Escalante and Gaxiola, Informe, 12-13; Mosaieo Mex., i. 
229, 265; Deivees* Letters from Texas, 73-112; Santana, Manif. dsusConciud., 
11-14; Santa Anna, Pronunclam. de Perote, 124-54; Suarez, Informe, 5-6; 
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 34-5, 50-76, 66-131-, 226-41, 390-5, 407-14; 
Quedardn to* Gachup., 1-8; Negrete, Defensa Legal, 1-55; Alpuche 6 Infante, 
Scg. Grito. 1-8; Giordan, L '1 'sthme de Tehuan., 110-22; Becerra, Voto Partlc, 
1-16; Atlcta, 1829-30, 47, 84, 254, 322, 470-7; Salv., Dlarlo Ofic, Jan. 26, 
May 23, 1875; Lesur, Ann. Hint. Univ., 1827, 172-7, 571-7; Domenech, Hist, 
du Mex., ii. 71-91, 105; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 152-91, iii. ap. 3-5, 7; Young's 
Hist. Mex., 209-28; Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 21-30, 272; Id., Hist. yCrdn., 259- 
68; Contest, al Artie. Infam., 1-16; Nat. Dem. Quart. Rev., i. 231-6; Reflex. 
Artie. Proyecto Constit.; Grattan's Civil. America, ii. 267, 289; Cajiga, Mem. 
Oaj., 19-20; Hayes' Scraps, Mexico, 2; Bravo, Vindlcac; Id., Espcd. Instruct., 
1-52; Id., Manif, 2 11.; Id., Espos. del Vice-presid., 1-7; San Miguel, Seg. 
Guia, 189-91; Armln, Heutig. Mex., 113-19, 248-50; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 
307-14, 327-3G, ii. 152; Id., Mex. as It Was, 338; S. L. Potosi, Relac Demonst., 
5 11.; Id., Gobernac. del Est.; Politka, Col. Art. Select., 12-28, 39-78; Rivinus, 
Atlantis, iv. 342-7; North Am. Rev., xx. 77-80, xxi. 461-4, xxiii. 475-7, xxxi. 
112-14, 11S-54, xxxii. 317-29, xliii. 22S-33; Dur., Exdmen Analit.-Crit., 6- 
11; Id., Despertada de los Durang., 3; Free American, Nov. 27, 1847, 2-4; 
Ilolley's Texas, 316-21, 365-92; Jenkins' 2Icx. War, 20-1; Sepulveda, Oraclon 
Pair., 1-23; Liberallsmo, 1-14; Chevalier. Expkl. du Mex., 43-8; Beechey's 
Voy., ii. 323; Dice, Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 42-9, 468-9, iii. 84-6, 746-9, viii. 
689, x. 1032, 1109; Gutierrez, Carta y Opin., 6-18, 28-34; Id., Leyes de Rcfl, 
94-9; Maillard's Hist. Texas, 43-52; Congress. Debates, 1825-6, i. p. vii. ; 
1826-7, 334-5, 1161-76, 1214; Garcia, Reflex, sobre Acta Constitute 1-8; 
Ahrens, Mex. und Mex. Zustdnde, 12-19, 45-51; Oajaca, Constituc. Polit., 1- 
104; Rendida Supl.j Figueroa, Observac. de un Ciud., 1-2; Salazar, Pedim., 3; 
Ortega, Mem. Relac. Dipl. Mex., 22-3; Zamacois. Hist. Mex., iv. 25-6, vi. 
437, vii. 504, viii. 186-7, 196, 298, 524-6, 562, 618, ix. 17, 349-51, 550, x. 
386, xi. passim; Ccdder oil's Life in Mex., i. 42-3, ii. 121-2; Gleeson's Hist. 
Cath. Church, ii. 108-7; Payne's Hist. Europ. Colonies, 308-14; Abbot's Mex. 
and U. S., 87-90, 256-8, 277-8; El Tribuno, 1827, Aug. 2, Sept. 6; Preten- 
siones Anglo- Amer.; Cuest. del Dia; Bazancourt, Mexique, 83-97; Derrotero 
Isl. Ant., 1826, 515-16; Cuevas, Esposic. Dlf. Francla, 1-60; Id., Porvenir 
Mex., 257-494; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 120-32; McGregor's Prog. 
Amer., i. 684-7; Baz, Vila Juarez, 31-9; Rlncon, Gen. Jusiljic, 1-10S; Id., 
Vindicac., 1-56; Onys, Mem. sobre Negoc, 5-10; Villarkenclo, Maulf. del 
Payo, 1-16; Neicell's Revol. in Texas, 3-10; Hernandez, Estad. 2Iex., 187-8; 
Aim. Calend. Galvan, 1848, 45-62; Aim. Ccdend. Man. y Gum, 1828, 64-6; 
1852, 300-16; Ddvlla, El Toro, i. passim; Fillsola, Circular a los Ayunt., 1-4; 
Id., Mem. Hist. Guerra Tex., i. 90-108; Tornel, Nac. Mej., 24-131, 163-424; 
Id., Breve Resefia, 24, 29, 56; Id., Tejas Estad. Unid., 78-98; Id., Carta; 
Museo Mex., ii. 105-10; Baquelro, Ensayo Yuc, iii. ap. 4-11; Ancona, Hist. 
Yuc, iii. 259-325, 508-13; Roidiaud, Regions Nouv., 13; Frost's Plct. Hist. 
Mex., 28, 142-7, 165-6; Casaus Navarrete, Discurso, 1-7; Annals Conqr., 1818- 
19, ii. 1629-2136; 1819-20, 948-9; 1820-1, 1293, 1337-1169; La Socledad, Oct. 
29, 1867; Blanchard, San Juan, 494-5; Mex., Diario Ofic, Jan. 20, 1879; Oct. 
15, 1881; Vallejo, Doc, xxviii. no. 80, xxix. nos. 221, 263, 268; Id., Col. Doc. 
Mex., i. nos. 14, 18, 19; Id., MS., no. 22; Fossey, Mex., 152-5; Paz, Ley, 
Justic. y Verdad; La Palanca, 1826-8, passim; Pena y Pefia, Voto Fund.; 
Escalera y Liana, Mex. J list. Descript., 28-33; U. S. House Ex. Doc, 142, 
vol. viii., 19 cong. 1 sess. ; U. S. House Journ., 15 cong. 1 sess., index 


'Meade,' 'Spain;' Id., 16 cong. 2 sess., index 'Spain,' 'South Amer.;' 
Id., 17 cong. 2 sess., index 'Spain;' U. S. State Pap., vol. ii. no. 25, 19 cong. 
2 sess.; U. S. Acts and Resol., pp. 141-2, app. 24-30, 22 cong. 1 sess.; Arenas, 
Causas, 1-117; Id., Arrepentim., 1-4; Guerra entre Mex. y los Est. Unid., 10- 
13; Guar to Trueno Libert.; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim, y Seg. Congr., 52-5, 148- 
50; Id., Hist. Scg. Congr. Constit., 147; Antepara, Defensa Legal., 1-77; 
Gregory' 's Hist. Mex., 45-C; Noticioso Gen., June 30, 1819, 4; Arg'delles, Vin- 
dicac., 1-16, i.-xr.; Santangelo, Congr. Panama, 73-5, 145-01; El Veracru- 
zano Libre, June 8-11, 1828; BeuHoch, Le Mexique, ii. 141-273, 322-64; Amer. 
Ann. Reg., 1825-6, 97-124, 107-71; 1826-7, 157-76; 1831-2,88-91; Rlcero, 
Mex. en 1842, 13-21, 61-103, 118-19; Robinson's Mex. and Her Mil. Chief- 
tains, 141-4, 174-5, 188-94, 221, 236-42; Amer. Quart. Reg., i. 208-9; Demccr. 
Rev., i. 485; Bolet. Geog. Estad. Mex., i. 96; Mendoza, Nocioncs Crono'., 159- 
60, 291-2; Ortiz de la Torre, Discurso; Revista Mex., 415-24; Gagern, Apelac, 
36-47; Estrada, Reflex., 36-9; El Observ. de la Rep. Mex., i. 36-8, 87-103, 
151-213, 302-14, 343-6, 415-49, ii. 3-24, 77-127, 161-252, iii. 37-64, 135-99; 
Rasgo Hist. Conducta Alpuche, 1 1.; Lafond, Voy. ant. du Monde, i. bk i. 
238-90, 300; Foole's Texas, i. 300-9; Cambas, Atlas, 8; Gander's Mex. and 
Guat., 153-6; Repertorio Amer., i. 231-53; Caballero, Hist. Aim., 6-9; Emi- 
grado Observ., 79, 101, 193, 237; El Rcpubllcano Libre, June 12, 1828, 1-2; 
Barbachano, Mem. Camp., 40, 43, ap. 9-14; Amigo del Pueblo, i. 3-27, ii. 97- 
108, 135-9, 200-1, 228-9, iii. 19, 33-74, 97-119, 149-60, 186, 307-18, iv. 1-4; 
Chateaubriand, Congrds deVcrone, ii. 244-464; Linati, Co-dumes, pi. 13; Bolet. 
Ojic. Esiado Sin., June 20, 1871, 95; Parol, 273-9; Pedraza, Manif. 6 sea, 21- 
9, 36-92; Id., Pub. Resp., 4-16; Id., Contest., 1-38; Id., Impug. Contest., 1- 
14; Maclure's Opinions, i. 237, 296-8; Castillo, Dice. Hist., 152; Hassrt, Mex. 
and Gnat., 100-7, 135; Colima, Represent., 7; Navarro, Ilurblde, 224-7; Dun- 
bar's Mex. Papers, 234; Congreso Constiluy.. Manif. d los Pueblos, 1-16; Con- 
greso Gen., Manif. d los Mejicanos, 1-0; E-pinosa, Mem. Rep. Mex., 1-37; 
Kennedy's Texas, i. 12, ii. 421-43; Bolet. del Institut., i. 96; Ober, Mexico, 
420-2; Mex., Bosq. Hist. Revol. Trcs Bias, 1-13; Mex. como Nac. Indep., 1- 
32; Mex., Juicio I m pare, sobre Acoutec. en 1828-9, 1-32; Mexicano Libre, I- 
4; Mex., Ya en Oax., 1-3; Id., Gran Jurado, 149-56; Id., Diet. Com. Ocnr. 
Yuc, 1-4; Id., Diet. Com. Puntos Constit., 1825, 1-6; Id., Diet. Com. Relac. 
Enviado a Roma, 1824, 2 11.; Id., Diet. Com. Constit. Sesion Secret: i, 1823, 1- 
11; Id., Diet. Com. Espec C dinar a Diput., 1827, 1-22; Id., Diet. Com. E^pec. 
de Convoc, 1823, 1-22; Id., Diet. Com. Gob.. 1826, 4, 7; Mix. (Est. de) Mem., 
1828, 1-66, annexes 1-26; Mex. Mem. Sec. Esiado, 1823, 1-59; Id., Mem. 
Minist. Ester., i. 4-33; Id., Mem. Sec. Estado Relac. Ext., 1825, 3-18; Id., 
Mem. Relac., 1823, 5-9, 57; 1826, 1-33; 1827, 1-37, annexes 1-3; 1828, 1-22, 
annexes 1-2; 1829, 1-23, annexes 1-3; Id., Mem. Juslicia, 1834, 26; Id., Mem. 
Marina, 1826, 1-5; Id., Mem. Guerra y Mar., 1840, 1-53, annexes 1-17; Id., 
Mem. Hacienda, 1827, annexes 1-2; 1370, 76-7, 1027-8; Id., Mem. Esiado 
Libre, 1826, 1-60, annexes 1-21; 1829, 2-4; Mich., Mem., 1830, 3, 6-7; Id., 
Constit. del Estado, 1-73; Id., Arancel General, 1-26; Mex. and U. S., 5-6; 
Noriega, Estadist. Dep. Mex., 57; Mexico and Mr Poinsett, 1-13; Michaus, 
Certain. Cient., 1-72; Monies, Oracion Fun., 33-8; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. 
Amer., ii. 328-59; Mex. Legisl. Mej., April-July, 1853, 238-42; Mex., Notes 
on Mex. Made in 1822, 294-335; Mex. et la Monarchic, 19-29; Mex., Manif. 
Diput., 4-7; Id., Manif. Supr. Poder Ejec, 1823, 2 11.; Id., Manifestac, 1-4; 
Lista de Ciudadanos Llegid., 1823, 1 1.; Mex., Gob. Disl. Fed., Circidar, 1826, 
2 11.; Id., Constit. Polit. Est. Mex., pp. i.-x., 1-41; Id., Represent. Ayunt. 
sobre Dist. Fed., 1-12; Id., Laws and Courts, MS., 13-17; Id., Mem. Gob. 
Estado, 3-60, annexes 1-23; Id., Cuest. Monarq. Constituc, 24-5; Id. , Propos. 
Leida Prim. Cong., 1-4; Id., Proyect. Deer. Organ.; Id., Proyect. Ley 28 de 
Nov. de 1827, l'sht.; Mix. (Estado de), Deer, del Congr. Constit., 1-136; 
Manif. de Nic. Bravo, 2 11.; Fajardo, Informe at Minist. Relac, 3-17; Poin- 
sett, Esposic. Conducta Polit., 1-16; Zavala, Manif. Princip., 1-23; Yuc, 
Comp. Hist., 14-32; Pedraza, Notas al Manif, 1-42; Lista Fidedigna, 1 1.; 
Aviso al Publ.; Michelena, Contest, que Did, 1-23; Iloi-acio, Carta a Porcio t 


1-20; Calderon, Derrota; Velez, Discurso; Plan Constit. Polit., 1-83; Clari- 
dades cd Congr.; Austin, Esposic. Asuntos Tej., 14-15; JaZ., Mem. Admin. 
Pi'tbl., 5-0; Mich. j Veer. Congr. Constit., 1-83; Portugal, Princip. Sistem.; 
Quiere cl Ministro Ataman, 1 1. ; Barragan, Prision; Puebla, Reflex, sobre 
Proyecto; Tezmelucan, Impugn.; Canedo, Acusacion contra Alaman; Sobre- 
arias, Defensa Coroiui Castro; Unda, Sorpresa del Campo, 1-19; Parian, 
Prim. Represent, del Comer do, 1-65; Hidalgo, Apuntes Hist. Proy. Monarq., 
19-23, 41-3; Pronunc. Herdica, 1-20; Guardamino y Hoyo, Ejecuc. Justic., 
1-8; Supl. No. 54, Mexicano Libre Potosin., 1-4; Facio, Mem., 103-13, 196— 
211; Ibar, Muerte Polit., 4-5; Manif. Gob. Esp., 1-8; Bravo, Esped. Instruct, 
del Gran Jurado, 1-25; Id., Las Razones del Senado, 1-11; Id., Destierro, 1-4; 
Id., Represent. Ayunt. y Vec. Chilpanz., 1-8; Id., Manif. que un OJic, 1-8; 
Siurob, Breve Ojeada, 1-8; Id., Seg. Ojeada, 1-8; Sentim. de un Pair., 1-4; 
El Sol., no. 1773; Bustamante (C. M.J, Honor del Gen. Bravo, 1-9G; Id., 
( ampana sin Gloria, 13-14, 38; Pedraza, Prision, 2 11. j Gachup., Lista; 
Id., Traicion Descub., 1-2; Derrota de Montana, 1-4; Payno, Mex. et M. 
U Ambassadeur , 40-7; Bravo and Alvarez, Manif. sobre que se erija el Depart. 
de Acapulco, 6-7; Fisiolog. Cosa Piibl., 52-3; Gutierrez, Contest, al Libelo, 13; 
Tenemos Constitudon? ; Mex., Doc. Relac. Ult. Ocurr. N. Esp., 18; Mex., 
Did. Com. sobre Elecc. Resldencia Supr. Poderes, 1 1.; Alex., Voto Partic. del 
Scuor Marin, 1 1.; Id., Discurso Casdres sobre Declarac. Ciudad Fed., 1-10; 
Papeles Varios, i. pt 1, xiv. pt 1, xvi. pt 6, xxiv. pt 4, xxvi. pt 2, xxvii. pts 
1-27, xxviii. pts 2-5, 17, 19, 21, 23, xxxi. pts 3-6, 8-10, 12, 15, 26-7, xxxiv. 
pts 2-4, 6, 10, 28, 49, xxxvi. pts 117-19, xli. pts 17,. 19, xlviii. pts 1-2, xlix. 
pt 15, lxvii. pts 3, 4, 10, 13, 14, lxviii. pts 5, 8, 9, 15, 18, lxix. pts 6-10, 12, 
15, lxx. pts 1, 2, 4-7, 10, 12, 14, lxxi. pt 8, lxxii. pt 1, lxxiii. pt 9, lxxvii, pts 
2, 6, lxxviii. pt 1, lxxxii. pt 7, lxxxv. pt 10, xciii. pt 5, cvi. pt 1, cviii. pt 1, 
cxii. pt 8, cxv. pt 2, cxviii. pts 8, 11, 19, 20, exxii. pt 2, exxvii. pt 1, exxix. 
pt 5, cxl. pts 6, 9, 12, cxli, pts 7, 10, 11, cxlii. pts 1-4, 8, 19, cxliii. pt 3, 
cxliv. pts 7, 8, 11, 12, 15, 17, 18, cxlv. pt 1, cxlviii. pt 6, 8, cxlix. pts 8, 10, 
cl. pt 22, civ. pt 5, clvii. pt 4, clxiii. pt 2, clxiv. pts 3, 4, 7, clxvi. pts 5, 8, 
clxvii. pts 4, 5, 10, clxviii. pts 3, 4, 7, clxx. pts 1, 2, clxxviii. pt 2, clxxxi. 
pfc 1, clxxxvi. pt 2, exevi. pt 2, ccii. pt 4, ccx. pts 2, 4, 8, ccxi. pts 2, 3, cexv. 
pt 14, cexxvi. pts 7-9; Papeles Sueltos, nos i., iii., iv., v. vi. ix., xi., xii., xiii., 
xiv., xxij.; Pinart Coll., nos 2, 43, 48, 78, 119, 137; Arrillwja, Recop., 182S, 
37-45, 86-93, 184-231, 250-8, 273-9, 295-6; 1829, 128-60, 224, 273-322; 1830, 
S3-5, 102, 113-14, 131-2, 496; 1833, 56; 1S36, Jan.-June, 455-60; Ramirez y 
Srsma, Col. Dec, 6-14, 31, 200-8, 272, 299, 307; Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. pp. 
viii.-xiv., 157-68, ii. 7-34, 45-103, 122-52, 167-83, 198-213, 244-62, 280-305, 
3G3-408, 450-76; Id., Rev. Mex., i. 345-84, 419-20; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 
4G8-.72, ii. passim; Id., Gob. de Mex., ii. 56, 67-72, 98-159, 184-6, 196-9; Id , 
Mex. Pint., i. 231-3; Ward's Mex., i. 281-306, 328-30, 341, ii. 171-7, 262; 
Zavala, Voto del Diput., 1-7; Id., Rev. Mex., i. 196-210, 248-75, 290-9, ii. 
7-43, 72-105, 201, 244-5, 272-3; Id., Viaje d lot E.AJ., 6; Niks' Reg., xiv. 
5-8, 58-88, 105-6, 344, 376, xv. 6-7, xviii. 285-6, xix. 39-45, xxiii. 474-8, 
xxiv. 149-50, 216-17, 282-3, 294, xxv.-xxxv. passim, xxxvi. 105, 332, 355; 
Id., S. Am. and Mex., i. 159-212; Cor. Fed. Mex., 1826, Nov. 1, 2, 10-11, 16, 
Dec. 1, 2, 16-17, 22, etc.; 1827-8, passim; Correo Seman., i. 10-14, 47-8, 217- 
21, 285-8; Cortes, Diar. Ofic, iv. 217; Cortes. Diar. Ses., 1823, 46, 293, 412. 




Spanish Scheme of Eeconquest — Barradas' Invasion — His Defeat and 
Surrender— Rejoicing in Mexico — Monarchical Intrigues — Vicente 
Guerrero Second President — His Administration — Abolition of 
Slavery — Extraordinary Powers — Party Animosity — Recall of 
Poinsett — Charges against Ministers — History of Yucatan — 
Secession of Yucatan — Revolution of Jalapa — Its Effects in Mex- 
ico — Provisional Government — Bustamante as the Executive — 
Guerrero Deposed — War in the South — Treachery against Guer- 
rero — His Capture, Trial, and Execution — Ministers' Impeach- 
ment — Honors to Guerrero's Memory. 

The Spanish court at last saw fit to carry out the 
long-delayed scheme of reconquering Mexico. It was 
supposed to be an easy task, on account of the report 
sent to Europe about the disturbed state of the coun- 
try, accompanied with assurances, mostly from resi- 
dent Spaniards, that there was a large party in Mexico 
ready to help restore the Spanish rule, or to establish 
a throne for a prince chosen by Fernando VII. 1 An 
invasion was expected in 1828, and preparations made 
to meet it; 2 but it proved to be a false alarm. The 
Mexicans, on the other hand, had formed plans to di- 
vert Spain's attention and resources by carrying the 
war into Cuba and other dependencies, to which effect 
Colonel Basadre was despatched on a secret mission 

1 Ex-viceroy Calleja's speech in the c6rtes. Cor. Fed. Mex., 1828, Aug. 23. 

2 A proclamation purporting to come from Fernando, and full of promises, 
was circulated. It first appeared in El Impartial of Zacatecas, May 28, 1823, 
and was copied by El Veracruzano Libre, 1828, June 8. 



to Hayti. This proceeding greatly alarmed the au- 
thorities of Cuba. 3 

An expedition for the reconquest of Mexico sailed 
from Habana on the Gth of July, 1829, under Briga- 
dier Isidro Barradas. The whole force, at the time 
of sailing, probably consisted of 3,000 men. The fleet, 
commanded by Rear-admiral Angel Laborde, was 
formed of the line-of-battle ship Soberano, the frigates 
Restauracion and Lealtad, the schooner Amalia, the 
brig Cautivo, and fifteen transports, among which was 
the American ship Bingham. On board this last- 
named vessel were 300 men with their commander, 
Santos Guzman. In a heavy storm the ship was 
thrown on the coast of Louisiana, where the officers 
and men received hospitable treatment. These troops 
consequently took no part in the Mexican campaign.* 

The first tidings of the expedition reached Vera 
Cruz on the 16th of July, by a French frigate, whose 
commander would not or could not give any informa- 
tion as to its destination. General Santa Anna, then 
governor and commander of the forces, borrowed a 
small sum of money and mustered the militia, with 
the view of attacking the invaders on their arrival. 

The Spaniards on the 24th were off Punta de Jerez, 
near Tampico, and on the 26th sent proclamations on 
shore, which showed that their government had been 
led to believe that the Mexican army, which had 
served under the royal banner prior to 1821, would 
lend its aid. 5 On the 27th they effected a landing un- 

3 Full information in Arrillaga, Recop., 1828, 184; Dublan and Lozano, 
Legis. Mex., ii. 73; Alaman, Proceso, 28-9, 38-9; Id., Defensa, 83-5; Arron- 
gois, Mey. t ii. 196, 227-8. The enemies of the government abused it, on the 
ground that it was intended to land a negro force in Cuba, which was a false 

4 The figures above given are furnished by Zamacois, Hist. Mex. , xi. 720-4, 
793. The author obtained his data from the diary kept and given him by 
sub-lieut Eduardo Agusti, who served in the expedition. He assures us that 
those data were later corroborated in Mexico by officers who took part in the 
lighting. Zavala, who at that time was a member of the Mexican cabinet, 
says that the force actually landed was 3,500. Revoi Mex., ii. 176. Others 
exaggerate it to 4,000, and even 5,000. 

5 They must have had that impression, else they would not have sent a 
mere handful of men to a deadly climate and at the worst season of the year, 
to capture the country. 


resisted on the play a cle Jerez, or Cabo Rojo, 36 
miles from Pueblo Viejo. 6 

After the disembarkation the fleet went back to 
Habana, pursuant to the orders of the captain-general 
of Cuba. Barradas' force marched toward Tampico, 
and after much suffering from the heat, scarcity of 
water, and myriads of merciless insects, having cap- 
tured on the way a well defended redoubt with four 
guns and fifty prisoners, the advanced column on the 
18th of August entered that city, which had been 
evacuated by the inhabitants. 

Had the invasion amounted to anvthinsf, the Mex- 
ican nation 7 would indeed have been unprepared to 
face it. When the news of it was announced at the 
capital, July 31st, the alarm among all classes was 
great. The troops were in want of everything; and 
to add to this perplexity-, the ministers encountered 
opposition on all sides, even to their calling the con- 
gress to hold an extra session. 8 The opposition press 
circulated false reports, pretending to doubt that any 
invasion had occurred. The intrigues of the govern- 
ment's enemies so hampered every effort to meet the 
situation that the Spaniards had been landed ten days 
before the national congress assembled. Even then 
it did nothing till the 25th of August, on which date 
the executive was invested with extraordinary power. 

The national and state governments then lost no 
time in making preparations on an extensive scale, 
apprehending that Barradas' force might be but the 
avant-guard of a large army. 9 The suspicious move- 

6 The chaplain was Friar Diego Miguel Bringas y Encinas, of whom men- 
tion was made in the preceding volume. Being a Sonoran, he issued a proc- 
lamation on the 28th to his countrymen — another evidence of the mistaken 
idea that the Mexicans wanted to return to colonial vassalage. 

7 ' La primer nacion de America, ' as she was once proudly called by El Bole- 
tin OJicial, no. 15. 

8 The council of state would not sanction it, and this, when the invaders 
were already on the inarch to Mexico. 

9 Pecuniary means to meet the expenses were obtained by levying extra 
taxes. The whole country was called to arms. Arrillaga, Iiecop., 1829, 159, 
169-70, 183 y 188, 195-6; Mex. Col. Ley., 1829-30, 151-9; Dipos. Var., ii. 68, 
71; Mex. Mem, Hac. y 1870, 101; Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1835, 7, 


ments of a vessel off Huatulco also awakened the fear 
that danger might be expected in that quarter. The 
president organized an army of reserve to occupy 
positions in Jalapa, Cordoba, and Orizaba, whence it 
could operate north and south. This body of troops 
was placed in charge of Anastasio Bustamante, the 
vice-president, with Jose Joaquin de Herrera as his 
second. Another division was created simultaneously 
in the south, and its command intrusted to Montes- 
deoca. Not satisfied with these forces, the executive 
urged the state governments to raise numerous bodies 
of militia. In the mean time Garza, who was still 
comandante general of Tamaulipas, had collected all 
the force of regulars and militia, and had also sent 
word to Mier y Teran, who had been inspecting the 
boundary line between Texas and the United States, 
and happened to be then ki Matamoros. Teran at 
once hastened to aid in the defence, placing himself, 
though superior in rank, under Garza's orders. Santa 
Anna, on learning where the Spaniards were, at once 
embarked about 1,000 men, who with the cavalry de- 
spatched by land formed probably a total of about 
2,000 10 directly under his command, the govern- 
ment having, as a reward of his activity, made him 
commander in chief of the army of operations. It 
is unnecessary to enter into detail of the operations. 
After several bloody encounters, Santa Anna and 
Teran forced Barradas and the remnants of his 
troops to capitulate, September 11th, on the banks of 
the Panuco River, but not without a heavy loss of 
men and officers on both sides. 11 Under the terms 

10 Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 177, says 'cerca de dos mil.' Suarez y Navarro, 
Hist. Mex., 146, relying on an official report, has it, ' mil sesenta y cuatro 
hombres era el total de la fuerza que llevo Santa Anna.' 

11 The Mexican casualties were eight officers and 127 men killed, and 151 
wounded. On the part of the Spaniards, from fighting and disease, suppos- 
ing that only 2,700 landed, the loss was 908; if there were originally 3,500, 
tis the Mexican generals believed, then it amounted to 1,708. The Spanish 
report gives 17 officers, and 983 rank and file, of whom 7 officers and 78 men 
were killed in action, and 130 died in hospitals from wounds. The particu- 
lars of this campaign, famished by various authorities, are contradictory. 
One anonymous writer, quoted in Villa Amor, Biog. del Gen. Santa Anna, 9- 


of the capitulation, the Spanish troops occupying the 
bar, fort, and town of Tampico were granted the 
honors of war, and allowed quarters at Ciudad Vic- 
toria till their reembarkation. 12 The sick and wounded 
remained in the hospitals, attended by Spanish sur- 
geons. According to an official report of Teran from 
Pueblo Viejo, Santa Anna having gone back to Vera 
Cruz in bad health, 1,792 Spaniards reembarked be- 
tween the 9th of November and the 11th of December. 
Thus ended this foolish and futile attempt to recon- 
quer Mexico, which cost a heavy loss of life and the 
expenditure of $1,500,000. It was quite a different 
affair from the first attempt; but men like Cortes 
were not plentiful in Spain at this time. 

The news of the Spanish surrender reached Mexico 
in the evening of the 20th of September, and was 
hailed with wild delight; displayed by the customary 
bell-ringing and illuminations. The president, Santa 
Anna, Teran, and others were objects of general 
praise. It seemed now as if party strife had come to 
an end. 13 

The defeat sustained by Barradas did not altogether 
put an end, at least for some time, to the project of 
reconquest, the king of Spain having been offered by 

10, coolly states that Santa Anna suffered two defeats at Barradas' hands, 
but the latter, in order to carry off the funds in his charge, concluded to sur- 
render to the remnant of the Mexican troops! Barradas never went back 
to Cuba or Spain. He died abroad, poor and forsaken. Zavala, Revol. Mex., 
ii. 176-90; Boletin Oficial, nos 1-33; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 142-87, 
411-27; Centinela Fed., 1829, no. 121; BuHtamante, Voz de la Patria, i. nos 
23, 24, 28, 31-7, iv. nos 12, 33; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 520-50; Martinez, 
Hist. Revol. Mex., i. 150-2; M6x. Mem. Guerra, 1830, 2; Alaman, Hist. Mej., 
v. 846-7 -,'Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., xi. 716-806. 

12 By a later arrangement, at the request of the Spanish commander, the 
town of Santa Catalina, Ozuluama, Tantima, Altamira, and Panuco were 

13 The trophies captured were placed by decree of Feb. 19, 1834, in the 
national hall of representatives. Arrillacja, Rccop., 1834, 60-1; Val/ejo, Col. 
Hoc, i. no. 34. On the 23d of May, 1835, the congress declared Santa Anna, 
for his services at Tampico, 'benemerito de la patria,' and further decreed 
that his name should be engraved on a pillar to be erected on the spot where 
the Spaniards surrendered, with this inscription: 'En las riberas del Panuco 
afianzo la independencia nacional en 11 de Setiembre de 1829.' On the 24th 
of May, 1843, a decree was issued to erect a monument at Tampico. Dublan 
and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 511, 676, iii. 52, iv. 421-2, 559; Boletin, OJic, 
nos 5, 15, 24. 


certain corporations aid in fitting out another expe- 
dition. The Mexican government was duly advised 
by its agents and made preparations accordingly. 14 
The alarm throughout the country was great, and 
even gave rise to the circulation of a false report, in 
August 1830, that 5,000 Spaniards had landed be- 
tween capes Rojo and Tamiahua near Tuxpan. 15 This 
rumor probably originated in the movements of a few 
men seeking a suitable place for a smuggling oper- 
ation. The consequence was that more stringent 
measures against the Spaniards were adopted by the 
government, not only expelling those still residing in 
Mexico, but forbidding the landing: of others. 16 

' CD O 

European intrigues were not wanting at this time, 
1830, to erect thrones in Spanish America, one of 
which was to be raised in Mexico and occupied by a 
prince of the Orleans family. The best informed 
statesmen and politicians in Europe seemed to be 
under the impression that Mexico could be ruled only 
by a monarchy. 17 

President Guerrero was duly installed in office on the 
1st of April, 1829, and immediately published a mani- 
festo outlining his future policy. 13 The history of Mex- 
ico's Ions: struwle for national life is witness to Guer- 
rero's resolution. He was born in the town of Tixtla, 
then within the intendencia of Mexico, in 1782, 19 of 
humble parents, Juan Pedro Guerrero and Maria 

14 Some Carmelite friars had also said that the Spanish flag in July 1830 
would wave over the palace at Mexico. That remark apparently explained the 
influx of Spaniards to the ports. Atleta, 1830, March 24, 381; Buaiamante, Voz 
de la Pairia, ii. no. 16; Max., Proceso Instruc, 1833, 39-40. 

15 The name of Prince Paul of Wurtemberg, who made a flying visit to 
Mexico, had been absurdly mixed up with Spanish plans. Ataman, Defeusa, 

1G Decrees and details are given in BuMamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 
17, 8, no. 21, 7, supl., nos 9, 10; Dispos. Var., ii. 80; Dublaii and Lozano, 
Legis. Mex.,ii. 230, 287-8, 322-3, 390; Mex. Col. Ley. y Dec., 1829-30, 142-3. 

17 Zavala assures us that he was invited, about Feb. 1830, by a foreign 
agent to cooperate in the accomplishment of such a plan. Revol. Mex., ii. 

13 Full text in Arr'dlaga, Iiecop., 1829, 55; Guerrero, Manif., 1-20. 

19 The certificate of his christening at the parish church is dated Aug. 10, 
1782, by which it appears that he was named Vicente Ramon. 


Guadalupe Saldana, belonging to the lowly race in- 
cluded in the term castas, utterly degraded both civ- 
illy and politically; for they were disqualified by law, 
custom, and prejudice for ever emerging from their 
low condition. To this fact should be ascribed Guer- 
rero's defects, which have been so pitilessly and un- 
justly exaggerated by the very men that should have 
extolled his fortitude, and exalted his services and 
personal merits. It is needless to speak further of 
his military career, the pages of this history having 
already detailed it. Suffice it to say that till about 
1814 Guerrero was a subordinate, but had already 
on several occasions made his mark as a good sol- 
dier under the banner of Morelos. We have since 
seen that when the prominent soldiers in the south 
successively disappeared, Guerrero took their place, 
keeping alive during several years, by his patriotic 
perseverance, the spirit of independence. 20 Let us 
consider the man in the new position to which he has 
been raised. His elevation to the presidency was the 
triumph of the popular party; notwithstanding the 
assertions of his enemies to the contrary, he enjoyed 
the popular preference, and his inauguration took place 
amid the plaudits of the masses. 21 Guerrero believed 
that by leaving the people to themselves, untram- 
melled, and strictly maintaining the federal institu- 
tions, his would be a paternal government, and the 
country's institutions would become consolidated. He 
committed a serious mistake in adopting such a course 
when social and political ties were loosened, and in- 
deed society was almost in a chaotic state. The re- 
sult could be none other than a loss of all respect for 

20 ' Su ultima esperanza, la unica protesta del pais contra la dominacion es- 
paiiola.' Tornel, Breve lieseua Hist., 313. 

21 Guerrero loved the race he sprang from, and never was ashamed to own 
it. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 57. Bustamante has it that no enthusiasm was 
shown by the people, not a viva uttered, which is incredible. Voz de la P atria, 
i. no. 14, iv. no. 1. He hated Guerrero, and in this instance, as in many 
others, has proved himself to be what he has been called, 'escritor sin con- 
ciencia y sin feV Suarezy Navarro, Hist. Mex., 138. 


authority when the chief magistrate thus confidently 
exposed himself to public contempt. 

No man who ever knew Guerrero could deny him 
the possession of good sense, or even of judgment 
which is all-sufficient in a constitutionally governed 
country; 22 and yet he never seemed to realize what 
the requirements and conditions of his high position 
were — its duties and rights, its resources and perils. 
His acts in the presidential chair lacked that firmness 
and constancy which spring from a conviction of the 
justice, usefulness, or expediency of any given meas- 
ure. He neither possessed the qualifications to pre- 
vent the breaking-out of sedition, nor the vigor to 
repress it. 23 And yet there was in the man no little- 
ness of soul, no imbecility. In grave questions, when- 
ever he did fix his mind and form a judgment, he was 
firm, persevering, and even obstinate. His political 
principles were : national independence, the federal sys- 
tem, hatred of monarchical rule, a profound respect for 
the representatives of the people, expulsion of Span- 
iards, and the levelling of classes. All favoring these 
principles were deemed worthy of his confidence, 
which explains the origin of the intense antipathy felt 
toward him by those of a different way of thinking, as 
well as the bitter hostility rankling in his own bosom 
toward his opponents, who constituted the party con- 
trolled by the upper clergy. 24 Guerrero's private life 

22 The fact stands to confound those who make him out an ignoramus, 
that after the overthrow of the Spanish rale he had an influential share in or- 
ganizing the government, and took part in its councils; political parties wanted 
him in their ranks. Even his foes' deadly hatred is an evidence of their fear 
of his intellectual powers. Torne.l, Breve Reseiia Hist., 317. Alaman, one of 
Guerrero's bitterest enemies, assures us that he was so illiterate that he could 
barely write his name; and having associated many years with insurgents, 
ever distrustful of one another, suspicion and dissembling had become a second 
nature with him, and often in speaking he would utter the very reverse of his 
thoughts. Hist. Mcj., v. 7G6. 

23 Zavala donies him the talent for directing great affairs, anol the feeling 
of friendship and confidence in his friends which would permit their leading 
him. Thus he actually made a nonentity of himself. Uevol. Ilex., ii. 369-70. 

21 This party had sustained the viceroys; bad banded with the leaders 
that dethroned Iturbide; then used Bravo and Barragan in the attempt to 
overthrow Victoria; failing in this, it clung to Gomez Pedraza; and when vic- 
torious at last, paraded the bloody heads of many a good citizen, and after 
the bloody scene at Cuilapa, inaugurated an era of perfect despotism. 


was irreproachable. His attention to public business 
was such, however, that he allowed himself but few 
hours with his family. 

The general affairs of the country in the second 
half of 1829 were in a chaotic state. Disorganization 
fettered every branch of the government. Both its 
friends and enemies were discontented, and disposed 
to overthrow it. And yet, amidst its constant strug- 
gle, Guerrero's administration decreed several pro- 
gressive measures, the most important of which was 
the abolition of slavery. 

African slavery had indeed been reduced to narrow 
limits. 25 The Dominican provincial of Chiapas, Father 
Matias Cordoba, gave freedom to the slaves on the 
estates of his order. On the 16th of September, 
1825, President Victoria had liberated in the coun- 
try's name the slaves purchased with a certain fund 
collected for that purpose, as well as those given up 
by their owners to the patriotic junta. 26 The general 
abolition, however, was not actually carried out for 
some time, certain difficulties having arisen; and sev- 
eral states, among which was Zacatecas, had decreed 
the freedom of slaves before the general government 
arrived at a final conclusion on the subject. As a 
matter of fact, the few remaining slaves were in domes- 
tic service, and treated more like members of families 
than as actual chattels. At last Deputy Tornel, 27 
taking advantage of the time when Guerrero was in- 
vested with extraordinary powers, drew up and laid 
before him a decree for total abolition. It was signed 
September 15, 1829, and proclaimed the next day, the 

25 The importation and sale of slaves had been strictly forbidden by royal 
order in 1818, and later by the law of July 13, 1824. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 
88; Mex. Col. Leyes, Orel, y Dec, iii. 50; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1824, annex 
10; Bmtamante, Medidas Pacific., MS., i. 114-18. 

26 Dr San Martin also liberated his slaves. The same day the state as- 
sumed the care of some colored orphans whose fathers, some of whom were 
slaves, had perished in the war of independence. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 

27 Tornel himself relates it. Breve Resena Hist., 85; Mex. Col. Ley., 1829- 
30, 149-50; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 213; Dublan and Lozano, Leeds. Mex., ii. 


national anniversary. The law met with no demur 
save from Coahuila and Texas, in which state were 
about 1,000 slaves, whose manumission would cost 
heavily, as the owners held them at a high valuation. 28 
It seems that the law was not fully enforced; for on 
the 5th of April, 1837, another was promulgated, de- 
claring slavery abolished without exception and with 
compensation to the owners. 29 

President Guerrero organized his cabinet as fol- 
lows : Lorenzo de Zavala, minister of the treasury, and 
president of the cabinet; Jose M. Herrera, of justice 
and ecclesiastical affairs; Francisco Moctezuma, of 
war and the navy; and Jose M. Bocanegra, of interior 
and foreign relations. N 

There was, as might be expected, violent opposi- 
tion to the administration. Zavala had become a 
special object of the opposition's animosity, which 
w T as partly extended to the other ministers. On the 
6th of August, 1829, the day after the assembling of 
the congress in extra session, Zavala was accused be- 
fore that body of crimes against the nation. Charges 
were next preferred against Herrera and Moctezuma. 30 

At the time of the Spanish invasion in 1829 we 
have seen that Guerrero was invested with extraor- 
dinary powers b} r special act of the congress on the 
25th of August. 31 These powers, though never abused, 
brought upon him and his cabinet a still more violent 
hatred. After the defeat of the Spaniards, and amidst 

28 The owners claimed having brought them there under the pledge of pro- 
tection offered them. Mex. Diet. Comis. Justicta, 2 11. 

29 The revolted colonists of Texas were excluded from the benefit of the 

30 The press teemed with invectives against Guerrero, his ministers, and 
Santa Anna. At this disreputable work the most notorious were the Voz de 
la Patria, iv. nos 1-33, v. nos 1 and 7; El Torito, Eco de Yucatan, and El 
S:d } the writings of which were in the same spirit as those of the writers in 
Spanish pay at New Orleans and New York. Rivera, Gob. de Mix., ii. 185; 
Suarezy Navarro, Hist. Alex., 141. 

31 The only restriction was that the president should not deprive any 
Mexican citizen of his life, or expel him from the republic. The powers were 
to cease in January 1830, on the meeting of the congress in ordinary session, 
to which he was to account for his acts. Mex. Col. Ley. y Dec., 1829-30, 55; 
Dispos. Var., ii. 09; Bolethi OJic, no. 12; Arrillcuja, Eecop., 1829, 365. 


the general rejoicing, there was a lull in the attacks 
on the government, but only of short duration. Sev- 
eral administrative acts, one of which was an attempt 
to check the abuses of the press, again exasperated 
its enemies. The president's good intentions being 
now doubted, a coalition of states was formed to 
oppose the administration. The enactment of a law 
of taxation produced even worse results, and it was 
made a point of honor to interpose every possible 
obstacle; every state refused to obey it. For from 
this time the states began to ignore the authority 
of the federal executive, and virtually exercised a 
veto power to suspend the execution of measures 
emanating from it. At this crisis, when an exhi- 
bition of energetic will tempered by prudence was 
absolutely necessary, Guerrero vacillated. His mo- 
tive was undeniably good, but his action was weak. 
He sought allies from among his opponents in order 
to secure peace for his administration, and thereby, 
as he hoped, for the country. Moreover, he tried to 
disarm his enemies by clemency. He decreed on the 
loth of September a pardon to the generals and other 
officers exiled for the affair at Tulancingo. 32 This act 
was likewise disapproved, and repaid with black in- 

Another point — upon which there may be some 
difference of opinion — was the president's course in 
regard to the dismissal of Poinsett, the American 
minister, on the ground that his presence in the re- 
public was injurious to its peace and interests. 33 
Under the pressure, Bocanegra, the minister of rela- 
tions, was directed to request the government of the 

32 Atleta, 1830, Jan. 30, 165. Bravo, Barragan, and others came back 
from New York before they knew of the amnesty, in their eagerness, they 
said, to aid in the country's defence against the Spaniards. Zavala, JRcvol. 
Met., ii. 195; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 104; Bustamante, Voz de la 
Patria, v. no. 1. 

33 The states of Puebla and Mexico were among those demanding it. The 
legislature of the latter gave as a reason that Poinsett ' had fine and agreeable 
manners, and used them to delude the Mexicans.' Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 


Hist. Mex., Vol. V. G 


United States to recall Poinsett, which request was 
granted. Zavala and his friends looked on this as a. 
grievous mistake; indeed, it was a glaring sign of 
weakness. Still greater was the error he committed 
in consenting to the acceptance of Zavala's resigna- 
tion at what was nothing less than the dictation of 
the state legislature of Mexico. 34 This gave his ene- 
mies a signal victory. 

Valentin Gomez Farias was called to replace 
Zavala, but having refused the office. Bocanegra was 
transferred to the treasury, and Agustin Viezca took 
charge of the portfolio of relations. After Zavala's 
retirement the partisans of Guerrero, much divided 
among themselves before, now broke out into open 
discord, and the president weakly sent away from him 
every man against whom public opinion was pro- 
nounced. Many who had hitherto stood firmly by 
Guerrero now turned away from him, some of them 
even joining the opposition. The fears of an impend- 
ing change daily increased, and revolutionary plans 
were attributed to the generals of the army quartered 
at Jalapa. Santa Anna having visited that town, both 
he and Bustamante were accused of plotting to bring 
about a change in the form of government. They 
then issued a joint manifesto to disabuse the public 
mind, assuring the nation that no such project had 
been entertained by them, or any one, and promising 
to preserve the peace, the institutions, and national 
unity. Subsequent events proved that Santa Anna 
was then sincere. Bustamante's disloyalty, however, 
does not admit of a doubt; he well knew that Muz- 

34 Zavala was governor of the state of Mexico, when by express leave of 
her legislature he became a minister. At the time in question the legislature 
revoked that leave, forcing Zavala to resign his position in the cabinet. He 
told Guerrero, ' Me retiro cansado de sufrir ingratitudes y calumnias. Una 
tempestad amenaza a Vd dentro de poco tiempo.' Public attention was par- 
ticularly attracted by the strange course of the legislature of Mexico in this 
matter, which while calling Zavala away from the cabinet to resume his gub- 
ernatorial functions, at the same time instructed the lieut-gov. not to deliver 
the office to him till specially directed so to do; this without any charge hav- 
ing been prererred against Zavala. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex. } 163; 
Zavala, JRevol. Mex. } ii. 198. 


quiz and Jose Antonio Facio were preparing a plot 
to overthrow Guerrero's government, and all author- 
ities disposed to uphold it. 

It will not be out of place to give here a brief 
sketch of the history of Yucatan, since I have made 
little mention of that province since 1708. 35 From 
that time till the end of the Spanish domination 
the country was ruled by thirty governors, hold- 
ing also the office of captain-general, who were ap- 
pointed by the crown, besides a few others that held 
the position ad interim to fill vacancies. 36 

During: the rule of Governor Vertiz in 1717, the 
English occupants of Isla de Tris, later named El Car- 
men, were driven away. The mariscal de campo, An- 
tonio de Figueroa, who governed from 1725 to 1733, 
winning golden opinions for his generosity to the poor 
during a terrible famine and epidemic, exerted himself 
successfully in driving away the English usurpers of 
Yucatan territory at Belize. He burned Wallix or 
Belize, and rebuilt it, leaving it only when he believed 
it safe from further incursions. After his death, how- 
ever, during a truce allowed by a treaty of peace be- 
tween Spain and England the wood-cutters and turtle- 
catchers reoccupied the place, and wood-cutting and 
smuggling became the established business. Several 
attempts to eject these interlopers, made subsequently 
by governors of Yucatan, had no results. 

An event worthy of mention was the revolt in 
November 1761, of the Indian Jacinto Canek, with 
a large number of followers, because Bishop Paracla's 
constitutions, which greatly favored the Indians, had 
been suspended, and their serfdom and condition as 
tribute-payers had been reimposed. The rebels were, 
however, defeated in their stronghold of Cisteil, and 
Jacinto and his chief accomplices punished. 37 

35 See vol. iii., cap. viii., this work. 

30 Their names may be found in Ancona, Hist. Yuc. r ii. 386 536, passim, 
iii. 5-194, passim. 

37 Jacinto 'fue condenado a morir atenaceado, roto, y su cuerpo quemado 


A crime that caused much consternation was the 
murder, in the night of the 25th of June, 1792, of 
the captain-general, Lucas de Galvez. The deed was 
wrongly attributed to an officer named Toribio del 
Mazo, a nephew of the bishop, who, with others, was 
conveyed to Mexico, and immured in dungeons of 
San Juan de Ulua, where they were confined for 
eight years, undergoing trial without any convicting 
evidence bein^ found against them. At last the in- 
stigator of the crime made confession, and both he 
and the actual murderer were captured, and the inno- 
cent victims released. 38 

To Governor Benito Perez "Valdelomar, who took 
charge of the government in 1800, Yucatan owed 
much improvement, particularly in public instruction 
and facilities for trade. 39 During his government 
there came to Yucatan, in 1810, an emissary of 
Joseph Bonaparte, then king of Spain — a young Dane 
named Gustav Nordingh De Witt, who was made 
much of by the governor and society; but when 
his business was discovered, he was arrested, tried, 
and executed. 40 

Yucatan, like the rest of New Spain, experienced 
the effects of the new institutions resulting from 
the short-lived constitution of 1812, and the re- 
stored one of 1 820. The governor, Miguel de Castro y 
Araos, was deprived of his office, and Mariano Car- 
rillo was made captain-general by the diputacion prov- 
incial ; but though highly recommended to the court, 
Carrillo was not appointed, and Juan Maria de Eche- 
verri came out as gefe superior politico and captain- 

yechadas al aire sus cenizas.' He suffered his punishment. Others received 
200 lashes, and had one ear cut off. Cisteil was razed to the ground. Peon, 
Cr6n., 453. 

38 14,000 to 17,000 folios had been written, and $40,000 expended. Busta- 
mante, Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 107; Id., Notic. Biog., 6; Aranza, In- 
struc., MS., 78-84. 

39 Echdnove, Cuad. Estadist.; Regil, Mem. Instruct.; Barbachano, Mem. 

40 The execution took place on the 12th of Nov. 1810; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, 
ii. 517-25. 


During the period thus briefly glanced over, Yuca- 
tan was ruled in ecclesiastical affairs by a succession 
of bishops, some of whom left grateful memories, 
others the reverse, while of many others but little in- 
formation is extant. One of the most famous of these 
prelates was Pedro Reyes, an austere Benedictine, 
who, in his efforts to check the abuses of the clergy and 
improve their morals, experienced great difficulties, 
both with his subordinates and the governor. Juan 
Gomez Parada, who won the love of the Indians for 
his great exertions to benefit them, succeeded Reyes. 
I give below a list of his successors. 41 

The events that occurred in New Spain by which 
the Spanish domination was brought to an end pro- 
duced the change in Yucatan without political com- 
motion, thanks to the prudence and wisdom of the 
last Spanish governor, Echeverri, who, refusing to 
adopt coercive measures, placed the province in charge 
of its diputacion, and then went away. Emperor 
Agustin sent out as gefe politico and captain -general 
Melchor Alvarez, who took possession of his offices 
without opposition. He was a strong Iturbidist, 
and subsequently, when the empire was swept away 
in Mexico, endeavored for some time to hold power, 
and counteract the effects of the famous plan de Casa 
Mata. He was compelled to desist, however, and the 
province after a while joined the federation of states. 42 

The declaration of war by Mexico against Spain in 

41 Parada's death was in 1728. Juan Ignacio de Castorena y Urzua, 1730; 
Francisco Pablo Matos de Coronado, 1736; Friar Mateo Zamora y Pinagos, 
1743; Friar Francisco de San Buenaventura Martinez, 1746, who established 
the seminary; Doctor and Friar Ignacio de Padilla y Estrada, 1753; Friar 
Antonio Alcalde, 1763; Doctor Diego de Peredo, Jan. 1773; Antonio Caba- 
llero y Gongora, 1776; Friar Luis de Pina y Mazo, 1780, an irate man, con- 
stantly meddling in aflairs not of his province, and causing much trouble; 
Doctor Pedro Agustin de Estevez y Ugarte, from 1801 to May 8, 1827, when 
he died. Iylcsias y Conventos, 326-7. 

12 In fact, Me"rida and Guadalajara were the two first cities that proclaimed 
the federal system in 1823, for which Yucatan was rebuked by Lucas Ala- 
man, then minister of relations of the provisional government. He qualified 
the act as immature, uncircumspect, and anarchical, and as one that might 
imperil national independence and safety. 


1823 caused great displeasure to Campeche, whose 
trade with Cuba was thereby interfered with. Me- 
rida, though an equal sufferer, did not shrink from 
fulfilling her share of duty. 

The state enjoyed peace during the four years' 
constitutional period of Governor Lopez, though he 
had to struggle against the spirit of military favor- 
itism that had been fostered by the comandante gen- 
eral Felipe Codallos. The latter showed him much 
opposition, but Lopez upheld his prerogatives, and 
Codallos w T as recalled. 

The revolutionary projects which were contem- 
plated in Mexico to put aside the federal system were 
warmly taken up in Yucatan, and when the long-ex- 
pected cry of revolution was at last heard, it was in 
that distant part of the republic. The garrison of 
Campeche, on the 16th of November, 1829, by a 
public acta, demanded the abolition of the federal 
government, and the adoption in its stead of a central 
military system, that is to say, a single government 
for the whole country, recognizing Guerrero's author- 
ity as far as it did not conflict with the plan, and 
demanding of the congress that it should convoke 
another clothed with powers to constitute the repub- 
lic under a central form of government; with the 
express understanding that the civil and military 
authority be vested in the same person. 43 This move- 
ment was seconded in Merida, where Jose S. Carba- 
jal deposed the governor, J. T. Lopez, assumed all the 
powers, styling himself ' comandante general, gefe 
superior politico y de hacienda,' and with his accom- 
plices declared, on November 9th, the secession of 
Yucatan from the union until a national majority 
should adopt the institutions proclaimed in the plan 
of Campeche. 44 The news of this event reached 

43 The acts of the pronunciamiento and documents therewith connected 
may he; found in Suarezy Navawo, Hist. Mcx., 170-1; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
ii. 5G0-1; Id., Gob. de Me'x., ii. 136; El Boletin OJic, no. 35; Arrillaga, 
liecop., 1834, 36-8, 135-6; Busiamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 1. 

ii The revolt caused the dissolution of the state congress and of nearly all 


Mexico at a time when the administration was de- 
fenceless. As an effort to avert a revolution, how- 
ever, it despatched Zavala to represent to the rebels 
the unreasonableness of their proceeding. He landed 
at Sisal, where the comandante, Sandoval, refused him 
permisssion to go into the interior. After some cor- 
respondence with the dictator Carbajal, an order came 
for his immediate departure, coupled with a threat to 
shoot him if he again stepped upon Yucatan soil 
without express permission. 45 

Lorenzo de Zavala was born in Merida, October 3, 
1788. During the revolutionary war of Mexico he 
was closely confined in irons for three years in a dark 
dungeon of San Juan de Ulua. On being liberated 
he visited Paris, London, and the United States, re- 
turning to his country early in 1822. He was chosen 
a member of the first Mexican congress. At the 
age of 33 he had experienced much suffering; but his 
reputation for learning and political ability was well 
established. Afterward a president of the constitu- 
ent congress, in 1824 he was the first to sign and 
swear support to the federal constitution. Zavala 
served his country loyally, and yet for his defence of 
the Texans he was branded a traitor by those who 
could not see the justice and wisdom of his purpose. 
He died on the 15th of November, 1835, and his re- 
mains were conveyed by four friends to a plain grave 
prepared by his son in a small cedar forest on the 
banks of the river San Jacinto in Texas. There 
they lie in a foreign country till such time as his 
countrymen, remembering his services, may do justice 
to his memory. Zavala was not only a distinguished 

the ayuntamientos. Atleta, 1829, Dec. 30; 1830, Jan. 30; Suarez, Informe, 7; 
Yuc. Pacifica, no. 3, 8. Santa Anna tried to dissuade the leaders of the revolt 
at Campeehe from carrying out their intentions. A letter signed by all the 
chief officers had asked him to support them. His answer was a long and severe 
reproof. Espirltu Pub., i. nos 129-33. The state of Yucatan continued de- 
tached from the rest of Mexico till the end of 1830. Mex. Mem. Bel., 1831, 
13; Barbachano, Mem. Comp., 35-46. 

45 Sandoval's letter clearly implied it, and the bearer said that he had been 
ordered to state that if Zavala was found on Yucatan soil again he would be 
' pasado por las annas inmediatamente.' Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 209-14. 


statesman and journalist, but also a historian and 
writer of travels. I give in a note an account of his 
works. 46 

While the events above recited were occurring in 
Yucatan, General Bustamante, vice-president of the 
republic and commander of the largest military divi- 
sion, proclaimed on the 4th of December a plan 
destructive of his government, under the pretence of 
restoring constitutional order, and the observance of 
the laws which he and his accomplices said were 
infringed by the dictatorial powers vested in the 
executive — powers which, though, perhaps, not judi- 
ciously used in every instance, never became oppres- 
sive. 47 Santa Anna tried to prevent this movement, 
and not succeeding, surrendered both his civil and 
military commands, the former to Manuel Argiielles 
and the latter to Colonel Antonio Juille. 48 

Bustamante, though a yorkino, was influenced by 
Jose Antonio Facio/ 9 a number of discontented york- 
inos, and not a few escoceses, or novenarios. 

46 Ensayo Histdrico tie las Revoluciones de Mexico. This work is in two 
volumes, 8vo, the first of which appeared in Paris in 1831, and the second in 
New York somewhat later. It gives us the history of Mexico from the 
breaking-out of the revolution in 1808 to 1830. The most valuable portion 
is that in which he speaks of the events that he had a direct participation in, 
as a member of the constitueut congress, governor of Mexico, and minister 
of state, which he describes in a flowing, elegant style, and with remarkable 
force, defending the acts of the federal party, of which he was one of the 
most eminent members. Any impartial and unprejudiced critic will recog- 
nize in the author a learned publicist, historian, philosopher, economist, and 
statesman. Another edition, also in two volumes, appeared in Mexico in 

Zavala's other work was his Viage d Iqs Estados Unidos, Me"rida, 1846, 
which is preceded with a sketch of his life and writings, by Justo Sierra. 
The book, according to Zavala's own statement, has not the merit of original- 
ity, and did not entail on him much labor, as the descriptions, documents, 
and even many of the remarks were either taken from others or from memo- 
randa made on the spot. That is what he said himself, hoping that it might 
be useful to his countrymen. But the fact stands that it is a philosophic 
work, showing a deep study of the manners and customs of the American 
people, and more specially of their political institutions, which were so 
closely copied by the Mexicans. 

47 Alaman himself uses these words respecting their use: ' En lo general 
fu6 mas bien ben^hco que opresivo.' Hist. Mej., v. 846. 

48 He then withdrew to his hacienda of Manga de Clavo to watch the 
course of events. ISuarez y Navarro, Hist. Mcx., 172. 

* a Facio, Guerrero's mortal enemy, was a Mexican by birth, but educated 


The revolted force assumed the title of 'ejercito 
protector de la constitution y las leyes.' 50 Its chief 
presents to us a second time the spectacle of the vice- 
president heading a revolution to overthrow the 
government. In this instance perfidy was added, and 
ingratitude to the man to whom Bustamante really 
owed the office of vice-president, as well as his mili- 
tarv command. In a circular to the congresses of the 
several states, Bustamante said that Guerrero's gov- 
ernment had ignored their wishes, and deprived them 
of their sovereignty, substituting for their welfare the 
will of ambitious ministers. 51 Minister Bocanegra on 
the 7th of November answered the circular in words 
which explained the ease with which Guerrero's ad- 
ministration came to be overthrown. "The institu- 
tions," he said, "cannot be sustained if the general 
government is unable to fulfil its duties, as will cer- 
tainly happen if the lack of cooperation on the part of 
the states causes the failure alike of the coherence and 
harmony enjoined by the constitution and laws." 
But the secret of the revolt was that the rebels 
could not bear the sight of one of Guerrero's race 
occupying the presidential chair, and ruthlessly de- 
stroyed a government whose only faults were exces- 
sive liberalism and clemency. 

from childhood in Spain, where he served in the army and reached the rank 
of col of cavalry. He served long under Gen. Elio, King Fernando's tool, 
and later a famous Carlist chieftain, notorious for his dislike of reforms and 
constitutional government. Facio returned to Mexico in 1824, and was em- 
ployed to restore order in Tabasco. On the failure of Montano's plan, which 
he had supported, he went to reside in the U. S., whence he came back to 
take part in the national defence. He then became Gen. Bustamante's sec- 
retary at Jalapa. Later, under that chief, he attained high official rank; 
and, faithful to the political principles he had imbibed in Spain, never under- 
stood or respected public opinion; he became notorious for his schemes to 
destroy his enemies, and for his course in relying mainly on brutal force to 
uphold the administration of which he formed a part. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
ii. 565-6; Id., Gob. de Mex., ii. 137; Suarezy Navarro, Hist. Me"x., 193. 

50 Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 5; La Cruz, v. 635; Mex. Mem. 
Guerra, 1831, doc. 1, 12-13. 

51 In his hypocritical address he adds: 'Weighed down by taxation, the 
money taken depletes their treasuries; the nation derives no advantage; the 
army is wasting away, its needs not being looked after. Such a bad adminis- 
tration has induced in many the belief that the evils are inherent in the fed- 
eral system.' 


The tidings of the defection at Jalapa almost over- 
whelmed Guerrero. He looked around him, but 
found no one to aid or advise him. For a time the 
old spirit asserted itself, and he resolved to place him- 
self at the head of the few troops still remaining 
faithful amidst the general desertion; for the bad ex- 
ample shown at Jalapa had been followed elsewhere. 
He summoned congress, 52 and on the 11th of Decem- 
ber tendered a resignation of his dictatorial powers, 
about which so many complaints had been uttered. 
Such an offer, had it been accepted, which it was 
not, would have deprived him of the only resource 
he had to keep his enemies in check. 53 He ought 
rather to have resigned the presidency. 

The step of summoning the chambers was a fatal 
one, for the reason that the senators and a large 
minority in the lower house worked in accord with 
the revolutionists. The president signifying his in- 
tention to command the army in person, the congress 
chose Jose Maria Bocanegra president ad interim. 5 * 
Contrary to the advice of his friends — among whom 
was Santa Anna — who counselled him to make a 
firm stand in the capital, assuring him that they 
would begin operations against the rebels, Guerrero 
left the city at the head of 2,000 or 2,500 men, and 
inarched in the direction of Ayacapiztla. He had 
been called to Puebla, by a numerous party in that 
city, where, before the enemy occupied it, he could 
have reenforced his small army with 4,000 well armed 
civic troops; he could also have drawn to his aid the 
national guard of the state of Mexico. Thus with 
10,000 men and the popular favor he could easily 
have defeated the small rebel force of 3,000. But he 
failed to take his friends' advice; he had evidently 
lost his old spirit. While he was on the march, avoid- 

b2 Mex., Col. Ley., 1829-30, 190-1; Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex. y ii. 

bS Atleta, 1830, Jan. 13. 

54 Dec. 16th. Mcx. Col. Ley., 1829-30, 194-5; Arrillaga, Recop., 1S29, 
3G5, 3G7; Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 209. 


ing any encounter with the enemy, an uprising to 
support the movement at Jalapa took place in Mex- 
ico under a pronunciamiento entitled Plan de Quin- 
tanar, 55 which was aided by Jose Ignacio Esteva, 
governor of the federal district. 56 No step having 
been taken either by acting president Bocanegra or 
by Anaya, the comandante general, to check revolu- 
tionary attempts, the plotters, in the night of the 22d 
of December, assaulted both the palace and citadel, 
which were surrendered to them without resistance; 
and that shadow of a government, composed of Boca- 
negra, Viezca, and Moctezuma, vanished after an ex- 
istence of five days, during which it could do nothing 
but helplessly witness the rapid advance of the revo- 
lution. 57 

The victorious rebels at once constituted an execu- 
tive authority ad interim, composed of Quintanar, 
Lucas Alaman, and Pedro Velez. 53 Lorenzo de Za- 
vala, Manuel C. Rejon, and Fernando del Valle, who 
had taken refuge the previous night in the mint, were 
arrested, but released a few days later on promising 
to recognize accomplished facts. 

55 Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 572-4; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 161-9, 
177-82, 185; Atleta, 1829, Dec. 23. This paper, in its issue of Jan. 7, 1830, 
assures us that Guerrero, in his anxiety to avert bloodshed, had sent commis- 
sioners to treat with Bustamante, but Muzquiz detained them at Puebla. 
Meantime the revolt broke out in Mexico. 

56 After Tornel's departure as minister to Washington, Esteva was ap- 
pointed by Guerrero his successor as governor of the district. He had a very 
direct part in the revolution at the capital. Alaman, Hist. 3fdj., v. ap. 84-5; 
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 573. 

57 The plan involved a recognition of that of Jalapa, and was signed by 
eleven generals and* sixteen colonels; among the former being Quintanar, the 
two Rayons, Terreros, and Zarzosa. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 572. 

58 Quintanar was made a general by Iturbide, and since the latter's execu- 
tion had been wholly out of political life. His physical courage was un- 
doubted, but he lacked the moral qualifications to control and direct masses of 
men. His domestic qualities were respecta.ble, and his wife's family rela- 
tions induced him to serve now as the instrument of a rebellion. Velez was a " 
native of Zacatecas, born in 1787; had been Gen. Cruz's legal adviser, and be- 
came the chief justice of the supreme court when it was founded in 1825; an 
honest man, and quite an able jurist. The rebels made use of him, and he, 
probably from fear, permitted them. He was minister of justice in 1843, al- 
ways highly esteemed, and died the 5th of August, 1848. Zavala, Revol. Ilex., 
ii. 219; Rivera, Gob. de Mix., ii. 144, 147. Of Alaman full information is 
given elsewhere. The act of congress of Dec. 23, 1829, appointing that 
executive under article 97 of the constitution, may be seen in Dublan and 
Lozauo, Leyis. Mex., ii. 210. 


The occupation of Mexico by his enemies com- 
pletely unmanned Guerrero. On the night of the 
25th, without apprising General Ignacio Mora and the 
troops of his intention, he secretly left his camp at Jona- 
cate escorted by Colonel Francisco Victoria and fifty 
horsemen, 59 and took the road to the south, consider- 
ing himself safe after he had crossed the Mescala 
River. The simple-minded patriot had not calculated 
that perfidy could reach him there. From the south 
he made a representation to the congress offering to 
abide bj its resolution. 60 For some time Guerrero 
remained with his family on his estate of Tierra Colo- 
rada near Tixtla, but left it on receiving news from 
Mexico that six cut-throats had been taken out of 
the jail of Mexico and employed to murder him. 61 

Before the end of 1829 all the states except Vera 
Cruz had accepted Bustamante's plan. 62 The legis- 
lature of Vera Cruz had hurriedly summoned Santa 
Anna to assume in person the civil and military com- 
mands, the acting commander of the forces, Juille, and 
Antonio Heredia, colonel of the 5th battalion stationed 
there, having already refused to accept the revolution- 
ary plan. Santa Anna took command on the 17th 
of December, and issued a manifesto in which he de- 
clared his intention to defend the established govern- 
ment, Guerrero being* the lawful chief magistrate of 
the nation, and recognized as such without objection 
from any of the respresentatives in congress after 

59 Soon after Mora and his troops joined the rebels of Jalapa. 

60 It begins, 'Situado en una de las poblaciones del sur.' Atleta, 1830, Jan. 
18; Suarez y Navnrro, Hist. Mex., 189-90; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 221-2. 
Alaman has it that Guerrero, distrusting his troops, proposed to submit through 
the new government to the action of congress, and then withdrew to the 
south, ' permitiendole el gobierno llevar para su escolta un escuadron de ca- 
balleria.' Hist. Mdj., v. 847-9. 

01 His declaration at his trial, 7th March, 1831. Mex. Proceso Instruct., 

62 Guanajuato, Queretaro, and Jalisco, whose comandante gen. was Joa- 
quin Parres, and San Luis Potosi, commanded by Gen. Luis Cortazar, were 
among the first to make pronunciamientos in favor of the plan. Rivera, Hist. 
Jalapa, ii. 573; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 182; Atleta, 1829, Dec. 20-22, 
29-30; 1830, Jan. 2, 13, 22, 27, 30, Feb. 1-10; Espiritu Piib., 1830, Jan. 
21; Arrillaga, JRecoji., 1829, 345, 359; 1830, 42; Puebla, Manif,, 1-14; Facio, 
Mem., 120-9; Mex. Mem. Pel, 1830, 11. 


Pedraza had renounced his claim to the presidency. 63 
Sending 350 men to Perote, he himself made an ex- 
cursion to Huatusco. His intention was to march 
against the capital and overthrow the new govern- 
ment, but he was abandoned by his men, the very, 
troops that had served under him against the Span- 
iards. Whereupon Bustamante accredited two com- 
missioners near him to confer on public affairs, and 
the result of the conference was that Santa Anna 
gave up his plan and proclaimed that inasmuch as 
Guerrero had abandoned his post, he felt compelled 
to recognize the lawful authority of Vice-president 
Bustamante. 64 

Anastasio Bustamante y Oseguera was born in 
Jiquilpan, in the province of Michoacan, on the 27th 
of July, 1780, 65 and passed his first years in Zapotlan 
el Grande. His parents, though not in favorable pecu- 
niary circumstances, provided for him a good primary 
education; after which, at the age of fifteen, with the 
aid of friends, he entered the seminary of Guadala- 
jara. His conduct there was all that could be de- 
sired; he showed remarkable talents as well as a dis- 
position for study, which qualities with his modesty 
soon won for him the regard of his teachers and class- 
mates. He next went to Mexico to study medicine, 66 
and after graduating as a licentiate fixed his residence 
in San Luis Potosi, where he soon acquired a high 
professional standing and a competency. 67 

63 Before that date — on the 15th — he had issued from his estate a stirring 
address expressing his resolve to support, even unto death, Guerrero's legiti- 
mate authority. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 568-9; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 262. 

6 * After this summersault Santa Anna went back to Manga de Clavo. 
Soon after, the legislature of Vera Cruz abandoned its hostile attitude. Rivera, 
Hist. Jalapa, ii. 574-7; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. M6x., 183-9; Zavala, Re- 
vol. Mex., ii. 263; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. nos 1,2, 7; Mich. Mem., 
1830, 1 ; Atleta, 1829, Dec. 20, 25, 26, 28, 29; 1830, Jan. 2, 3, 6, 9; Gac. Mex., 
extra, 1830, no. 18; Santa Anna, El Gen., d sus compat., 1-7. 

65 Garcia, C., Noticias, in Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin, 3d e"p., i. 484, has it 

66 His teacher was Dr Linger, then professor of chemistry in the colegio 
de mineria. 

67 He was superintendent of the hospital, and head physician of the house- 
hold of Brigadier Calleja, then in command of the 10th brigade. 


Having from his earliest years manifested a liking 
for the military profession, and devoted some time to 
the study of its most useful branches, in 1808 he re- 
ceived his commission as one of the officers of the 
commercial battalion, composed of young men of the 
best families in San Luis. His long military career 
under the royal banner, and subsequently under Itur- 
bide's, is well known to the reader. Iturbide made 
him a member of the junta provisional gubernativa, 
and the regency promoted him to mariscal de campo. 68 
Later he was honored with the grand cross of the 
order of Guadalupe. During Victoria's administra- 
tion he was made a general of division. 69 

Bustamante was possessed of much presence of 
mind, courage, and sound judgment. With firm- 
ness of character, he would yet subordinate his opin- 
ion to that of others when he saw the necessity for 
so doing. He was a lover of civilization and en- 
lightenment, and apparently a disinterested patriot; he 
w^as also liberal and frank. In his private life he was 
exemplary. 70 

On the 1st of January, 1830, Bustamante, as vice- 
president, assumed the executive office, and issued a 
proclamation on the 4th, in which he described, from 
the standpoint of his party, the political situation of 
the country, accusing the former government of 
abuses of power and fraudulent use of the public 

68 He was a colonel when he joined Iturbide in Guanajuato. Mex. Doc. 
Relativos, 18. 

69 In 1828 the Estado de Occidente made him one of its citizens by a for- 
mal act of the legislature. Pinart, Col. Doc, no. 78. In July 1830 the 
national congress declared him a ' benemerito de la patria. ' Mex. , Col. Ley. y 
Dec., 1841, 57-9. 

70 Rivera, after commending Bustamante's private life and public services, 
attributes to him cruel instincts, and credits him with being faithful to his 
friends, and grateful for favors. Hist. Jalapa, ii. 582. This virtue of grati- 
tude he certainly did not show in his action toward Guerrero. According to 
Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 141, Bustamante was servile, and it was understood 
that Guerrero's preferences for him were in the expectation of using him as a 
passive instrument, such as he had been to the Spanish crown, and afterward 
to Iturbide. Further particulars may be found in Bustamante, Hist. Itur- 
bide, 236-43; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 243-6, and Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 
80-9. Alaman, Hist. M&j., v. 151, 957-60, and Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 579, 
furnish portraits of Bustamante, representing him as a man of fine appearance. 


funds. He concluded by submitting his conduct 
to the decision of the congress and people. 71 The 
new cabinet was formed on the 7th with the follow- 
ing ministers, namely: Lucas Alaman, of relations; 72 
Jose Ignacio Espinosa Vidaurre, of justice and eccle- 
siastical affairs ; Rafael Mangino, of the treasury ; and 
Jose Antonio Facio, of war and the navy. 73 

The question now occurred what to do with Guer- 
rero. His election could not be declared illegal, for 
such a declaration would equally disqualify Busta- 
mante. In the senate it was moved to declare 
Guerrero morally incapable. After the motion had 
been warmly discussed in the lower house — for the 
sake of appearances, it is presumed — it was enacted 
on the 4th of February, 1830, that the man decorated 
for his eminent services with the title of 'benemerito de 
la patria,' whom that same body had only one year ago 
chosen to fill the chief magistracy, was not able to 
govern the republic. 74 His acts were repudiated. 75 
The law was published at once. 

The change was not favorably received in the 
south, where numerous parties took up arms and 
labored to bring on a general revolution on strictly 
federal principles. Juan Alvarez raised the standard 
of revolt, and the government had to meet its enemies 

71 Bustamante, Manif., 1-20. Consequent upon which the legislature of 
Chihuahua, Jan. 28th, petitioned congress to make a thorough investigation 
into the conduct of President Guerrero and his ministers, including also that 
of Vice-president Bustamante from the time he took command of the reserve 
army. Atleta, 1830, Jan. 2, 56, March 6, 306-7. 

72 Alaman had held no public office since he resigned this portfolio in 

73 This portfolio was offered to Mier y Teran, who declined it. Arrillaga, 
Recop., 1830, 4. The four appointees were certainly able men. But they 
were not federalists, and did not enjoy public confidence for that reason. 
Atleta, 1830, Jan. 9, 83-4. 

74 ' Tiene imposibilidad para gobernar la republica. ' Mex. Col. Ley., 1829- 
30, 89; Dvblan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 223; Arrillaga, Recop., 1830, 3, 
72; Atleta, 1830, Jan. 20, 31; Zavala, Revol. M6x., ii. 267. 

75 Gen. Barragan refused a comandancia general tendered him, as he would 
have to affix his signature to the act of Dec. 23, 1829. He argued that if 
Guerrero had been a nonentity, then he had no power to set aside the law 
under which he and others were exiled; he, Barragan, must therefore go again 
into exile. Atleta, 1829, Dec. 28. 


on their own ground. Supported by Colonel Codallos, 
he captured on the 16th of March, 1830, the town 
and fort of Acapulco. 76 

Under Alvarez the opponents of the government 
maintained their ground, and General Armijo, hav- 
ing been appointed to direct the operations against 
them, perished in a bloody battle fought near Texca 
on the 30th of August, 1830. 77 Guerrero raised 
his standard toward the end of 1830, 78 and was 
joined by Alvarez; but their forces were routed on 
the 1st or 2d of January, 1831, by the better organ- 
ized army of Bravo near Chjlpancingo. 79 Guerrero, 
much against the advice of Alvarez, retired to Aca- 
pulco, paying no heed to warnings given him that the 
government was planning his destruction. It was 
not long before a diabolical plan to that effect was 
matured. The government no doubt had it in view 
in making preparations by land and sea for the recov- 
ery of Acapulco. It seems that Guerrero's support- 
ers had in their service the Sardinian brio; Colombo. 
owned by a Genoese named Picaluga. 80 Whether of 
his own volition or at Minister Facio's request — a 
point which, from the secrecy observed, must be left 

76 The garrison revolted, and Berdejo, the comandante general, and others 
escaped by sea. Atleta, 1830, April 1, 399-411; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. 
Mex., 205, 208, 213-16, 227; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, iii. no. 5, 8, iv. 
no. 7, 6. 

77 He was defeated by Alvarez, and took flight; but being much hated in 
the south, was pursued, overtaken two miles from Texca, and hacked to death 
on the spot. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 340-1; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. 
no. 26, 2-7. 

78 On the 13th of Oct. 1830, he issued a prclamation at Acapulco, explain- 
ing his course. The document was circulated in Mexico, and occupied Min- 
ister Alaman's attention in November. He issued another at Texca on the 
12th of Dec. Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1831, doc. 1, 13-16; Pap. Sueltos, no. 21; 
Arrangoiz, Mej., 199, 202; Rivera, Hist. Jala-pa, ii. 607; Budamante, Voz de 
la Patria, v. no. 29, 1-5; Mex. Proceso Instruct., 132-5. 

79 Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, iv. no. 20, 6; Id., MS., vi. 9-13, Suarez 
y Navarro, Hist. M6x., 215-16. Owing to a severe wound in the chest, re- 
ceived in an action of war several years previously, Guerrero was unable to 
undergo the fatigues of the campaign, as he had repeated hemorrhages, throw- 
ing out pieces of bone, which condition demanded repose. Zavala, Revol. 
Mex., ii. 342; Suarez y Navarro, Hid. Mex., 226-7. For his victory Bravo 
was rewarded by act of congress of Feb. 15, 1831, with a sword of honor. 
Dublan and Lozano, Le</is. Mex., ii. 314. 

80 There was at the time a rumor in Mexico that Guerrero had chartered 
a vessel wherein to leave the republic. Atleta, 1830, ap. 5, 429. 


to conjecture — Picaluga came to Mexico in December, 
1830, and offered to Facio to remove his vessel from 
the control of the government's opponents, and place 
her at its disposal at Guatulco for the sum of $50,000, 
which would pay all damages he had already sus- 
tained, and compensate him for her use in the future. 
This is the story told by the government and by Pica- 
luga himself. But the general belief is that Facio 
and Picaluga struck a bargain upon the spot for the 
latter to betray Guerrero into the government's hands. 81 
Soon after Picaluga's departure, orders were issued 
to Captain Miguel Gonzalez to station himself with 
a force at Guatulco to receive the Colombo, or if 
enemies landed there to capture them. The enemies 
of the government have charged that the orders 
given Gonzalez were to receive Guerrero from on 
board the vessel as a prisoner. Gonzalez accordingly 
w T ent to Guatulco, having w T ith him two other officers, 
one of whom it is believed was expressly appointed 
to act as prosecutor and the other as his clerk, 82 The 
plotter Picaluga soon found an opportunity to earn 
his blood-money. 83 Manuel Prime Tapia and Man- 
uel Zavala, who were in Acapulco, commissioned on 
the part of the government with General Barragan to 
make conciliatory proposals to the chiefs of the south, 84 

81 Facio claimed that Picaluga's offer to surrender his vessel was sponta- 
neous, and was accepted because it hastened the government's plans in a 
manner that could not have been foreseen. The success of the plan surprised 
the ministers, who, though ignorant when they first heard of all the circum- 
stances connected therewith, were glad to avail themselves of the opportunity 
to pacify the country. Memoria, 33-5. Carlos Bustamante, who was then a 
supporter of the government, gives the full account of the bargain made be- 
tween Facio and Picaluga for the betrayal by the latter of Guerrero for $50,000, 
declaring that he knows the particulars as given by him to be true. Voz de la 
Patria, MS. , vi. 23-6. The arrest was made the occasion of much rejoicing, with 
ringing of bells. The cabinet said to the congress that the proper measures 
demanded by the situation had been adopted. 

82 It is asserted that the government was so sure of its prey that even 
the stamped paper required by law for judicial proceedings had been pro- 
Added, and was found on board the vessel. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex. y 

83 General Duran paid Picaluga in Oajaca 3,000 gold doubloons. Gonzalez, 
Decl., in Mex. Proceso Instruct., 31. 

81 This appears in the declarations of Tapia and Zavala and in other docu- 
ments. Mex., Proceso Instruct., 107-13, 115-16. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 612- 
13, says that Barragan 's plan for conciliation had been treated by the govera-- 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 7 


having secured passage on the Colombo, Guerrero 
accompanied them to the wharf. There Picaluga in- 
vited him to breakfast on board the brig, which invi- 
tation he accepted; Miguel de la Cruz, collector of 
the port, also went on board. When breakfast was 
over the brig set sail, Guerrero concluding to go as far 
as the entrance of the harbor, having a boat in tow 
for his return on shore. But while in the act of bid- 
ding his friends good-by, he was seized and bound 
by the crew, and together with the others taken to 
Guatulco, where the vessel arrived on the 20th of 
January, 1831. 85 On the 26th they were marched to 
Oajaca, S6 where they arrived on the 4th of February, 
and the proceedings which had commenced at Gua- 
tulco were continued, Lieutenant-colonel Nicolas Con- 
delle then acting as the prosecuting officer. 

The charges preferred against Guerrero were as fol- 
lows: 1. That he had personally directed the revolu- 
tion of La Acordada, and obtained the presidential 
chair over hundreds of corpses, the plunder of the 
Parian and many wealthy houses, by which proceed- 
ings he had dishonored the nation, and made her ap- 
pear despicable in the eyes of the civilized world. 2. 
That after his overthrow from the presidency he had 
pretended to abide by the decision of the congress, 
and on finding that the decision was against him, had 
joined Alvarez and his soldiers, whom he had secretly 
incited to rebellion. 3. That after the battle of Texca 
he ordered the officers of Armijo's division to be shot, 
though they were marching under the safe conduct 

ment as a folly. Bustamante also disapproved it at the time. Voz de la Patria, 
iv. no. 13, 5-8; no. 31, 6-7. 

85 Gonzalez in his report of the 21st makes it appear that Guerrero and 
the others had landed early in the morning of the previous day, and had been 
captured, Pegistro Ofic, 1831, Feb. 1, supl. ; Mex., Proceso Instruct., 75-8. 
If the prisoners were taken on shore, they must have been returned to the 
ship, for it was on board of her that the initiatory judicial proceedings took 
place. Id., 102-3. 

86 Facio had beforehand ordered Bravo to send troops in the direction of 
Tlapa to guard against a rescue, and the comandante at Oajaca had also 
been instructed to send Guerrero to Perote; but a counter-order retained him 
in Oajaca. Id., 187. 


granted them by Alvarez. 4. That he scandalously 
violated the capitulation at Acapulco, not only de- 
priving the government's soldiers of their arms, but 
forcing them to go away almost naked. 5. That know- 
ing, as he did, that he was not a legitimate president, 
he had raised an army in revolt against the authori- 
ties, causing the ruin of families and persons. 6. 
That he disregarded the generous overtures for peace 
made him, preferring his personal aggrandizement to 
every other consideration, and looking with indiffer- 
ence on the destruction of upwards of 3,000 lives, be- 
sides large amounts of property, etc.; and lastly, 
that he was at the head of the rebel forces which 
fought against the government troops at Chilpan- 

• 07 


The first charge was outlawed by an amnesty de- 
cree, and should not have been revived. The prose- 
cuting officer applied the most opprobrious epithets 
to the victim, and even added the slanderous accusa- 
tions that Guerrero had, through Zavala and Poinsett, 
attempted to borrow money from the United States, 
pledging the territory of Texas for its repayment. 83 
He accordingly moved the court to pass sentence of 
death on the accused, which was done. The sentence 
w r as approved on the 11th of February by Colonel 
Joaquin Ramirez y Sesma, the comandante general 
of Oajaca. Three days later, on the 14th, Guerrero 
was taken to Cuilapa and shot, after being compelled 
to listen on his knees to the sentence of the court. 89 

It is, indeed, a "singular coincidence that Iturbide 

87 These charges were drawn up by Facio himself, and confidentially trans- 
mitted to the comandante at Oajaca. Id., 183-5. 

88 This charge the prisoner declared to be utterly false. Id. , 150. The 
evidence of Francisco Fagoaga and Jose Maria Bocanegra sustained his asser- 
tion, and stamped Alaman, Facio, and other open enemies of Guerrero as un- 
principled slanderers. Rivera, Gob. deMex., ii. 141. Ward, Mex., app., speaks 
of such a contract for $12,000,000. Zavala pronounces it a barefaced inven- 
tion of Guerrero's enemies. Revol. Mex., ii. 205. 

89 The fact was duly communicated the same day to the government. Bus- 
tamantc, Vozde la Patria, iv. nos 27, 28; MS., vi. 22-53; MS., viii. 46. This 
author asserts that Vice-president Bustamante was powerless to prevent the 
execution. Gabinete, Mex.,ii. 21, following index. 


and Guerrero, two men of diametrically opposite ideas 
regarding government, united their efforts to accom- 
plish their country's freedom, and that both met with 
death by public execution at the hands of the same 
political party. 

Guerrero left a wife, Maria Guadalupe Hernandez, 
a daughter aged 18, named Maria Dolores, and a 
nephew, Prudencio Catalan, for whose education pro- 
vision was made in his will. The widow was appointed 
executor of the estate. 

The Jalapista party was held by the nation answer- 
able for Guerrero's execution. The treachery by 
means of which the ministers effected his capture was 
never forgiven them. 90 After their downfall the sen- 
tence was considered a murder, and Alaman, Facio, 
and Espinosa were impeached on that and other 
charges; 91 but the accused were never convicted, for 
the reason that the proceedings were lengthened out, 
and eventually the case became a party question. 92 

90 Picaluga, for his share in the vile transaction, was sentenced by the ad- 
miralty count in Genoa to death, and to pay damages, but escaped punish- 
ment, never having returned to his country. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xii. 22- 
3, gives the sentence in Italian. Gonzalez, the officer who captured Guerrero 
and superintended his execution, died covered with leprous sores. Rivera, 
Gob. de Mex., ii. 141. 

91 The house of representatives constituted as a grand jury indicted 
the three, exempting Minister Mangino. Mex., Proceso Instruct., 254-5. 

92 Alaman and Facio had hidden themselves, the latter escaping to Europe. 
While at that safe distance he published a book entitled Memoria que sobre 
los suctsos del tiempo de su ministerio, y sobre la causa intentada contra los 
cuatro ministros. Paris, 1835, 8vo, 245 pp., and an app. of 8 pp. In it the 
author, after denying the legality of the body that impeached him, goes on 
to state from his own standpoint the political events which took place in 
Mexico during Vice-president Bustamante's administration, endeavoring to 
defend its course, particularly in the execution of Guerrero and others of the 
federal party. He seems to have exhausted the vocabulary of abuse against 
his enemies, making at the same time revelations that are anything but honor- 
able to the government of which he formed a part. Facio never figured 
again in Mexican politics, but his rank in the army was restored to him in 
1835. Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 482. Quite different in manner and style was 
Alaman in his Defensa del ex-ministro de relaclones D. Lucas A laman. Mexico, 
1S34, 8vo, xxii. and 126 pp. He was politic and suave, as behooved a man 
who was not yet out of danger. His arguments, like Facio's, were intended 
to show that the course of Bustamante's ministers was a wise and necessary 
one to secure peace and the best interests of the country. It is difficult to 
believe that the guiding mind of the administration had no knowledge of 
Facio's bargain with Picaluga. Be it as it may, he was finally acquitted of 
all culpability by the supreme court. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 145. 


The congress of 1831 voted to Guerrero's widow 
and offspring a yearly pension of $3,000. 93 The legis- 
lature of Oajaca in March, 1833, decreed that his 
remains should be exhumed, and with due solemnity 
be deposited in the church of Santo Domingo. 94 The 
town of Cuilapa was erected into a city under the 
name of Ciudad Guerrero. That same year the 
national congress ordered the remains to be trans- 
ferred to Mexico and placed in a mausoleum in the 
Santa Paula cemetery. 95 This was not t carried out 
till 1842, when it was decreed that the highest honors 
should be paid to the hero's memory. On the 8th of 
April, 1843, a monument was ordered to be erected 
in Santa Paula, at the expense of the public treasury, 
and dedicated to Guerrero. 

After the ex-president's death the war in that 
region of southern Mexico, later organized as the state 
of Guerrero, ceased, Alvarez submitting to Busta- 
mante's government. 

93 At the death of either, the survivor was to have the whole pension. 
Dublari and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 314; Arrillaga, Recop., 1831, 216. 

94 A full description of the exhumation and other ceremonies appears in 
Carriedo, Estudios Hist., ii. 49-5J; Guerrero, V., Soberano Estado. Mariano 
Riva Palacio, who had married Guerrero's daughter, was granted the right of 
citizenship in the state. 

95 Decree of Nov. 17, 1833. Dublan and Lozano> Legis. Mex., ii. 601. 




Despotic Measures — Codallos' Revolution — Yorkino Opposition — Po- 
litical Blunders — Institutions Prostituted — Inclan's Affair — Im- 
pending Changes — Santa Anna's Pronunciamiento — His Defeat at 
Tolome— Siege of Vera Cruz — Its Failure — Revolutions in Tamau- 
lipas — Teran's Suicide — Santa Anna's Reformed Plan — It is Sec- 
onded Elsewhere — Battle of Los Carmelos — Fall of San Luis 
Potosi — Its Effects in Mexico — Acting President Muzquiz — Bus- 
tamante's Victory in Guanajuato — Santa Anna's Success — Busta- 
mante's Defeats in Puebla — Armistice — Plans of Pacification — 
The Revolution Triumphant. 

The party which had labored so hard for nine years 
to gain control of the government was at last triumph- 
ant. It was believed by many that the change would 
prove beneficial. Indeed, friends and foes alike trust- 
ed that the pledges of the leading men would be 
faithfully carried out, and a constitutional policy with 
tolerance adopted. Unfortunately, the new rulers 
manifested no such intentions. Their first step was 
to draw from congress a vote to legalize the rev- 
olution that had elevated them to power. Relying 
on the clergy and the army, they initiated a policy of 
persecution against the authorities, functionaries, and 
prominent men of the yorkino or popular party. 1 

Freedom of the press soon ceased under the re- 

1 Several governors and others were deposed, a number of prominent citi- 
zens exiled, and the jails filled with political opponents, or persons denounced 
by paid spies. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 590-1, 596-7; Mora, Obras Sueltas, 
ii. 426-9; Posadas, Alegato Def., 1-16; Atleta, 1830, ap. 20, 485. 



pressive system of Minister Alaman. Only journals 
defending the government were allowed to exist. 2 

The government was not long permitted to pursue 
its despotisms in peace. Revolutions broke out in 
southern Michoacan and other parts of the south, as 
well as in Mexico, San Luis Potosi, and Puebla, which 
caused much trouble; though, for want of popular 
support, they were quelled, and their promoters arbi- 
trarily dealt with. 3 

The military element, being now well looked after 
as to pay, emoluments, and honors, was daily gaining 
a preponderance in public affairs; and the government 
further increased the number of its supporters by 
winning over the chiefs who had favored the late rev- 
olution by means of an amnesty law, so called, but 
really a penal one against conspirators,* afterward 
amended, allowing officers in the rebellion not only to 
submit, but to tender to the pardoning authority their 
services against their former comrades. They were 
received with the rank they held among the revolu- 
tionists, and even given promotion. The government 
was running from one blunder into another in its 
endeavors to sustain itself. In October it forced Go- 
mez Pedraza, who had come back, to leave the coun- 

2 The Atleta was killed under the burden of fines. The press of the capital 
was finally reduced to El Sol and Registro Oficial, and later Bustamante's 
Voz de la Palria, together with a few loose sheets to circulate among the 
rabble. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 312-13; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 592, 596. 

3 Like that of Codallos, begun in December 1829, and crushed in the same 
month of 1830, whose chief and a few companions were taken prisoners and 
shot at Patzcuaro. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 283-6, 329-31; Bustamante, Voz 
de la Patria, iii. no. 23, 8, no. 17, 8; Id., MS., vi. 59-62; Mex., Proceso 
Instruct., 220-2. The parties concerned in such movements were either put 
to death, banished, or sentenced to long terms of imprisonment. Juan N. 
Rosains, of revolutionary fame, Col Francisco Victoria, a brother of the first 
president, Crist6bal Fernandez, Col Jose Marquez, his secretary Joaquin 
Garate, and others in San Luis, and many in Michoacan, were shot. In some 
cases, as in Morelia, the claims of humanity were disregarded; in others, not 
even the form of a trial preceded. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 220; Ala- 
man, Hist. Mej., iv. 237; Id., Proceso, 193-219, 223-30; Bustamante, Voz 
de la Patria, iv. no. 16, 5 et seq., v. no. 31, 1-3; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 
603-4; Id., Gob. deMix., ii. 153. 

4 March 11, 1831. Arrillaga, Recop., 1831, 218-21. The end of the gov- 
ernment was to get rid of its enemies, under the garb of a pardon, to exile 
them. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. M6x., 226. 


try. 5 This unjustifiable proceeding was sustained by 
the subservient ministerial majority in congress. 

The national congress from 1829 to the end of 1830, 
taken as a whole, was undeserving of popular respect. 
During the first session both houses were subservient 
to the demands of all parties. Their bickerings and 
general discordance brought upon the country all the 
troubles resulting from the Jalapa plan. In 1830, 
the legislative body, with a few honorable exceptions 
among its members, 6 went over to the support of the 
men who effected the overthrow of Guerrero's govern- 
ment, which explains the ease with which it was accom- 
plished as well as the facility with which Bustamante's 
administration obtained a legal status. But the con- 
gress of 1831-2 conducted itself with still greater sub- 
serviency to the will of the ministers, passing special 
laws, establishing special courts to terrorize those dis- 
contented with the existing order of things, giving 
the government almost unlimited powers, decreeing 
proscriptions, and rewarding crime. It permitted the 
executive, without protest, to modify or construe the 
laws at will. 

The judiciary was not free from the corruption that 
pervaded congress. The courts, from the lowest to 
the highest, lent themselves to subterfuge and chi- 
canery to please the government, and became its ab- 
ject tools, as was made evident in the proceedings 
against Alpuche, Zerecero, Gondra, and others, and in 
the admission of the most absurd charges, preferred 
in most cases by notoriously disreputable men. 7 The 
independence of the legislative and judicial powers no 
longer existed, and the people were actually at the 

5 The reason alleged was that Pedraza's presence would support the oppo- 
sition to the government, and involve the country in still greater commotion. 
Quintana lloa, A ens., in Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 347-56; Alaman, Hist. Mej., 
v. 854; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 605-6; Alvarez, Hist. Gen. Mex., v. 192-3. 

6 Senators Pacheco Leal, Rejon, and Portugal; Deputies Quintana Roaand 
Caiiedo. Rejon was beaten in the streets by instigation of the government. 
Bnstamante, Vozde la Patria, MS., vii. 3-4. 

7 The death penalty was inflicted on many not taken with arms in their 
hands, or in open revolt against the constituted authorities. Suarez y Na- 
varro, Hist. M6x., 224. 


mercy of the government and its myrmidons — a state 
of things which, it must be confessed, was made avail- 
able for its purposes with ability and energy, without 
neglecting to gain the favor of the clergy by conces- 
sions that virtually restored their former influence. 8 

The despotism of the military is illustrated by the 
violence shown in the arrest of a printer at Guadala- 
jara by the comandante general, Inclan, which was 
of so outrageous a nature that the insulted state au- 
thorities and legislature deemed it proper to remove 
to Lagos. 9 The government for a time, from motives 
of policy, took no action in the case. 10 Facio tried to 
extenuate Inclan's fault without offending that and 
other legislatures, and did not recall that general till 
the 28th of December. 11 

This affair precipitated events when the opposition 
to the government had not yet matured any plan to 
brinsf about a reaction. The moderate element in the 
several parties limited its efforts to checking the retro- 
gressive policy of the administration, and trusted, for 
a radical change, to the renewal of the executive and 
congress at the end of 1832. But the large number 
w T ho had suffered or were suffering at the hands of 
despotism would brook no further delay ; the policy of 
the opposition was in their estimation too slow and 
altogether dependent on electoral eventualities to be 
w r aited on a whole year, during which those in power 
would use their large resources to keep it in their own 
hands. The probabilities were all in favor of the gov- 
ernment, which counted on the cooperation of the 

8 It is said that Bustamante, to further win their good will, visited the 
churches and prayed much, whereby indulgences were gained from the pope. 
This led to disagreements in the cabinet, too much preponderance being given 
to the clergy. Facio wanted the army to be all-powerful. Rivera, Gob. de 
Mix., ii. 154-5. 

9 Full particulars of the case in Alaman, Proceso, 32-7; Facio, Expos. 
d las Cam., 1-21; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 20-1; Mora, Obras Siteltas, i. 
pp. xl, lxv. 

10 Alaman gives as the chief reason the probability of a movement at Guada- 
lajara in favor of the central system of government, which would have been 
supported by the whole army. Hist. Mej., v. 854. 

11 On that date he surrendered his command to Col Cirilo Gomez Anaya. 
Jal., Espos. al Cong., 7, 14, 21. 


authorities — its own creatures — in many states, and 
on the indifference of others. 12 Jalisco and Zacatecas, 
however, occupied a position between those willing to 
wait for a legal change of ruler, and those who wanted 
to effect it by force of arms. Without leaning to 
either extreme, they organized their militia and kept 
fanning the flame of discord in the press. Wealthy 
Guanajuato, under General Luis Cortazar's advice, 
was also prepared for a turn of events. Chihuahua, 
Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Tamaulipas, and Tabasco, 
being at a distance, were to be called into action in 
the event of a conflict with the central force. Mean- 
time the parties were carrying on intrigues to win 
the elections. Three parties were playing for the 
stake, namely, the friends of the existing order of 
things, the moderates, and the radicals. 13 Amidst the 
agitation the administration felt sure of victory, and 
would probably have gained it but for an unforeseen 
occurrence that dashed to the ground all its plans, 
and hurled it from power. 

Bustamante on the 1st of January, 1832, congrat- 
ulated the legislative body on the progress the repub- 
lic had made under his rule, adding that the fury and 
animosity of political parties had almost disappeared. 14 
Flattering manifestations of confidence greeted him 
from the ministerial majority and his other support- 
ers, when tidings arrived which contradicted his as- 

12 Mexico, Puebla, Vera Cruz, San Luis Potosf, Durango, Quer^taro, 
Michoacan, and Oajaca were allies. Sonora and Sinaloa bad their local 
bickerings to occupy them, and being far away from the centre, did not much 
feel the hand of the general government. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 261. 

13 The administration party wanted a man as president who would secure 
them what had been gained under Bustamante 's rule; the moderates desired a 
combination of the old ideas with the new; the third party was large and 
affected exaggerated ideas, favoring radical measures, such as abolition of 
fueros, confiscation of ecclesiastical property, reformation of the religious 
orders, and disbandment of the army so as to crush out militarism from the 

14 The states were all represented as having considerable surplus funds. 
The minister of the treasury could dispose of large amounts at Vera Cruz 
and Tampico, and had provided for the payment of six months' interest on 
the foreign debts. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 1. It must be 
confessed that the administration had much improved the financial and in- 
dustrial condition of the country. 


severations regarding the popular satisfaction with 
his policy. The garrison at Vera Cruz had, on the 
night of the 2d of January, issued a pronunciamiento 
demanding, among other things, the dismissal of the 

Santa Anna had been living quietly for two years 
on his estate of Manga de Clavo. The administration 
had tendered him positions and he had refused them. 
All persons desiring to put a stop to the arbitrary 
acts of the government, and prevent the coming elec- 
tions from being conducted under the influence of 
Bustamante's ministers, urged Santa Anna to place 
himself at the head of a movement to effect their re- 
moval. 15 Santa Anna was convinced that only a re- 
sort to arms could remove the dangers of a wide-spread 
revolution that would lead to general anarchy. The 
dismissal of the ministers was thought to be the rem- 
edy for the evil, and this was the exclusive object of 
the pronunciamiento. It subsequently took another 
direction by the express will of the several states. 
The ministers and their friends attributed the move- 
ment to different motives, accusing Santa Anna of 
sinister views, and charging Colonel Landero, one of 
the chief promoters, with acts of a dishonorable char- 
acter. 16 Whatever the actual promptings may have 
been, the grievance complained against was the con- 
duct of the ministry, as set forth by the complainants 
in their act, a synopsis of which I give below. 17 Santa 

15 It was hoped that by his mediation the object could be accomplished. 
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. M6x. , 263. 

16 Santa Anna wanted to be president. Landero had embezzled $18,000 of 
his regiment's funds. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 4-6; Alaman, 
Hist. Mej., v. 855. 

17 The held and other officers of the garrisons of the town and fortress, by 
invitation of Ciriaco Vasquez, comandante general, assembled at the house of 
Col Pedro Landero, and after considering the situation, arrived at the conclu- 
sion that the country was threatened with revolution and probably with an- 
archy. The cause of this general discontent was attributed to the arbitrary 
acts of the ministers, which had made them hateful to the people, and had 
been practised in spite of the vice-president's remonstrances. The latter was 
represented as a firm supporter of the federal system, but his action was 
trammelled by the ministry. Accompanying the long preamble, the following 
resolutions were adopted: 1. The garrison renews the obligations assumed in 
the plan of Jalapa to faithfully observe the federal constitution and laws; 


Anna accepted the position, and on the 4th of the 
same month addressed himself from Vera Cruz 18 to 
Bustamante, detailing the occurrences at that city, 
and modestly tendering his good offices as a mediator 
to bringf about the wished for result without breaking 
the peace or causing disturbance. 

While Santa Anna and his followers awaited at 
Vera Cruz the government's decision, the ministry 
made preparation for resistance. The four ministers 
appeared before the chambers to inform them of these 
occurrences. After the official despatches had been 
read, Alaman read private letters from General Iberri, 
and explained from his standpoint the action of the 
revolutionists at Vera Cruz. 19 That minister next 
proceeded to justify his own and his colleagues' con- 
duct, and declared their intention to keep their post 
so long as the congress did not consider them open to 
the charges that had been preferred against them. 20 
However, on the 11th the four ministers laid their 
resignations, accompanied with an explanation of their 
motives, before the executive; but they were not ac- 
cepted. Both houses of congress manifested their 
wish that the ministers should continue in office. 
This was tantamount to a resolution that the demand 
of the revolutionists at Vera Cruz should be disre- 

2. Asks the vice-president to dismiss the ministers whom public opinion 
charges with upholding centralism and tolerating abuses against civil liberty 
and personal rights; 3. It appoints a committee of two officers to lay these 
proceedings before Santa Anna, and invite him to repair to Vera Cruz and 
take command of the forces; 4. The garrison, in the event of Santa Anna's 
acceptation of the invitation, abstains from addressing the supreme govern- 
ment. The general will send this act and such other remarks as he may deem 
expedient to the vice-president and the authorities of the federation and states, 
adopting such measures, besides, as may conduce to the accomplishment of the 
desired object. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 263-7; Bustamante, Voz de la 
Patria, MS., vii. 9-10; /(/., Hist. Santa Anna, 27o; Id., Hist. Jturbide, 211; 
Rivera, Hist. Jala-pa, iii. 46-94; Becher, Mex., 39-41, 48, 53-4. 

18 He had first got possession of $279,000 from the federal treasury, against 
the protest of Treasurer Lebrijar. Bustamante, Vozde la Patria, MS., vii. 11. 

la He mentioned as causes of the revolution that the troops had been led 
to believe that General Gomez Pedraza had been called back to the republic, 
and that to support his landing, a military camp had been founded under Cal- 
deron, and troops would be stationed in Vera Cruz. 

20 < Till the chambers should hold them to accountability, ' ' si es que hubieran 
dado motivo a las inculpaciones que se les hacian. ' Suarez y Navarro, Hist. 
M6x., 266-7. 


garded as untenable and unconstitutional. Notwith- 
standing which the ministers remained in power much 
against their will, 21 and after a while insisted that their 
resignations be accepted. 22 Meantime, thousands of 
expressions favorable to the government came from 
its friends, which were looked upon as so many evi- 
dences that the movement at Vera Cruz was con- 
demned by public opinion. The ministry thereupon 
resolved to employ all the resources at its disposal to 
crush the promoters. Minister Facio temporarily 
left his department on the 11th, and repaired to 
Jalapa to organize a strong division, which was placed 
in command of General Jose Maria Calderon. Peace- 
able means were, however, first tried, commissioners 
being: sent to induce Santa Anna to abandon his hos- 
tile attitude. 23 But they effected nothing, 24 and no 
recourse was left but to appeal to arms. Facio had 
completed his preparations by the end of January, and 
General Calderon was to begin operations the next 
month. Thinking to obtain the surrender of Vera 
Cruz on the approach of his troops, Facio tried to 
bribe Jose Maria Flores, the commandant of San 
Juan de Ulua, 25 who returned dignified answers, re- 
jecting the proposal. Hostilities consequently com- 
menced. Santa Anna at first obtained some partial 
successes, but at Tolome 26 he encountered the minis- 

21 On the 20th of January the legislature of Zacatecas petitioned the vice- 
president not to keep these men in power against their will, as there was no 
law authorizing it. 

22 The vice-president had been showing them some coldness. Bustamante, 
Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 15. 

23 The commissioners were the vice-governor of Vera Cruz, M. M. Perez, 
Senator Bernardo Couto, and a treasury official named Vicente Segura. 
Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Me'x., 269. 

24 The report of the commissioners to the governor of Vera Cruz, and Ala- 
man's to the chamber of deputies, are given in Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 
270-3; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 21-3. 

25 Facio offered Flores the rank of full colonel and $25,000 if he would 
make a counter-pronunciamiento in the castle. His and Calderon's letters, 
both dated Jan. 25, 1832, appeared in El Censor of Vera Cruz, Jan. 30th, and 
El Fenix de la Libertad, no. 13, and were used at Facio's impeachment in 1833. 
Mex. Proceso Instruct., 54-5. Facio also tried to win over officers and men 
with offers of promotion and reward. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 156. 

26 A small village of palm huts, having narrow paths leading to a bridge 
which was the passage-way for the miserable place. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. 
Mex., 276-7; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 63. 


terial troops, 3,700 strong, on the 3d of March, and 
suffered a disastrous defeat, losing heavily in killed, 
wounded, and prisoners, 27 besides a considerable quan- 
tity of ammunition and muskets. The ministerialists' 
loss was also severe. After this disaster Santa 
Anna hurriedly returned to Vera Cruz with the 
remnants of his force. He at once set to work to 
organize another army, and prepared the town for 
defence. Calderon by a little activity might now 
have made short work of the revolution, but by his 
dilatoriness, expecting that the town would easily fall 
into his hands, and also from motives of humanity to 
avert further bloodshed, he gave Santa Anna time to 
complete his preparations, and on arriving in front of 
the city found his adversary strongly fortified, with 
112 heavy pieces of artillery on the ramparts, and 
2,500 men. Calderon completed his preparations for 
the siege on the 12th of April; but all his efforts 
failed to reduce the place, while hundreds of his men 
were falling victims to the deadly climate. 28 Finally, 
in view of occurrences in other states, and after losing 
upward of 1,000 men, Calderon raised the siege on the 
13th of May, and retired to Jalapa, where we must 
leave him for the present to consider important events 
in other parts that eventually affected Vera Cruz and 
neighboring states. 

Rumors had been for some time in circulation that 
several states intended to disregard the authority of 
the general administration. To ward off such blows, 
the government used all its means of persuasion, and 
made the most of Teran's influence in the eastern 
states, where he had the military command. Peace 
was preserved in that quarter till March, when the 

27 Among the killed were colonels Landero and Andonaegui, both of whom 
had done good service against the Spanish invaders under Barradas. The 
prisoners were 32 officers and about 460 rank and file. 

28 Congress on the 25th of April passed a law granting Santa Anna and his 
officers a humiliating pardon, which they indignantly rejected. Suarez y 
Navarro, Hist. Mex. t 287. 


standard of revolt was raised in Tamaulipas by Fran- 
cisco Vital Fernandez, who was supported by the 
comandante at Tampico, General Estevan Moctezu- 
ma. 29 Teran prevailed on the legislature to set Fer- 
nandez aside, and restore the authority of the govern- 
ment, and after some conferences with Moctezuma, 
finding conciliatory action unavailing, he attacked hira 
at Tampico on the 13th of May, and met with a dis- 
astrous repulse, which necessitated his retreat to 
Villerias, whereupon Moctezuma marched into the 

Teran afterward obtained some advantages over his 
adversaries ; but the disaster at Tampico, the misfor- 
tunes of his country, and his despair of bringing about 
peace in the region under his command, together with 
family troubles, affected his mind, and drove him to 
commit suicide on the 3d of July, 1832, at Padilla, by 
thrusting his sword through his body. 30 

Teran's death at this time was a serious loss to 
Mexico, as he had become the link between the mod- 
erate wings of the yorkino and escoces parties, and 
was their candidate for president of the republic. 

The government's fears as to the effect of the oc- 
currences at Tampico and elsewhere soon became 
realized. Jose Antonio Barragan revolted in San 
Luis Potosi, and soon after Zacatecas and Jalisco 
adopted a revolutionary plan differing somewhat from 
that of Santa Anna, in that it involved the removal 
of Bustamante from the executive, and proclaimed 
Gomez Pedraza as the legitimate president, regardless 

29 Moctezuma was an old royalist soldier during the war of independence, 
and afterward served under Iturbide. He had been out of service when Pres. 
Bustamante, at the request of his old friend Col. Martin y Aguirre, brought 
him again into the army, giving him the brevet of a general of brigade, and 
appointing him to the command at Tampico. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, 
MS., vii. 66-7. 

30 Rivera y Hist. Jalapa, iii. 90-1; Niles* Reg., xlii. 455. Teran was one of 
the few Mexicans of general scientific attainments, a man of high character, 
and a profound thinker. Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 27, 269; Atleta, 1830, 
Jan. 9, 83; Bustamante, Guad. Hist., MS., viii. 235, 238; Id., Voz de la 
Patria, ii. no. 23, 3. Teran was interred in the same tomb with Iturbide. 
Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 856; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 91. 


of the fact that he had voluntarily resigned his claim 
to the position. 31 By right he could not be regarded 
as legitimate president without a new election; but 
the party of progress, formed by two strong sections 
of the yorkinos and escoceses, had no other man after 
General Teran's death in whom it could repose confi- 
dence, especially on the eve of the presidential elec- 
tion, which under the law could not be postponed. 

When the secret of the legitimists, as thev were 
called from the project to bring the general govern- 
ment agfain to a legitimate status, leaked out, though 
it had been carefully kept by the authorities of 
Zacatecas and Jalisco, the administration at Mexico 
considered itself in imminent peril, inasmuch as the 
revolution in its new tendencies was assuming a dif- 
ferent aspect. This condition of affairs evidently 
called for peremptory measures and extraordinary 
sacrifices. Alaman did not allow himself to be intim- 
idated, and believing that with the presence of an able 
and influential general at the head of the army in the 
field the impending storm might be weathered, he 
recommended that the vice-president should assume 
the command of the government's forces in person, 
and on the 10th of May asked authorization therefor 
from the chamber of deputies. 32 It was refused, and 
the enemies of the administration had the opportu- 
nity to say that the proceeding had been a farce with 
the ulterior view of recovering in that puerile manner 
its lost prestige. This false step was followed by an- 
other, which was an attempt to remove the founda- 
tions on which the revolutionists based their opposi- 
tion. They had demanded the dismissal of the min- 
isters, and on the acceptance of their resignation the 
executive thought that the question would terminate. 

31 The plan of calling Pedraza to the presidency was the work of Gomez 
Farias and Gov. Garcia of Zacatecas. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. lxxv. 

32 Art. 1 12 of the constitution prescribed it. Alaman 's expose" of the situa- 
tion was a long and able one, maintaining that the executive at the head of the 
army would be better able to cause the constitution and rights of the nation 
to be respected. Saarezy Navarro, Hist. Mex., 290-1. 


They were therefore allowed to resign on the 17th 
of May. 33 But the action, which four months pre- 
viously might have been beneficial, produced no good 
effects now. The congress had expected much from 
the firmness of the cabinet, so often proclaimed as it 
had been in divers ways. It was thought that the 
ministers would not leave their posts till they had tri- 
umphed, or Santa Anna had been persuaded to tender 
his submission. Their present action was a disap- 
pointment, and the states were disgusted with the 
undignified course of the chambers. 

When General Calderon abandoned the siege of 
Vera Cruz he left 800 men under Rincon on the 
puente nacional 34 to keep Santa Anna in check; the 
latter, however, got the better of Rincon, cutting off 
his communications with the main body of the gov- 
ernment army. Rincon having retreated to Los Or- 
ganos, Santa Anna went to the hacienda El Encero, 
and an armistice 35 was agreed upon and signed at 
Corral Falso on the 13th of June, with the object of 
holding conferences on the puente nacional, to treat 
of peace, on the 6th of July. 36 Nothing resulted 
therefrom, however, except a promise on Santa Anna's 
part to undertake no operation against the govern- 
ment troops during forty-eight hours reckoned from 
the morning of the 13th. 37 

The failure of these negotiations resulted from 
Santa Anna's refusal to accept any proposition from 

33 The portfolios remained in charge of the chief clerks excepting that of 
the treasury, of which Mangino continued in charge till the 19th of August, 
after a new ministry had been organized. Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1030- 
1. Mangino was really no political entity. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 

34 The puente del rey was so called after the independence. 

35 Santa Anna's commissioners were Col. Arago and Jose M. Vidal; for Cal- 
deron, Col. Felix Merino and Adjutant Jose Garcia Conde. Terms of the 
armistice in Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 29G-7. 

30 The commissioners who acted in the government's name were Ex-pres. 
Guadalupe Victoria, and Governor Sebastian Camacho of Vera Cruz. 

37 Bustamante has it that they revealed ' la iniquidad de Santa Anna, y 
de las hordes que le seguian,' as also the lack of stability and honor of the. 
government. Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 127. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 8 


the government, because, whether at his own instiga- 
tion or not, the garrison at Vera Cruz, urged by the 
authorities of Jalisco and Zacatecas, had on July 
5th made a pronunciamiento in favor of restoring 
legitimacy to the government, or in other words, 
ignoring Bustamante and proclaiming Pedraza as the 
rightful president of the republic. 38 

The despatches conveying the failure of the nego- 
tiations with Santa Anna reached Mexico at the 
same time with the news that Zacatecas, Jalisco, and 
Durango had adopted the plan of placing Pedraza in 
the presidential chair. 39 Zacatecas placed 4,000 mili- 
tiamen under arms ready for active service. In 
Durango General Urrea replaced Governor Elorriaga, 
who had been deposed in March 1830 by Busta- 
mante's ministers, and in Jalisco the comandante gen- 
eral Cirilo Gomez Anaya was forced to leave Guada- 

On the other hand, San Luis Potosi, 40 Michoacan, 
Chihuahua, Mexico, Puebla, and Tabasco favored 
Bustamante; but in Tamaulipas Colonel Mejia seized 
the port of Matamoros, where he obtained the neces- 
sary resources for his 600 men and a squadron of six 
vessels. He then proceeded to Tampico to unite 
his forces with those of Moctezuma, and not finding 
him there, 41 joined Santa Anna at Vera Cruz. 

Moctezuma made a rapid march toward San Luis 
Potosi, and at Pozo de los Carmelos defeated the gov- 
ernment force under Colonel Otero on the 3d of Au- 

38 The acta sets forth the grounds of action, and directs Santa Anna to ac- 
cede at the conferences to nothing incompatible with its two articles. Suare.z 
y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 309-10; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 
124-5; Rivera, Hist. Jala-pa, iii. 97. 

39 Zacatecas made the declaration July 10th, Durango soon after, Jalisco 
on the 15th of July. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mix., 312, 314; Bustamante, 
Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 157-8; Alvarez, J., Manif., 119; Pinart, Col. Doc, 
5, 246-7. 

40 The legislature empowered Gov. Reyes to raise troops, and to borrow 
$100,000 to meet expenses. 

41 Moctezuma, after undoing all that Teran had done at Ciudad Victoria, 
and replacing Vital Fernaudez in the governor's chair, had marched into the 


gust, 42 which opened to him at once the gates of the 
state capital. The authorities created by a revolution 
on the 21st and 2 2d of July and the comandante 
general Zenon Fernandez took to flight, leaving as 
governor Felipe Manjarrez, a member of the city 
council. On the 5th of August the ayuntamiento 
accepted the situation, arid six days later the legis- 
lative diputacion permanente met for the sole purpose 
of nullifying Bustamante's authority, and declaring 
Pedraza the rightful executive of the republic. 43 

The occupation of San Luis by the revolutionists 
staggered the government. The chamber of deputies 
at once authorized the vice-president to take com- 
mand of the army. In his absence the executive 
was intrusted, by special choice of the deputies vot- 
ing by states on the 7th of August, to General Mel- 
chor Muzquiz, 44 who on the 14th took possession of 
the office with the title of president ad interim. Bus- 
tamante retained his position as vice-president; but 
after a victory over his enemies he resigned it on the 
19th of September. 43 

His resignation was not accepted by congress, but 
the course of events made it effective. 

General Melchor Muzquiz was born about 1790 in 
Santa Rosa, in the district of Monclova, Coahuila. 
In 1810 he left the college of San Ildefonso to join 
the revolution for independence. When a colonel he 
was captured by the royalists, and would have been 
shot at Puebla but for an opportune amnesty decree 
that included him. He supported the plan of Iguala, 
and in 1824 was governor of Mexico. 46 From his ac- 

42 The battle lasted three hours, Otero was slain, many officers were 
wounded, and the rest, with a few dispersed soldiers, reached the city three 
hours later. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 162-6; Suarezy Navarro, 
Hist. M6x., 317-8. 

43 This is said to have been a free, spontaneous act, without military coer- 
cion. S. L. Potosi, Diput. Perman., 2-5, in Pinart, Col. Doc. 

44 He had 15 votes out of 17. Gen. Bravo received one, and Juan Ignacio 
Godoy the other. JJublan and Lozano, Leg. M6x., ii. 445-6, 451; Arrillaga, 
Recop., 1832-3, 140-9. 

45 He stated that he did so of his free will, as a citizen and as a soldier 
who had never given way to force. Saarez y Navarro, Hist. Max., 330. 

46 Pres. Victoria made him a general of brigade. Bustamante among his last 


tion in concert with. Facio to promote the plan cle Ja- 
lapa, Muzquiz came to be looked upon as Busta- 
mente's second and possible substitute. 

Muzquiz was an honest man and a disinterested 
patriot, ready to do his duty and undergo any suffer- 
ing for his country and his principles. At his death 
his family was left unprovided for, and his widow had 
to keep a school for support. Some time after Muz- 
quiz's death, his name was given to the place of his 
birth. 47 

Muzquiz appointed his cabinet on the 19th of Au- 
gust, with the following ministers: Francisco Fago- 
aga, of relations; Juan Ignacio Godoy, of justice and 
ecclesiastical affairs; Ignacio Alas, of the treasury; 
General Jose Ignacio Iberri, of war and marine. 43 

No one had any doubt of Muzquiz's honesty of pur- 
pose, but his identification with the party, now thrown 
out of power by late events, rendered it impossible for 
his government to satisfy the leaders of the revolution, 
who were demanding a legitimate authority. 

The first efforts of the new administration were 
directed to the preparations for Bustamante's cam- 
paign. Guanajuato and Michoacan were in peril of 
meeting with the same fate as San Luis Potosi, the 
forces of Zacatecas and Jalisco now cooperating with 
those under General Moctezuma. Bustamante ac- 
cordingly hurried to Queretaro. With his force of 
4,000 men divided into three divisions, commanded 
respectively by generals Amador, Duran, and Arista, 
Bustamante marched to San Miguel el Grande, since 
named Allende, where the enemy occupied several 
important positions. He attempted no movement 

acts placed his nomination for general of division before the senate, but Muz- 
quiz, on assuming the executive office, recalled it. 

47 July 31, 1845, the congress declared Muzquiz 'benem^rito de la patria.' 
Amigo del Pueblo, 12 Agosto, 1845, 86; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., 
i. 215-8, ii. 192. 

43 Fagoaga had been since 1821 in favor of a foreign monarch. Iberri was 
objectionable to the revolutionists. The other two ministers were measurably 
respected by their opponents, being advocates of popular representative gov- 


against the city, and occupied the town of Dolores 
Hidalgo. Moctezuma with superior numbers ad- 
vanced, on the 17th of September, to the haciendas 
of El Rincon, evidently intending to seize the impor- 
tant position called Puerto del Gallinero; but Bus- 
tamante, detecting his purpose, occupied it early in 
the morning of the 18th. Five hours later Mocte- 
zuma came up and at once opened fire. In a short 
time the action became general. Moctezuma having 
first arranged his columns so as to assail the enemy 
on both flanks at the same time, the brunt of the at- 
tack was finally made on Bustamante's left line, after 
it was found impracticable to break his centre. By 
massing his whole force against that line, Moctezuma 
exposed his columns to the fire of the enemy's bat- 
teries as well as of some battalions stationed under 
cover on the slope of a hill. The result was that his 
troops were driven back by Bustamante's cavalry to 
where he had stationed his reserve. He tried to re- 
new the attack, but soon found himself outflanked, 
and the rout became general and complete. His dis- 
persed men were hotly pursued as far as the hacienda 
of Las Trancas, and cut down without mercy. The 
mortality on Bustamante's side was large, but that of 
Moctezuma's army was enormous. 49 

49 Suarez y Navarro accuses Bustamante of having led the pursuit in 
person, mercilessly slaying the fugitives. Hist. M6x., 329. The parish priest 
of Dolores Hidalgo, Rev. Ignacio Moctezuma, on the 23d of September, re- 
ported that he had buried 924 in the battle-field, and 45, who died of their 
wounds, in the parish cemetery. That total of 969 did by no means include 
all the victims, as the priest had not, owing to great distances, reached all 
the slain. According to Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 169-82, who 
gives a detailed account of the campaign, the number of killed in the battle 
was 2,128. The prisoners were 604, including 169 wounded. Zamacois says 
that he investigated that point, and was assured by truthful persons from 
San Miguel el Grande that the number of killed exceeded 1,500. Hist. Mej., 
xi. 908-9. 

Suarez y Navarro, Juan, Historia de Mexico y del General Antonio Lopez de 
Santa Anna. Mex., 1850. Large 8vo, pp. vi. 457, with Santa Anna's portrait. 
This work covers the period from 1821 to the beginning of 1833 — not to 
1848 as indicated on its title-page. Of the events in the years 1821-1827 it 
gives little more than a resume; but of those which occurred between 1828 
and 1832 a full account is given, particularly of the last year. The author 
purports to furnish a true and honest detail of those events, refuting at the 
same time a number of accusations that had been preferred against General 
Santa Anna. He presents his opinions and proofs with good judgment and 


Bustamante now reoccupied San Luis Potosi on the 
30th of September, reinstating the deposed authori- 
ties. 50 He might easily have quelled the revolution 
in the other hostile states, but that news reached him 
of General Valencia's defection in the state of Mex- 
ico, which imperilled the national capital. He had 
only advanced as far as Penon Blanco, where he ob- 
tained, in the latter part of October, a promise from 
Governor Garcia of Zacatecas that he would cause 
the legislature of his state to revoke the act recog- 
nizing Pedraza. That promise was not fulfilled, ow- 
ing, as alleged by Bustamante's partisans, to the in- 
fluence of Luis de la Rosa and Gomez Farias over 

Affairs in Vera Cruz were In the mean time assum- 
ing a most unfavorable aspect for the government. 
Facio, who since Calderon's retreat from Vera Cruz 
and his own resignation as minister of war had been 
in command of the government troops in that state, 
could not boast of much progress in his operations 
against Santa Anna. The latter had been active in 
recruiting and instructing his army, and on the 29th 
of September was in a condition to assume the offen- 
sive. With the view of raising the spirits of his 
men, some of whom had become downcast on hearing 
of Moctezuma's defeat, he resolved to engage with 
Facio, and if victorious march forthwith on Puebla. 
The latter, who was then crossing the heights of 
Maltrata, stationed one half of his troops in the 
town of San Aoaistin del Palmar and in the hacienda 


moderation, -without ever allowing himself to use passionate language when 
criticising those charges. His narrative and comments are clear, and his 
arguments often well grounded. They are mostly the result of his own 
personal observation; but he makes occasional quotations from standard 
authorities. An appendix is attached to the work containing corrections and 
additional notes; the latter regarding the ex-emperor Iturbide's return from 
Europe in 1824, and Mexican relations with Guatemala. 

50 His portrait placed in the legislative chamber was afterward thrown 
out by the populace. Bustamante, Voz de la P atria, MS., vii. 190; Suarez y 
Navarro, Hist. Afe'x., 330-1. The revolutionary authorities and legislature 
found hospitality in Zacatecas. S. L. Potosi, Diput. Perman., 2-6. 


of La Trasquila under General Antonio Azcdxate, 
while he with the other half occupied the Chaltepec 
hill. Santa Anna, making a feint on Facio with his 
cavalry, directed his real attack, under colonels Mejia 
and Jarero, against Azcdrate. After a short but 
well contested action, in which Azcarate lost his life, 
the government troops were completely routed, with 
a loss in killed, besides the commander, of 12 officers 
and 353 rank and file. All the arms, ammunition, 
and 280 prisoners fell into Santa Anna's hands. 
Facio precipitately fled to the sierra, and the greater 
part of his remaining force became dispersed. 51 

Santa Anna at once marched on Puebla, which 
after a short semblance of defence succumbed on the 
4th of October, the garrison being allowed the honors 
of war with permission to go to Mexico. 52 Santa 
Anna lost no time in advancing upon the capital, and 
a portion of his army reached Tacubaya on the 2 2d 
of October; the other divisions occupying the sur- 
rounding towns, the line of investment was soon estab- 

Meantime the greatly alarmed government had ob- 
tained from the congress a vote conferring on Presi- 
dent Muzquiz unlimited power to act as circumstances 
might demand. An effort was made through com- 
missioners to arrive at an amicable arrangement, but 
it failed because congress refused to sanction any 
adjustment 53 based on the assumption by Pedraza of 
the executive authority. 

The capital had been declared under martial law, 54 
and the command intrusted to General Quintanar, 

51 Andrade, governor and comandante general of Puebla, shared in Facio's 
defeat, as he had advanced to Tepeaca, and on the countermarch to Puebla 
lost two thirds of his men, who joined Santa Anna. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. 
Mex., 324. 

52 Andrade reached the capital on the 25th day of October, with very few 
men; the rest joined Santa Anna at San Martin Tesmelucan. Bustamante, Voz 
de la Pairia, MS., vii. 219-27, gives a detailed account of the capture, with 
his lying, malignant addenda. 

53 October 16th. Dispos. Var., ii. 86; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 115. 

51 The president's military orders appear in Dublan and Lozano> Leg. Mex. s 
ii. 453; Dispos. Var., ii. 82-5. 


who answered Santa Anna's demand on the first of 
November for a surrender of the city with a dignified 
refusal. The latter did not see fit to open fire, the 
danger to which Puebla was exposed by Bustainante's 
approach 55 demanding his attention. He accordingly 
raised the siege on the 6th, marched to meet the 
enemy, and on the 10th reached Huehuetoca, where 
he received despatches from Pedraza announcing his 
arrival at Vera Cruz, 56 and his intention to proceed at 
once to Puebla. The states that had seconded 
the movement in Pedraza's favor immediately passed 
special laws ordering his decrees and orders as presi- 
dent of the republic to be obeyed. 

The two hostile armies encountered each other in 
the hacienda of Casas Blancas, on or about the 12th 
of November, without a decisive result, but Busta- 
mante had to retire to Tequisquiac, 57 where Quintanar 
joined him with a division on the 16th. They then 
undertook to carry out a preconcerted plan of captur- 
ing Puebla while Santa Anna was at Zumpango de la 
Laguna, but the latter by his activity frustrated their 
intention. 58 Bustamante then resolved to try the 
issue of a pitched battle, and advanced via San Pedro 
Apetatitlan to the suburbs of Puebla on the 5th of 
December. Santa Anna having taken up a position 
in the Posadas rancheria and town of Mexico, Bus- 
tamante at the head of the 6th regiment vigorously 
assailed him, but was repulsed with a heavy loss in 

55 Bustamante had reached Quer6taro, and marching rapidly by way of San 
Cristobal, San Juan Teotihuacan, and Otumba, might capture Puebla before 
relief could arrive. 

66 He had declined Santa Anna's first invitation to return. But a second 
commission, composed of Anastasio Zerecero and Lieut-col. Soto, which met 
him at Bedford Springs in Pennsylvania, after explaining what he was actu- 
ally wanted for, was successful. The correspondence is given in Suarezy Na- 
varro, Hist. Mex., 341-3; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., xi. 916—19; Rivera, Hist. 
Ja lapa, iii. 116; Pedraza arrived at Vera Cruz November 5th. Bustamante, 
Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 258-9. 

57 Bustamante's letter of Nov. 13th, to Col Condelle at San Luis Potosf, in 
Suarcz y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 345. Bustamante describes the action. Voz de 
la Patria, MS., vii. 261-3. 

58 He not only succeeded in that, but in saving a valuable convoy, by a 
rapid march of 63 miles in less than 30 hours. 



killed and wounded, among the former being his sec- 
retary, Lieutenant-colonel Bonilla, and many of his 
best officers. The number of casualties in both armies 
is said to have been no less than at El Gallinero. 59 
Santa Anna remained master of the field; the enemy 
retreated and took up positions at the San Juan hill, 
the ex-convent of San Javier, the Hospicio and garita 
de Tlascala, Quintanar occupying the Santo Domingo 

Plan of Puebla City. 

1. Cathedral. 

2. Palace. 

3. Episcopal Palace. 

4,5,0,7. Hospitals and Asylums. 

8. Academy of Fine Arts. 

9. Presidio. 

10, 11. Theatres. 
12, 13. Bull-rings, 
14. Barrack. 
15, 1G. Parks. 
17. Main Plaza. 

mill. Other partial engagements followed, with dis- 
astrous results to the government troops. Meantime 
Gomez Pedraza, who had defended Puebla against an 
attack in which the enemy had actually possessed 
himself of some houses of the suburbs, made prepara- 
tions for future eventualities. 

59 Details of the Posadas battle in Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex*> 346, 


The government also met with reverses in other 
parts of the country; and indeed, it may be said that its 
control of affairs was now at an end. I give briefly 
in a note the occurrences in the several states. 60 Gen- 
eral Muzquiz' government now was obeyed only by 
Oajaca and Chihuahua. Under the circumstances, 
Bustamante saw the uselessness of further attempts 
to capture Puebla, and opened negotiations with his 
opponents. General Cortazar accordingly sought an 
interview with Gomez Pedraza and Santa Anna in 
the morning of December 8th, at which it was agreed 
to enter first into an armistice, 61 till both houses of con- 
gress should take action on the plan for peace proposed 
to Bustamante by Gomez Pedraza and Santa Anna. 
It was also stipulated that in the event of the con- 
gress rejecting the plan, Bustamante's army should 
take it into consideration. Meantime Bustamante's 
forces were to be quartered in Huejocingo and Santa 
Anna's in Puebla. I epitomize in a note the said 
plan of pacification. 62 

60 Ciudad Victoria in Tamaulipas, Colima, Toluca, the whole south, San 
Luis Potosi, Queretaro, Durango, Sonora and Sinaloa, followed one another in 
acknowledging willingly or under coercion that Gomez Pedraza was the right- 
ful president. Suarez, y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 332, 349-54; Zamacois, Hist. 
Mej., xi. 923-5; Pinart, Col. Doc, no. 255. In Campeche, Yucatan, on the 
16th of Sept. the people shook off the yoke under which for the last three 
years they had been held by Carbajal. Tabasco and Chiapas also pronounced 
against their authorities and concluded to disregard Bustamante's administra- 
tion. Bustamante, Voz de la Patrla, MS., vii. 191-3, 243-50. In the south 
generals Bravo and Alvarez had made an arrangement to hold their respective 
comandancias, discontinuing hostilities and acting in concert for the general 
welfare. Id., 267-9. 

61 It was signed Dec. 11th, the commissioners being Gen. Gaona and Gen. 
Arista, for Bustamante, and Gen. Anaya and Col. Jarero for the other parties. 
Arrillaga, fiecop., 1832-3,258-61; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 358-9; Bus- 
tamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 273-8; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xi. 927-8. 

62 The preamble expressly says the object of the plan is to reestablish a 
truly national and federal government. 1st. Absolute cessation of hostilities. 
2d. All elections of members to general congress, state legislatures, and terri- 
torial diputaciones from Sept. 1, 1828, to date, to hold good. No more to be 
said about legitimacy or the reverse. 3d. New elections to be held at once 
for members of congress, legislatures, etc., to bring about an entire renova- 
tion so that the republic may return to the federal regime. 4th. New legis- 
latures to be installed on or before Feb. 15, 1833; for this time, each shall, on 
the 1st of March, 1833, choose two senators, and vote for the president and 
vice-president of the republic. The actas, senators, and deputies of con- 
gress must b? at the national capital on the 20th of March. 5th. Congress 
shall be installed March 25th, and the next day declare who have been duly 


The armistice and plan being in due time laid be- 
fore the houses of congress, both refused to sanction 
them, 63 in view of which action Bustamante, pur- 
suant to stipulation, resolved to act independently 
of the government. 64 Whereupon he held a confer- 
ence with Santa Anna, Gomez Pedraza, and other 
chief officers of both armies, at which it was concluded 
to appoint commissioners to draw up a treaty estab- 
lishing peace, and stipulating other points of impor- 
tance. 65 The commissioners met accordingly at the 
hacienda of Zavaleta, and framed a treaty, embody- 
ing the terms of the plan de pacificacion and other 
jDoints, to the satisfaction of the contracting parties, 
which was signed and ratified on the 23d of Decem- 
ber. 66 The sixth article of the convention recognized 
Gomez Pedraza as president till April 1, 1833, the 
date on which his term would expire according to his 

elected president and vice-president. 6th. During elections no comandante 
general shall reside, nor troops in the pay of the national treasury shall be 
quartered, in any state or territorial capital. 7th. The decree of Oct. 7th on 
extraordinary powers, and the dire law of Sept. 27, 1823, to be revoked. 8th. 
Gomez Pedraza shall be recognized and obeyed as the rightful president till 
the 1st of April, 1833. 9th. A general and full amnesty shall be decreed by 
the future congress for all political offences from and after Feb. 1, 1828. 10th. 
Santa Anna, as commander of the forces seceded from the government, and 
Gomez Pedraza formally propose this plan. Dated on the puente de Mexico, 
Dec. 9, 1832. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. M6x., 359-60; Zamacois, Hist. Mej. t 
xi. 928-31. 

03 On the plea of unconstitutionality, Mexr Manif. Diput., 20-3, the 
congress declined to reconsider Pedraza's resignation in 1828, alleging that it 
could not revise the act of the congress of 1829. Dispos. Var., ii. 87; Dublan 
and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 470-4. 

64 Zamacois blames him for his disobedience to constituted authority; 
highly commending the action of congress he adds, though attributing to 
Bustamante the humane purpose of averting further bloodshed, that he 
hereby stained his brilliant record. Hist. Mej., xi. 933. 

65 Antonio Gaona, Mariano Arista, and Lino Alcorta represented Busta- 
mante; Juan Pablo Anaya, Gabriel Valencia, and Ignacio Basadre acted for 
Santa Anna. 

66 Since then it has been known as the Plan or Convenio de Zavaleta, from 
the hacienda where it was made, and embraces 13 articles. The whole docu- 
ment may be found in Registro Oficial, 1832, Dec. 31, ix. no. 122; Arrillaga, 
Recop., 1833, April-May, 214-27; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 522-6. 
The validity of that arrangement has been impugned as unconstitutional. It 
was earned out nevertheless. Petia y Pefla, Voto Fund. , 6-36 ; Santa Maria, 
Expos.- Protext., in Pap. Var., cxlvi. pt 8; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, 
MS., vii. 278-82, ends saying, 'Tal es la carta deesclavitud que rirm6 D. Anas- 
tasio Bustamante de una Nacion que le habia colmado de honores.' 


election in 1828. He took the oath of office in 
Puebla on the 26th of December, 1832. 67 

Meantime in the city of Mexico the garrison, head- 
ed by General Jose Joaquin Herrera, pronounced 
on the 27th of December, recognizing President Go- 
mez Pedraza. Acting President Muzquiz and his 
ministers thereupon returned to private life, without 
being able to observe the formality of resigning, 
congress having already dissolved itself. 68 

67 The bishop received him under the pallium. The government council, 
presided over by the governor of Puebla, acted in lieu of the national repre- 
sentatives. La Cruz, v. 635; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 125-7; Suarez y 
Navarro, Hist. Mex., 365. 

68 Cougress decreed its dissolution on the 28th. It had on the 2ist 
issued a manifesto congratulatory of its own course, which it had concluded 
to carry out to the end. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 366-7; Bustamante, 
Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 299-302. 




Administration of Gomez Pedraza — His Subsequent Career, Character, 
and Death — Biography of Gomez Farias — His Political Principles 
and Administration — Disturbances in Michoacan — Santa Anna's 
Paradoxical Action — Arista's Revolt and its Suppression — First 
Movements in Favor of Centralism — Political Defeat of FarIas — 
Santa Anna's Biography and Character — Downfall of the Federal 
System — Santa Anna Dictator — Political Parties and Contests — 
The New Congress — Centralism Inaugurated — The New Constitu- 
tional Law — Dissatisfaction — Attempts to Reestablish Federal- 

President Gomez Pedraza in his inaugural address 
at Puebla reviewed the events of the late revolution, 
expressing his appreciation of the services rendered 
by Santa Anna, and making a harangue to Busta- 
mante's army, in which he commended their valor and 
patriotism. 1 The cabinet was appointed on the 24th 
and 26th of December, 1832: Bernardo Gonzalez An- 
gulo, minister of relations; Joaquin Parres, and in his 
absence Cirilo Gomez Anaya, of war; Miguel Ramos 
Arizpe, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs; Valentin 
Gomez Farias, of the treasury. 

Manuel Gomez Pedraza was born in Queretaro 2 
about 1788. During the war of independence he 
served in the royal army, and the capture of Morelos 
is in a great measure attributed to his advice. As a 

x The speeches appeared in the newspaper La Aurora, 1832, Dec. 27, 

2 According to information from his relatives. Others make Soto la Mari- 
na his birthplace. Rivera, Gob. de M6x., ii. 164. 



soldier he was held to be a martinet; later, as a states- 
man, he was a strict republican. He lent his support 
to Iturbide, however, while on the throne, and was 
of much service to him. In 1824 3 he was despatched 
to Puebla as comandante general and governor; and 
charges of neglect to prosecute malefactors being 
preferred against him, he was recalled, tried by court- 
martial, but finally acquitted; after which President 
Victoria called him to assume the portfolio of war in 
his cabinet. 4 Of the particulars of his election to the 
presidency in 1828, and the events therewith con- 
nected, I have spoken in a previous chapter. The 
new government made its triumphal entry into the 
capital January 3, 1833, and was received with 
homage. But a fatality seemed to accompany the 
republic in every effort to consolidate its peace and 
political institutions. Envy and discord were ever 
alive, and now showed their unhappy tendencies in the 
interior. Zacatecas, Jalisco, and San Luis Potosi 
made objections to some articles in the plan of Zava- 
leta, grounded on their alleged inefBcacy to save the 
country from a reaction. 

The sincere pledges of the new cabinet and con- 
fidence inspired induced the states to abandon the 
prospect of a convention. But the dangerous ques- 
tion initiated by Zacatecas, Jalisco, and San Luis 
Potosi demanded a prompt solution. 5 While the 
states named two citizens to form a privy council, the 
executive established a board composed of two natives 
of each state to aid him in carrying out his plans of 
reform, and at the same time watch his acts. This 
would be a further guaranty of his good intentions. 
A meeting of commissioners from Zacatecas, Jalisco, 
Durango, Queretaro, and San Luis Potosi, on the 

3 On the 2d of March, 1824, he was chosen governor of Mexico. Bus- 
tamante, Hist. Iturbide, 231. 

4 March 23, 1828, the legislature of Occidente made him a citizen of that 

5 The ecclesiastical chapter omitted no expense to show its acquiescence in 
the new order of tilings. Arril/aga, Recop., 1832-3, 267; Rivera, Hist. 
Jalapa, iii. 131-3; Suarezy Navarro, Hist. M4x.> 368-9. 


19th of January, after a long discussion of the third 
article of the convenio de Zavaleta, respecting new 
electoral acts, waived their objections and proceeded 
at once to effect their elections, which were completed 
by the end of February. 6 

Santa Anna and Gomez Farias obtained the major- 
ity of votes for president and vice-president respect- 
ively, to which end Gomez Pedraza had directed his 
influence to reward them for their services in his 
behalf. 7 

Some of the government's measures were worthy 
of commendation, such as diminishing the military 
force, 8 and clearing the public roads of malefactors; 
but others showed a spirit of vindictiveness, not only 
as against the ministers of Bustamante's cabinet, but 
also toward the Spaniards, many of whom had been 
latterly allowed to live in peace, and others, who had 
left the country under the expulsion laws, to return. 
Fortunately for them the orders were greatly modi- 
fied when General Parres assumed his duties in the 
cabinet. 9 

The clergy and army now became the prominent 
objects of attack, the destruction of their influence 
being regarded as a policy that would tend to secure 
future peace and the permanency of free institutions. 
The measures proposed to this end, both in and out 
of congress, 10 created great alarm and turmoil, in 
the midst of which Pedraza's term of office having 
expired, he surrendered the executive authority to 

6 We are assured that the electoral laws were in many instances infringed, 
and that candidates for members of congress and legislatures were purposely 
taken from the lower classes; a policy which in the long run would be sure to 
bring on a reaction. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 160. 

7 They were declared duly elected by the congress on the 30th of March. 
Arrillaga, Recop., 1832-3, 499-500; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 503. 

• 8 An order of the minister of war on the 19th January, 1833, discontinued 
the titles of libertador and federal that the armies bore in the last civil war. 

9 See supplementary act of January 18, 1833, and circulars of Jan. 23d, 
Feb. 23d, March 4th, May 7th. Arrillaga, Recop., 1832-3, 276-7, 281-4, 
444-5, 454-5; 1833, Ap.-May, 147; June-July, 223-4; Alaman, Hist. Mej„ 
v. 859-60; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 221-2; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 133-5, 149-50. 

10 The new congress was installed on the 20th of March, 1833. Busta- 
mante, Voz de la Patria, MS. , viii. 


the vice-president elect, Gomez Farias, Santa Anna 
being absent from the city, intentionally, as believed 
by many, to permit the initiation by Gomez Farias of 
the reforms demanded by the radical wing of the 
progressive party, without incurring himself any 
responsibility in the event of those innovations not 
finding general support. 

After his presidential term ceased, Pedraza con- 
tinued to use his influence in national affairs. In 
1838 he was again minister of war. Acting in oppo- 
sition to his principles, he served as minister of rela- 
tions in 1841, sustaining the most absolute power 
that ever existed in the country since the rule of the 
oficiales reales shortly after the conquest, because he 
expected good results from it. Seeing his error, he 
retraced his steps, returning to the support of federal- 
ist policy. In 1842 he was a member of the con- 
stituent congress, and by his eloquence wielded great 
power in the chamber. 11 In 1844 he became a sena- 
tor; in 1845 a presidential candidate, but was not 
elected. 12 After this he showed none of his char- 
teristic activity till 1846, when he was a member of 
the council of state. In 1850 he was again defeated 
for the presidential office. His last official act was in 
the capacity of plenipotentiary to negotiate a conven- 
tion with the United States. 

Gomez Pedraza possessed high intellectual powers, 
and was energetic in action. His education, political 
as well as literary, began late, and though the last 
twenty years of his life were devoted to study, his 
ignorance of fundamental facts often showed itself 
even in his best discourses as minister or senator. In 
the general intercourse with men he was brusque, 
economized words, and affected some stoicism; 13 but 

11 During his short service in the Spanish c6rtes he made no display of his 
oratorical gift. 

12 Whilst in the senate he favored the conclusion of a treaty with Texas. 

13 The attempt at appearing more enlightened and liberal than others, 
caused many of his aberrations, which were more deserving of pity than re- 


with his intimate personal friends he was open and 
frank. He has been often accused of vindictive- 
ness, but he could with more reason be charged with 
momentary exhibitions of passion. In private life he 
was irreproachable. 

Pedraza's death, caused by pulmonary consumption, 
took place on the 14th of May, 1851. He was then 
62 years of age. During his long illness he had 
priests near his bed, but having failed to confess before 
expiring, such was the intolerance of the clergy, though 
he had shown them favors in life, that his last wish to 
be interred in San Cosme was refused. That wsls of 
no consequence, however, as congress decreed that 
his remains belonged to the nation, and that a special 
mausoleum should be erected for them. 

Vice-President Valentin Gomez Farias took posses- 
sion of the government on the 1st of April, 1833, and 
a few days after appointed his cabinet, which was 
composed as follows : C&rlos Garcia, minister of rela- 
tions; Miguel Ramos Arizpe, of justice and ecclesi- 
astical affairs; Jose Maria de Bocanegra, of the 
treasury; and Jose Joaquin de Herrera, of war and 
marine. 14 

Gomez Farias, the champion of reform and progTess 
in Mexico, was born in Guadalajara 15 on the 14th of 
February, 1781. He completed his studies and grad- 
uated as a physician in his native city, 10 and in a short 

proach. Tornel, Breve Resena Hist., 36. Zavala says of him that he preferred 
solitude, and it was incomprehensible how he ever aspired to be president. 
He was noted for ' la rcgularidad de sus costumbres, sits modales meeunicos^ 
una flsonomia anomala.' Revol. M<'j., ii. 58. 

14 They held office only a few months, all of them being out before the.sndt 
of the year. Mix., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1032; JBustamante, Vozde la Pabyi'a-, 
M.S., viii. 113, 122-5; Arrillaga, Uecop., 1833, Ap.-May, 95, 201. 

15 His parents were of pure Castilian race; his father was named Jose" Lu- 
gardo Gomez de la Vara, and his mother Maria Josefa Martinez y Farias,. T!h.- 
names given the child at the baptismal font were Jos6 Maria Valentin. 1!< '•■■ 
vera, Gob. de M6x., ii. 172. 

16 It is recorded that he studied French under the greatest difficulties, ttnd 
having at his examination expressed ideas which he must have tVawn from 
modern French authors, his name was inscribed in the register of the inajtiisi-v 
tion. lb. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 9 


time acquired a profitable practice, from which he 
amassed a competency. 

Gomez Farias did some service to the cause of in- 
dependence, and was the signer of a proposition to 
elect Iturbide emperor, this being apparently the only 
means at the time to secure peace together with Mex- 
ican nationality. But when Iturbide abandoned the 
constitutional path, Farias became a formidable oppo- 
nent to him. 17 The elevation of Victoria and Gomez 
Pedraza to the presidential seat was due in a measure 
to his influence. The new vice-president was a man 
of progress, but unfortunately of too impatient a dis- 
position to allow time for progress to become steadily 
developed. However, with his friends' cooperation, 
he gave a great impulse to the reforms that were ini- 
tiated by himself in 1831 and adopted by the govern- 
ment in 1833 and 1834. 18 He liked to undertake 
difficult feats, possessing as he did a large stock of 
courage and perseverance. Rigorous measures and 
bloodshed were not to his liking, nor used by him to 
effect his purposes. He was a democrat at heart, 
unambitious of honors or wealth, moderate and un- 
pretentious, ever disposed to serve his country, and 
only aspiring to merit the good will of his fellow- 
citizens. His first period at the head of public affairs 
was of short duration, but pregnant with important 
events, accompanied bj^ grave perils. Surrounded by 
men most radical in principles, and being without 
money and without influence, as his ideas on reform 
were but little understood, he struggled to save the 
constitution, which was constantly outraged and re- 
peatedly in danger of stranding on the rocks of parti- 

The privileged classes received some hard blows at 

17 Bustamante, who bated Gomez Farias, confesses that he was 'hombre 
constante, sesudo, y abunda en talento.' Vuz cle la Patria, MS., viii. 228. 

Ia The principles developed 20 years later by Miguel Lerdo de Tejada were 
prompted by Doctor Jose" M. Mora, who had been impelled to adopt them by 
Gomez Farias, as appeared in a letter to the latter from Mora, dated Zacate- 
cas, June 24, 1831. 


the hands of Gomez Farias, who energetically sus- 
tained that the civil authority should always be above 
the military, and endeavored to prevent interference 
on the part of the clergy in secular affairs. 

The new administration likewise promoted public 
instruction, and labored to have the abolition of the 
capital penalty for political offences recognized as a 
principle of public policy. 19 It did not favor proscrip- 
tive measures, though the more violent wing of its 
supporters wanted to apply them to their defeated 
opponents, whom they nicknamed picaluganos — after 
Picaluga, the wretch who betrayed Guerrero — and 
looked upon as hateful aristocrats. 20 

The reform measures proposed to be introduced, so 
directly affecting the interests of two such powerful 
elements as the ecclesiastical and military, caused the 
greatest agitation. Santa Anna thought that his 
presence at the head of the government might allay 
it, and accordingly assumed the presidential authority 
on the 16th of May, 1833. 21 It was about this time 
that the centralist party made its first public demon- 
stration in a paper directed against the congress. 22 
This body closed its session on the 21st of May. 23 

The prevailing uncertainty and alarm among the 
better elements of society gave encouragement to the 
enemies of the progressionists. At last armed parties 
began to present themselves in southern Mexico 
expecting support from Santa Anna, who had been 

19 Gomez Farias never violated it; though he had to deal with the men of 
the bloody administration of 1830-1832, and with those who in sustaining 
the faeros placed the party in power — his own — in great jeopardy. J/ora, 
Obras Suellas, i. p. ccxxvii. 

20 Santa Anna tried to induce first Gomez Pedraza and next Gomez 
Farias to banish his personal enemies, but failed. Later, when he held the 
power to do it himself, he had changed his mind after resolving to champion 
the cause of the privileged classes. 

21 On that date he took the oath of office before congress, expressing his 
satisfaction at his ride beginning under the auspices of peace, ' reynando la 
concordia entre una mayoria inmensa de ciudadanos,' expressions that Busta- 
mante ridicules. Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 134- 5. 

22 Its title was 'O se disuelven las cainaras, 6 nuestraruina essegura.' 
23 Bustamante, a bitter opponent, says that those chambers did much harm: 
'llenaron de lagrimas la Nacion.' Id., 143. 


endeavoring to gain the good will of the bishops and 
religious orders, while these, on their part, laid much 
stress at their conferences with him on the good that 
must result from church and state sustaining one an- 
other and acting harmoniously. 

Gomez Farias and the moderate wing of the pro- 
gressionists, dissatisfied with the aspect of affairs, en- 
deavored to check the extremists of their own party, 
the Radicals, but were unsuccessful. While Santa 
Anna occupied the presidential chair, the party up- 
holding the fueros felt itself much stronger. A pro- 
nunciamiento was made by Colonel Ignacio Escalada, 
at Morelia, Michoacan, on the 26th of May, professing 
to defend at all hazards the religion of Christ, and 
the rights and privileges of the church and army, 24 
calling upon Santa Anna to be their protector, and 
declaring null and void the acts of Governor Salgado. 25 
Santa Anna, however, disapproved the plan, and in 
order to go against the revolutionists, who had also 
appeared at Tlalpam and Chalco, 26 Lagos, Leon, and 
other places, he surrendered the executive on the 3d 
of June to Gomez Farias — who made active prepa- 
rations for the campaign — and started 27 with the 
cavalry for Tlalpam to join 1,000 men concentrated 
there from various points. And now occurred a 
curious piece of by-play. Santa Anna was apparently 
made captive by his own revolted troops on the 6th 
of June at Xuchi, and conveyed to Yautepec. 28 His 

24 He was later defeated at Las Crucesby Gen. Valencia. In 1834 lie was 
tried and sentenced to death; but the sentence was commuted to life banish- 
ment from the republic. Dispos. Far., v. 21. 

25 According to Bustamante, Escalada's movement was the result of the 
writings appearing in the Antorcha, Mono, Verdad Dcsnuda, and other reac- 
tionary journals. He looked upon it as an imprudent step. Voz de la Patria, 
jSIS., viii. 138-41; Filisola, Mem., 382-3; Arista, Revol, 8, 80; Arri- 
llaga, Retop., 1833, Ap.-May, 21 5-6; June-July. 115; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
iii. 155-05. The acts of Gov. Salgado objected to were his banishing 12 mili- 
tary officers. 

26 Under colonels Unda and Duran respectively. Bustamante, Voz de la 
Patria, MS., viii. 149. 

27 Bustamante has it that he left Mexico on Sunday the 2d, which must 
be an error. Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 153. 

28 Vice- Preside nt Gomez Farias announced it to the public on the 7th of 
June. Arista, Rcsena Revol. , 90. 


captors, to win the favor of the army, proclaimed him 
dictator, the very title he wished for though without 
openly working to obtain it. This is to all appearances 
the fact; for as soon as Gomez Farias was thought 
to be powerless, generals, deputies, senators, and even 
some of his ministers forsook him. The few soldiers 
and the portion of the police that had remained in 
the capital made a pronunciamiento 29 on the 7th, and 
attacked the palace. The vice-president's only sup- 
port at that moment was General Juan Pablo Anaya 
with about sixty civicos. He did not lose courage, 
however. The assailants were defeated, many of them 
lost their lives, and the rest were eventually captured. 
Energetic efforts were made to restore constitutional 
order. In a few days a force of 6,000 civicos was or- 
ganized to defend the capital, which was declared to 
be under martial law. 3a Steps were likewise taken to 
rescue the captured president. 31 The latter, on seeing 
the ill success of the revolutionary movement in Mex- 
ico, pretended to escape from his place of detention 
near Cuautla de Amilpas, and afterward lent his 
support to carry out the wishes of the most radical 
wing of the liberal party. It was then that the 
famous 'ley del caso' S2 was enacted in spite of Gomez 

29 They had been bribed to do it by Gen. Arista's agents. Rivera, Gob. de 
Mix., ii. 177. 

30 The government was on the same day invested by congress, then again 
sitting, with extraordinary powers, and used them by causing the arrest 
of several army officers, and adopting other measures. Dublan and Lozano, 
Leg. Mex., ii. 532; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xii. 32-3. 

31 It was declared a patriotic act to secure his liberation; honors and high 
pecuniary rewards were offered to persons successfully accomplishing it, allow- 
ing to each $10,000. Any person making an attempt against the president's 
life was outlawed. Dispos. Var., v. 2; Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, June-July, 
115, 121, 13G. 

32 This law was passed by the congress on the 23d of June, 1833. It origi- 
nated in the senate, and was confirmed by the lower house under the influence, 
it was asserted by the centralists, of an apprehension that the members of 
congress as well as of the government were in danger of assassination. It 
authorized the executive to order the arrest and exile from the republic for 
the term of six years certain prominent citizens belonging to the party of re- 
ligion yfueros, among whom were Anastasio Bustamante, Mariano Michelena, 
Zenon Fernandez, Francisco Molinos del Campo, Jose Maria Gutierrez de Es- 
trada, Miguel Santa Maria, Francisco Fagoaga, Mangino, and the Spanish 
religious. Arr'dlagi, Recop., 1833, Ap.-July, 130-2; Santa Maria, Expos., 
1-48; Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, MS., ii. 44; Id., Voz de la P atria, MS., 


Farias' opposition. The vice-president had surren- 
dered the executive authority to Santa Anna on the 
18th, but Puebla being threatened by Arista and 
Duran, he resumed it again on the 5th of July, to 
enable the president to march at the head of the 
troops against the enemy. 33 

The agitation continued throughout the country. 34 
The effort to weaken the power of the clergy and 
army was not abandoned; but owing to the absence 
of a combined plan, vacillation marked the counsels of 
the administration, which conduced to the ruin of the 
yorkino party, whose enemies had now at command 
large resources, besides the good will of Santa Anna. 
In his policy toward the clergy, the vice-president 
endeavored to detach the interests of religion from 
those of the state. 35 

On the 10th of July Santa Anna marched out of 
the capital with about 2,400 men 36 and six pieces of 
artillery. On the same day was published a letter 
dated July 6th, from Arista and Duran 3T to Santa 

viii. 182-201; Arrangoiz, Mtj., ii. 216-20. On the 21st of June, 1834, Presi- 
dent Santa Anna, then coquetting with all parties, allowed persons affected 
by that law who had not yet left the republic to remain in it provisionally, 
and gave them safe-conducts, till the future congress should reconsider the 
matter. His decree did not include the military, who by force of arms 
endeavored to destroy the federal system, and yet lie promised to intercede 
with congress for their pardon. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 241-2, 320-7. 

33 By special permission of congress decreed on the same date. Dublan and 
Lozano, Leg. 31ex., ii. 536. 

3i In the south Gen. Bravo was talked of for president; armed parties 
showed themselves in all directions. Rumors of secret plans were in circula- 
tion, the impression prevailing that the revolutionists, for mutual recognition, 
used an oval-shaped ring on which was engraved the image of Christ. 

35 The reform measures, as they related to the church, are detailed in a 
chapter specially devoted to ecclesiastical affairs in vol. vi. J/ist. Mex. , this 

36 According to Bustamante the press-gang was employed, and the rights 
of citizens were trampled upon. Voz de la Patriot, MS., viii. 227. 

37 These officers, after marching and countermarching in the vicinity of 
Tezcuco, Mexico, and Puebla, proceeded to Tchuacan de las Granadas, where 
Lcjmus, commandant at Puebla, attacked them and was defeated, and taken 
prisoner with his staff, most of his men having in the action gone over to the 
enemy. Arista and Duran might then have taken Puebla by a forced march 
the same night, the distance being only 21 miles; but they only showed them- 
selves the next day in front of the city, which they laid siege to. The place 
was then defended by ex-President Victoria, and the besiegers, after ten days 
of useless assaults, gave up their purpose, and went away, in fear that Santa 
Anna was coming against them. Bustamante, Voz de la Pat Ha, MS. , viii. 209 


Anna, in which by the latter's invitation, as they 
stated, they set forth their vifiws, which were to the 
effect that the federal system was unsuited for Mexi- 
co. They recommended that a national convention 
should be called to give the nation any form of gov- 
ernment other than the federal. 3S 

Several partial encounters took place between Santa 
Anna and the insurgents, 39 Arista and his army being 
finally driven into the city of Guanajuato, where 
on the 8th of October they surrendered at discretion 
to Santa Anna, supported by allies of a coalition 
which had been formed of the western states. 40 Arista 
and 48 other officers were sent to Mexico as prisoners, 
subject to the disposal of the supreme government. 41 
The revolution was then considered at an end, 42 and 
the federal institutions were held to be safe. At 
the conclusion of his campaign Santa Anna returned 

-11. It was reported in Mexico that most of the rebel force had been anni- 
hilated. Dispos, Var.y v. 70-2, Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1834, 17. 

38 Meantime Santa Anna was to be dictator. The rights of the clergy and 
army were to be protected. The full text of the letter is in Arista, Resena 
Revol., 90-103; Bustamante, Vozde la P atria, MS., viii. 219-21. 

39 In the midst of the political agitation and civil war the country was in- 
vaded by Asiatic cholera, which raged from June to September, destroying 
thousands of lives. The armies in the field suffered severely. In the city of 
Mexico alone the burials on the 17th of August exceeded 1,220. Bustamante 
gives an interesting account of the visitation and its havoc. Id., 235-G1. 

40 A league of the states of Jalisco, Qucr6taro, Guanajuato, Michoacan, 
San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, and Durango was formed in July-Ausust, and 
later joined by Nuevo Leon, to support the federal government and institu- 
tions. It met with the approval of the general government, and indeed, it is 
said to have been suggested by Gomez Farias with the view of securing the ser- 
vices of 10,000 men. Durango, Gac. Sup. Gob., 1833, 423; Coalition Est. Occid., 
mPinart, Coll., nos 258-9, 2G6; Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, 39-51, 312-13; V. 
Cruz, Sesion Hon. Cong., 1; Bustamante, Voz de la Palria, MS., viii. 228, 
441-7. After the defeat of the revolutionists the coalition came to an end 
in November, being no longer encouraged by the national goverment. Dub Ian 
and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. G41. 

41 The prisoners had all been guaranteed their lives; later they were sent 
out of the country, with orders not to return till permitted by the govern- 
ment. Arista, Resena Revol., 62-7, 132-4; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex.,ii. 
5S0, 599-G01; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 270-83, 339-59. The 
government's triumph was celebrated with civic and religious ceremonies. 
Arrillaga, Becop. , 1833, 147-8. 

42 There had been also troubles in Oajaca and Guerrero, which terminated 
early in November. An attempt in Chiapas against the federal system, in 
November, also failed. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 170-7; Arista, Resena Revol., 
22-G; Carrledo, Est. Hist., ii. 40-1; Bustamante, Vozde la Palria, MS., viii. 
414-28, 491-031; El Iris de Chiapas, 1833, Dec. 9; Chiapas, Diet., 1-18; Ar- 
rillaga, Becop., 1835, 405. 


to Mexico and resumed the presidency, Gomez Farias' 
plans being thus interrupted for the time. 

Santa Anna had now changed his political opinions, 
showing a marked disposition to favor a reaction, and 
being looked upon as its future leader. However, on 
the 16th of December, on the pretext of ill health, he 
again turned over the executive authority 43 to the 
vice-president, who, finding the prospect of affairs 
gloomy, submitted early in 1834 to the force of cir- 
cumstances, and called Francisco M. Lombardo to take 
charge of the portfolio of relations, which appoint- 
ment in itself implied a great modification in the 
general policy. 

A division of the progressionists on points relating 
to the public instruction and to the management of 
Indian funds 44 drew a number of them unwittingly 
into the ranks of the supporters of 'religion y fueros.' 
The animosity of parties was becoming more viru- 
lent, and discussion was turned into personal abuse. 
No party seemed to have in mind the welfare of the 

Amid the confusion a hare-brained plan was pro- 
claimed at Ecatzingo, 45 proposing to crown a descend- 
ant of Montezuma under the old colonial laws; to 
expel foreigners; and to promote a war of races, 
inviting the Indians to take up arms and demand 
equality of rights. The plan, dated Chicontla, Feb- 
ruary 2, 1834, caused considerable alarm to the gov- 
ernment, who suspected it to be the work of the 
clergy. It failed, but left evil consequences. 46 

4Z Rivera, Gob. deMex., ii, 179. 

44 The government did away with the old separation of schools for Indians 
and gente de razon. The schools were to serve for all classes together, and 
to be supported from a common fund. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 1S7. 

45 Its authors were the curate Epigmenio de las Piedras and a certain 
Father Curios Tepixtoc. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 633-6; 
Sombra de Moctheuzoma, 1834, no. 1; Rivera, Hint. Jalapa, iii. 194-6. 

46 Congress on the 19th of Feb. 1834, decreed that all generals and 
other officers embraced in art. 11 of the convenio de Zavaleta should be mus- 
tered out of the service. Again, on the 10th of April, a decree was passed 
depriving of their military rank Anastasio Bustamante and Felipe Codallos, 
at the same time declaring that no person who had a direct participation in 
• la aprchensioii y los asesinatos ' of Guerrero and others should be permitted 


Santa Anna, who had retired to Manga de Clavo, 
daily received invitations to become the leader of the 
reactionary movement, with unrestricted powers. 
After completing his arrangements he went back to 
Mexico, removed Gomez Farias from power, and 
assumed it himself on the 24th of April, 1834, at a 
time when in many places acts had been passed 
against the reform measures. 

Gomez Farias has been blamed by the liberal party 
for not having acted with energy on this occasion; 
for failing, in fact, to place Santa Anna in confine- 
ment. He had been intrusted with the mission of 
doing away with the old practices and traditional insti- 
tutions, and should have energetically destroyed all 
opposition. The militia and both houses of congress 
would have supported his action, as he had in his 
possession the evidence that Santa Anna was con- 
spiring against the country's institutions. And yet 
he hesitated, solely because he disliked being suspected 
of personal ambition, or accused of unconstitutional 
acts. His present course — which he repented of and 
tried to correct in 1840 — led to the overthrow of all 
that had been done, and to the triumph of a violent 
reaction based on the plans of Orizaba 47 and Cuerna- 
vaca, which restored their power to the clergy and 

Farias left the executive office, which he had been 
exercising with dictatorial powers, without a stain 
upon his character. 48 His action was so vigorous that, 
notwithstanding the efforts of powerful hands to erase 
the marks of it, they remained visible to the latest 
day. When the reaction had fairly become master 

to belong to the Mexican army. This law was annulled by presidential 
decree of .August 14th of the same year. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 108-9, 

47 This was a plan of the reactionists against certain measures of the state 
legislature on ecclesiastical affairs, which was seconded in Cordoba. Mex. , 
Col. Ley. Fund., 1G5; Arr'dlaga, Recop., 1S34, 205; Rivera, Hint. Jalapa, iii. 
203-14; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., ix. 22-7, 74; La Sombra de 
Moctheiizoma, 1834, nos 4-G. 

48 ' Con las manos limpias de sangre y de dinero. ' Rivera, Hid. Jalapa, 
iii. 227; Payno, Cuentos, Gastos, 000. 


of the situation he was deposed from his office of 
vice-president by the congress of 1835, 49 General 
Barragan being called to succeed him. He left his 
country as an exile, and only returned in 1838, 50 when 
he was received with the highest marks of esteem by 
his political friends. He then apparently kept him- 
self on good terms with the government. 51 His sub- 
sequent efforts in favor of the federal system subjected 
him again to persecution and imprisonment. The 
populace took him out of the prison. In 1840, had 
he been a sanguinary man, he could have put his ene- 
mies to death. He was afterward compelled to seek 
refuge in a foreign legation, and in September was 
again banished. 52 In 1845 he was formally invited 
to return to Mexico. Gomez Farias was a man of 
strict moral principles, conscientious, and unselfish. 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was born in Jalapa 
on the 21st of February, 1795, his parents being An- 
tonio Lopez de Santa Anna, who had been for many 
years the subdelegado of the province of Antigua Vera 
Cruz, and Manuela Perez de Lebron. 53 His father 
wished him to become a merchant, and obtained for 
him a position in a first-class house of Vera Cruz, 
which he held only for a short time. His inclination 
to the military profession was so strong that he was 
entered as a cadet July 10, 1810, in the regiment Fijo 
de Vera Cruz, at an earlier age than the regulations 
required. From that time he saw much active ser- 
vice, and obtained promotion grade by grade. Below 

49 On the 27th of Jan., and the next day he was forbidden the exercise 
of the functions of that oifice. Arrilkuja, Recop., 1835, 37; Bastamante, Voz 
de la Patria, MS., x. 14-8; Dvblan and Lozatto, Leg. Mex., iii. 15. 

50 To live in New Orleans he had to sell even the last piece of his servicb 
of plate that ho had bought when practising medicine. 

01 The strictest surveillance was, however, kept over him. 

52 He resided a short time in New York, and then lived in Yucatan about 
two years. He afterward returned to New Orleans. 

53 Lebron was a corruption of the French Lebrun. The name Santa Anna 
had its origin from Limia in the diocese of Orense in Spain, the family being 
well connected. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 183. 


I give a synopsis of his military career to the date 
when he became president of the republic. 54 

Santa Anna from his earliest days, even in boy- 
hood at school, manifested a quarrelsome disposition. 
In after life he was passionate. He liked well 
enough to see his country's prosperity if caused by 
himself, but he lacked the necessary ability either to 
accomplish or maintain it. Moreover, he wasted most 
of his time in pleasures, being addicted to dissipation 
in almost every form. Despite these proclivities, he 
loved honors and money. Santa Anna possessed 
neither prominent civic traits nor deep convictions 
in political affairs; hence we see him at one time the 
president of the republic under the federal form of 
government; at another, under the central system; 
and lastly, dictator. Nature had implanted in him 
the germ of action, which he brought into play when- 
ever required to subserve his own purposes. As re- 
garded his conscience, it was both elastic and numb, 
never being disturbed by actions that would have 
greatly troubled most men. 

Santa Anna manifested at first a disposition to 
please all parties, each of which looked to his assist- 
ance for its triumph. He finally leaned to the side 

51 Promoted to sub-lieut of fusileers in 1812, and to lieut of grenadiers with 
a captain's brevet in 1820; to full captain breveted as a lieut-col in 1821 by 
Viceroy Venadito. Commissioned a lieut-col by Iturbide; col with the brevet 
of brigadier by the regency, and a full brigadier by Iturbide. For his victory 
over the Spanish invaders at Tampico in 1829 Guerrero promoted him to gen- 
eral of division. He was deprived of this rank in 1832 by the government of 
Bustamante, but it was restored to him immediately after the fall of that ad- 

Santa Anna's first campaigns as a cadet were in Nuevo Santander and 
Texas, taking part in several actions of war, and distinguishing himself for gal- 
lantry and general efficiency. In 1811 he served in San Luis Potosi, and in 
1812 in the Sierra Gorda, receiving an arrow-wound in his left arm at the 
action of Amoladeras. On the 18th of August, 1813, he was in an action 
fought against revolutionists and their Anglo-American allies on the Medina 
Elver in Texas, for which he was decorated. Two years later he returned to 
Vera Cruz, and was actively engaged in campaigning against insurgents, for 
which services he was a second time rewarded with a decoration. In 1817, 
while commanding outside of the city of Vera Cruz, he contributed to the 
pacification of the province, and from that time continued serving the colonial 
government till April 1821, when he accepted the plan of Iguala and joined 
the ejercito trigarante. 


of the reactionists, and by a coup d'etat dissolved the 
national congress. 65 This act was consequent on the 
adoption of the plan de Cuernavaca, 56 the object of 
which was to proclaim religion, fueros, and Santa 
Anna, denouncing reform as impious, and condem- 
ning federation and Vice-President Gomez Farias. 57 
The plan being adopted by a large portion of the 
republic in spite of the opposition on the part of 
Puebla, Queretaro, Michoacan, Jalisco, San Luis 
Potosi, Zacatecas, Oajaca, and Yucatan, the clergy 
hastened to support the government with pecuniary 
means. The opposing states had to succumb, Puebla 
and her governor, Cosme Furlong, being tlie last to 
do so after sustaining a sieo-e. 53 

55 On the 31st of May. Mex., Col. Ley. Fund, 1G5. 

5u On the 23d of May. It contained five articles, pregnant with future 
troubles for Mexico, which epitomized are as follows: 1. The plan disap- 
proves all prescriptive laws and decrees; all religious reform, including tolera- 
tion of masonic sects; and all measures contravening the rational and state 
constitutions. 2. All laws and measures passed in contravention of these 
constitutions are declared null and void. 3. The people respectfully call on 
President Santa Anna to uphold constitutional safeguards, he being the only 
existing authority able to do it. 4. The people declare that the deputies 
who passed those laws and decrees, together with the functionaries that have 
obstinately attempted to carry them out, no longer meriting public confi- 
dence, must leave their positions and remain passive till the nation repre- 
sented anew shall be reorganized according to the constitution and in a manner 
conducive to her happiness. 5. President Santa Anna is assured of the aid 
of the military force stationed at Cuernavaca in carrying out those purposes. 
The resolutions thus adopted were forwarded to Santa Anna May 25th. 
Biistamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., ix. 54-G; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 198; 
Id., Gob. de Mex., ii. 192. 

57 The apparent head man of the plot was General Angel Perez Palacios; 
but the real leaders were Jose Maria Tornel, constituted as the executive 
sword, and Licenciado Manuel Diez Bonilla, the directing brain, both repre- 
senting the reactionary party. Santa Anna was to be the scarecrow to the 
enemy when the case required it. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. eclxvii. 

38 In San Luis Potosf, Gen. Moctezuina had to submit to the forces of 
Cortazar and Valencia. Generals Cortazar and Barragan subdued Jalisco and 
neighboring states. Santa Anna himself defeated the governor of Zacatecas. 
Carlos Garcia, at Guadalupe, and his soldiers committed the most scanda- 
lous robberies. Santa Anna seized the products of the mines of El Fresnillo, 
as well as the funds of the state. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. eclxxviii. Fur- 
ther and full details of these disturbances, which preceded the establishment 
of centralism, may be found in Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 283- 
009, passim, ix. 1-176, x. 32-G3, 70-9, 111-25; Id., Gabiuete Mex., i. 103; 
Id., Hist. Iturbklo, 211; La Sombra de Moctheuzoma, nos 1-12; Jal., Doe. 
OJic, 1-11; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 202-3, 214-16, 25S-61; Alaman, Hist. 
Mej., v. 803-5; Arran<joiz, M<j., ii. 224-0; Zac, Diario Exacto, 1-8; Dur., 
Gac. Sup. Gob., 792, 794; Tab., Pronunc, in Pinart Coll., no. 310; Amino 
del Pueblo, 1845, OS; El Tiempo, 1834, July 5 to Oct. 20, passim; La Ovosi' 


Santa Anna not only disbanded the national con- 
gress, but also the state legislatures, and deposed 
governors and ayuntamientos, replacing them with 
adherents of the plan de Cuernavaca. And now be- 
hold him ruling as a dictator, without congress, coun- 
cil, legislatures, or ministers — for he had dismissed 
the members of Gomez Farias' cabinet, retaining only 
Lombardo. 59 Their portfolios remained for some time 
in charge of the oficiales may ores of the several de- 
partments vacated, till finally they were intrusted to 
the following ministers, namely: May 5th, of the 
treasury, Javier Echeverria; May 21st, of war, Gen- 
eral Jose Joaquin Herrera; July 26th, of justice and 
ecclesiastical affairs, Bishop Juan Cayetano Portu- 
gal. 60 

The escoceses, in order to draw Santa Anna to 
their side, persuaded him that desisting from further 
innovations he could maintain the ecclesiastical re- 
forms already in operation, and forward the plan of 
public instruction. That party showed ability in 
counselling him to sustain what they were bent on 
destroying. 61 

The dictator convoked a congress to meet in the 
latter part of 1834, and restored the bishops to their 
dioceses; 62 but on the other hand, he became so despotic 

cion, 1834, Sept. 10 to Dec. 16, passim; 1835, Jan. 8, Feb. 10, June 19; Mora, 
Obras Sueltas, i. p. cclxix., cclxxvi-viii; El Iris de Chiapas, 1834, Nov. 24; 
Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. G91-4; Carriedo, Est. Hist., ii. 41, 44. 
Those who took part in those revolts were pardoned. Arrill'aga, Recop., 1835, 
19G-7, 545. 

59 This man became a mere tool, countersigning decrees to establish meas- 
ures diametrically opposed to those he had authorized six months previously. 
Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 192. 

eo During the rest of Santa Anna's rule, several changes were made in the 
cabinet, especially in the treasury department. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 536- 
7, Oil, 019; Mix., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1032-3. 

61 They adopted, as a necessity, the preservation of constitutional forms, 
though reforming the constitution without going through the dilatory processes 
prescribed by it. Santa Anna took them into his counsel, not because he either 
believed or loved them, but from vanity and ostentation. Tornel and Bo- 
nilla no longer held the same important position as at first. They were now 
mere ' bullangueros.' Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. eclxviii. 

02 The bishop of Puebla had been banished in April; and other prelates 
were fugitives or concealed in order to escape persecution. Arrillaga, Recop., 
1834, 101, 277-8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa. iii. 192; Id., Gob. de Mix., ii. 192; 
Ellndicador, iii. 273-81; El Tiempo, 1834, July 26. 


in most of his measures that the whole country was 
greatly agitated. And yet he claimed that the con- 
stitution of 1824 was still in force, and repressed all 
attempts against it. 

The military and ecclesiastics now unblushingly 
used the terms 'federation' and ' sovereign tv of states' 
purposely to throw out their chief opponents, the men 
of moderate views, and by this means carry the elec- 
tions. In this game of intrigue Santa Anna was 
caught in his own net. The elections took place, 
and though the escoceses and Santanistas endeavored 
to lead the electors, 63 the military and clergy obtained 
an immense majority, Santa Anna having virtually 
become the destroyer of that which he had so long 
labored to establish. 

A declaration having been made in the south by 
General Bravo against the existing state of things, 
Santa Anna went in December 1834 to Cuernavaca 
to confer with him in the interest of public tranquillity. 
He still pretended to maintain neutrality in the war 
of parties, ordering the troops to confine their efforts 
to the preservation of peace. This hypocritical pre- 
tension was made in the face of his despotic acts, at a 
time when the passions of men were at fever heat, 
when chaos and anarchy prevailed, and the coman- 
dantes generales were clothed with unlimited powers. 
Surely no good could result from such a crooked 
policy. 04 

The general congress opened its session 65 with much 
solemnity and pomp, but the whole country felt dis- 
spirited at the inefficacy of the measures adopted by 
the government to reconstruct its institutions on a 
solid basis. 66 

63 j\fex., Col. Ley. Fund., 165. The governors were requested to do their 
best to reunite the legislative authority of the union. Arrillaga, Becop., 1834, 
2CG--7, 272-4, 512-15, 537-43. 

Ci A party in Chiapas attempted secession from Mexico to unite her fate 
with Guatemala. Alvarez, proclaiming disobedience to the dictator, helped 
to support the anarchical factions. 

(i5 Jan. 4, 1835. B/tstamante, Vozde laPatria, MS., x. 3, 4; Mex., Col. Ley. 
Fund., ICG. 

C6 Eight whole months, from May till December, had been employed in re- 


Santa Anna asked for an amnesty law and it was 
decreed. 67 It would be impossible to estimate the 
evils that might have befallen the country if the es- 
coces or moderate party, led by Jose Maria Gutierrez 
Estrada, had not seized the situation. Four parties 
were struggling for the ascendency, namely, the allied 
clergy and military, or centralists, the overthrown 
federalists, the escoceses, and the Santanistas. Though 
the first had won the elections, the dictator gave the 
preference to the third named, and then tendered his 
resignation of the presidency, which the congress de- 
clined to accept. 68 He was, however, granted a leave 
of absence, and retired as usual to his estate of Manga 
de Clavo, General Barragan being chosen to hold the 
executive office ad interim. The government was 
surrendered to him on the 28th of January, 1835. 69 
His ministers claimed to act with entire independence, 
but the general belief was that Barragan never took 
a step as executive without first obtaining Santa 
Anna's sanction. 

Miguel Barragan was a native of Valle del Maiz in 
San Luis Potosi, and was born in 1789-. 70 Of his 
career as a military and public man I have had re- 
moving, appointing, and promoting officers and officials, and in annulling 
acts, and wrangling with the military and priestly oligarchy. Mora, Obras Suel- 
tas, i. p. cclxxii. 

67 The 'ley del caso ' of June 23, 1833, was annulled. An amnesty was 
later proclaimed to include all political offenders. Bustamante, Voz de la Pa- 
tria, MS., ix. 104, x. 9-11; ArriUaga, Recop., 1835, 68-70, 152-3, 15G-8, 
171-2, 197; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Ilex., iii. 43-4, 52; Mex., Col. Ley. y 
Dec, 1841, 12. 

68 Jan. 27th. At the same time he was declared a ' beneme'rito de la pa- 
tria.' ArriUaga, Recop., 1835, 37, 197, 229. 

09 Barragan received 13 votes out of 15. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., 
iii. 15— 1G. The ministers in his administration were: of relations, Jose" Maria 
Gutierrez Estrada, to June 1st, and Manuel Diez de Bonilla, from July 9 to 
October 28; of justice, Agustin Torres, to March 31, and Jose" Justo Corro 
from May 18 to Feb. 27, 183G; of the treasury, Jose" Mariano Blasco, to Aug. 
28; in this department several changes were made till it went into Mangi- 
no's charge in Feb. 183G; of war, Jose" Maria Tornel, from Jan. 28, 1835, to 
Feb. 27, 1836. Mex., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1033. 

70 He was one of the officers that supported Tturbide's defection, and 
served in the trigarante army till the attempt at erecting a throne for that 
chief, which he strongly opposed, for which he was arrested and kept in 
confinement till the republic was proclaimed. 


peatocl occasions to speak in the previous volume. 
He was often intrusted with civil offices requiring 
ability and energy, both of which he displayed. 
Barrasran was ever noted for his kindness of heart, 
probity, and elegance of manners. For the poor and 
helpless he always manifested in a practical manner 
his solicitude. 

Shortly after Santa Anna's retirement pronuncia- 
mientos were made in several places regarding the 
form of government, and representations were con- 
stantly addressed to the administration and congress 
favoring a central system ; in view of which the two 
houses of congress formed themselves into a general 
assembly, 71 and on the 3d of October the change was 
formally established by decree. Under that act the 
central regime was virtually inaugurated, 72 and a 
provisional statute therefor enacted on the 23d of 
October, the chief clauses of which are given synop- 
tically in a note. 73 

In order further to carry out the alleged wishes 
of the nation, 74 on the 15th of December, congress, 
passed a constitutional law setting forth the rights 
and obligations of the citizens and denizens of the re- 

71 Congress on the oth of May had declared itself invested with powers 
to reform the constitution of 18 'A. 

72 State organization was to cease, and departments were to be established 
with departmental juntas. The governors were to continue in power even after 
their terms expired, but subject to the national executive; the legislatures 
were to cease exercising legislative powers, but before dissolving — such as 
were in recess being ordered to meet — were to choose a ' junta departamental ' 
consisting of five persons selected from their own number to act as a govern- 
or's council. Ditblan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 7o-S; Rivera, J list. Jala-pa, 
iii. 201-6. 

73 The national religion is to be the Roman catholic, and none other toler- 
ated. The government system to be popular, representative, republican. 
The supreme national authority is to continue divided into three branches, 
namely, legislative, executive, and judicial; the legislative consisting of two 
houses, the senate and chamber of deputies; the executive to be held by a 
president for a term of years and chosen indirectly by the people; the judici- 
ary to be exercised by a supreme court and lower courts. The national ter- 
ritory is to be divided into departments ruled by governors and departmental 
juntas. Mix., Bases y Ley. Constituc, 3-7. 

74 Barragan's administration, in order to attach popularity to past acts, 
promoted, in accord with the clergy, those manifestations of popular prefer- 
ence. Rivera, Gob. de Mcx., ii. 200. 


public, to serve as a basis for the change to be effected 
in the form of government. 75 The same congress, 
acting as a constituent assemblv, framed a new consti- 
tution, which, being composed of seven laws, became 
popularly known under the title of the ' Siete Leyes,' 
and was sanctioned and promulgated on the 30th of 
December, 1836. I give below the chief features of 
the instrument. 76 

75 This law was published the same day. 3fex., Col. Ley. Fund., 166-70; 
Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, G49-59. 

76 Law 1st prescribes the rights and duties of Mexicans and other inhabi- 
tants of the republic. Every citizen having $100 a year income, proceeding 
from property or industry, and not disqualified by crime or other cause, had 
the franchise. 2d, Organizes a fourth power entitled ' supremo poder con- 
servador,' composed of live members, each of whom at the time of election 
must be 40 years old and have $3,000 a year; they were renewable, one every 
two years. The object of this fourth power was to maintain the equilibrium 
between the other powers; to see to the strict observance of the laws, and to 
make known the national will on extraordinary occasions. 3d, Establishes 
the legislative branch in two chambers, namely, that of the senate and that 
of the deputies; the former with 24 members, eight of them renewable every 
two years. Each senator must have an income of $2,500 a year at the time of 
his election. The manner of choosing the senators was as follows: the house 
of deputies, the government in council of ministers, and the supreme court of 
justice each selected a number of persons equal to that of the senators to be 
chosen, from which lists the departmental assemblies made the choice of sen- 
ators. The lower house, of popular election, consisted of one deputy for every 
150,000 inhabitants and every fraction of 80,000. The deputy must have at 
least $1,500 a year. No person having jurisdiction, civil, judicial, ecclesias- 
tical, or military, could be a deputy. 4th, Organizes the executive, vesting 
it in a president to hold his office for eight years, with the privilege of reelec- 
tion; he was chosen as follows: the president in council of ministers, the sen- 
ate and supreme court were each" to name a ' tenia ' from which the deputies 
had to nominate three candidates, one of whom was to be chosen president by 
the departmental assemblies. With the president was associated a council of 
13 members, two of whom must be ecclesiastics and two military. The coun- 
cillors were selected by the deputies from a list formed by the executive out 
of another made by the senate. The president was required to have an in- 
come of $1,000 a year, and had the exclusive right of appointing his ministers. 
5th, Establishes the judiciary, namely, one supreme court of eleven justices 
and an attorney general chosen in the same manner as the executive, one of 
its branches being the supreme court martial; superior courts; auditing tri- 
bunals; and courts of the first instance in the departments. 6th, Treats of the 
division of the territory and interior government. The state organization is 
done away with, and the country divided into departments, each of them hav- 
ing an asamblea. The appointment of governor was to be made from the 
'terna ' proposed by each asamblea departamental. At the head town of each 
district was to reside a prefecto. Ayuntamientos popularly chosen were to 
exist at the departmental capitals, and such other towns as had a certain pop- 
ulation. The rest were to have ' jueccs de paz.' 7th, Fixes the mode of re- 
pealing or amending constitutional laws. 

A separate law of the same date makes of each of the former states a de- 
partment, with the following changes: The state of Coahuila and Texas was 
made into two departments. New Mexico was constituted into a department. 
The two Californias were formed into one, Colima was annexed to Michoa- 
Hisi. Mex., Vol. V. 10 


This constitution failed to satisfy any of the par- 
ties. The progressionists saw retrogression in it. 
The clergy were displeased because certain principles 
had not been expunged, which were at a future day 
to bear bitter fruit for them, causing the loss of their 
influence and property. The army could not find in 
the law any power entirely dependent on bayonets. 
However, certain clauses in it were evidently intended 
to serve as checks to the discretional power of Santa 
Anna, who, it was expected, would be the first presi- 
dent chosen under the new regime. 

President Barragan had to provide resources for 
the campaign to put down the revolted colonists of 
Texas, full details of which will appear in the follow- 
ing chapters; and at the same time to face attempts 
to restore by force of arms the federal form of gov- 
ernment. The most prominent of these were made 
by generals Jose Antonio Mejia and Juan Alvarez. 
The first named, after failing in several attempts in 
Queretaro and Guadalajara, proceeded to New Orleans, 
and returned in November 1835 with three ships 
under Mexican colors, and about 200 adventurers, to 
Tampico, where through the cooperation of the com- 
mandant at the bar, he succeeded in capturing the 
fort on the 16th of that month; but on assailing the 
town, where the garrison had remained faithful to 
the authorities against a pronunciamiento in support 
of federalism, he was disastrously repulsed, leaving 
behind a number of prisoners, all of whom were dealt 
with as pirates. 77 As for Alvarez, who operated in 

can, and Tlascala to the department of Mexico, whose capital was to be the 
city of this name. Mix., Col. Ley. Fund., 171-218; Bustamante, Vozde la Pa- 
triot,, MS., xi. 59-63; Arrillacjn, JRecop., 1836, July-Dec, 310-78. Aguas- 
calientes, which since 1835 had been detached from Zacatecas and made a 
national territory, had been on the 29th of Nov. 1836, made a department. 
/(/., 1835, 188, 224-5; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., x. 67-8; Mix., 
Mem. Hacienda, 1837, 6; Aguascalientes, Acta, 1-50; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
iii. 300-7. Congress on the 20th of March, 1837, passed a law for the 
government of the departments. Mex., Decreto, 1-26; Dub Ian and Lozano, 
Leg. Mex., iii. 323-38. 

77 Bustamante gives other versions as to the real object of that expedi- 


the south, he was defeated shortly before the congress 
undertook the work of reconstruction of the country. 

tion, namely, to seize a conducta of silver at Tampico, and to kidnap Santa 
Anna at Manga de Clavo. Voz de la Patria. MS., x. 156-60; Id., Gabinete 
Mex., ii. 32-3; Tornel, Tejas, etc., 63-4; Rangel, Defensa, 5; Young's 
Hist. Mex., 252; Crockett, Life of, 381-3; Niles' Keg., xlix. 338-9, 364-5. 

The authorities mentioned in the following list have been consulted in the 
preparation of the fourth, fifth, and sixth chapters preceding: Mex., Col. 
Leyes Fund., 164-70; Id.,' Col. Leyes, 1829-30, 1-15, 46-55, 86-95, 139, 151- 
60, 173-8, 190-200; Id., Legist. Mej., 370-7; hi, Col. Leyes y Dec, 1S41, 12; 
Cortes, Diario Sen., i. 91, 144; Id., Diario Ofic, iii. 105; Id., Diario Ses., 
1835-6, i. 16; Mex., Expos. Guerra y Mar., 1832, 1-21; Id., Mem. Guerra, 
1830, 2; 1831, Doc. no. 1, 12-16; 1834, 17-18; 1835, 7, 12, annexes 7-8; Id., 
Mem. Estado, 1835, 1-80, annexes 1-12; Id., Mem. Hac, 1831, 113-15, an- 
nexes A. toE.; 1833, 2; 1837, 6; 1870, 101, 122, 1028-33; Id., Mem. Justic, 
1834, 26-7, 67; Id., Mem. Relac, 1830, 1-40; 1331, 1-53, annexes 1-10; 1832, 
2-35, annex 1; 1833, 1-20; 1835, 1-50, annexes, pp. 1-33; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
ii.-iii., passim; Id., Gob. de Mex., ii. 126, 136, 144-201, 506-82; Id., Mex. 
Pint., i. 12-14; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., passim; Id., Informe Camb. 
Polit., 7-8; Tornel, Tejau y los E. U., 57, 63-4; Id., Carta, 3; Id., Nac. Mej., 
1G5-9, 295; Id., Manif.; Id., Breve Resena Hist., 43-5; Alaman, Hist. Mej., 
ii. 541-9, iv. 237, v. 576-9, 843-69, ap. 84-8; Id., Defensa, pp. iii.-xxii., 1-126; 
Id., Proceso, 1-255; Id., Apuntes Biog., 23-38; Id., Notic Biog. Necrol., 11- 
18; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xi. passim, xii. 6-101, 258-9, 274-6, 295-6, 312-17, 
331-7, 389-400; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. passim, iii. 9-16, 30-1, 
41_4 } 5i_9, 7i_8, 91-2, 109-15, 193, 468, 665, iv. 421-2, 559; Bustamante, 
Hist. Iturbide, 211; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 27 5; Id., MS., ii. 44; Id., Gab. 
Mex., i. 103, ii. 21, 32-3; Id., Med. Pad/., MS., ii. supl., 33-7; Id., Efemer., 
iii. 1-14; Id., Carta, 2-6; Id., Manif. Guadalup.; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., 
ii. 80-1; Id., Campana sin Gloria, 4-6, 21, 38-42; Id. , La Monarq. en Mex., 
MS., 1-37; Id., Voz de la Patria, i.-v. passim; Id., MS., vi.-x. passim, xiii. 
4; La Ilustrac. Mex., ii. 375-7, iv. 185-212; Clar. al Congr., 1-8; Newell's 
Revol. Texas, 10-11; Dominguez, Informe, 1-12; San Miguel, Man. Prov., 24- 
31; El Constit., April 5, 23, etc., 1844; Bonilla, El Ciud., 1 1.; Zelaeta, Manif, 
5-10; Apelac. al Sent. Com., 1-12; Pin a, Pascuas, 1-8; Buenrostro, Manif.; 
Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 74-6, 274-5; Revue des Deux Mondes, Aug. 15, 1853, 311- 
16; Gilliam's Travels, 219-20; Domehech, Hist. Mex., ii. 91-134; Id., Miss. 
Adv., 359-63; Hollcy's Texas, 321-32; Cambas, Atlas, 19; Valencia, Manif., 
3-8; Registro Yuc, ii. 131-42; Hoy se echan los Cim.; Monit. Constit. Ind., 
May 28, 1845, 3; Wilson's Mex. and Its Relig., 77-8, 274-9; Id., Mex., Its- 
Peasants, 115; Arista, Resena Revol., 9-162, ap. nos 4, 18-19, 21, 31, 35; Das 
Aiios en Mex., 1-172; La Sombra de Mod., nos 4—11; Payne's Hist. Europ. 
Colonies, 309-10; Patton's Hist. U. S., 694; Facio, Respuesta Cargos; Id., Es- 
posic., 1-21; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. Id, 749-51, iii. 719-63, viii. 544-8, x. 
318, 1035-76; Savage, Doc, ii. 185-91; Miscel. 6 sea Col., no. 2, 5-19; Viz- 
caino, Doc, 4 11.; Flint's Geog., ii. 131; Aguascal., Acta; Thompson's Recoil. 
Mex., 61-3, 178-9; Montesdeoca, Discurso, 1-12; Democr. Rev., ii. 108-12; 
Nouv. Ann. Voy., xlii. 293-4, lxiv. 44-68, lxxx. 48-50; Azpiroz, Cdd. Extr., 
133-49; Crockett, Life of, 381-3; Midler, Reisen i.i Mex., iii. 313-19; Cumplido, 
Album Mex., ii. 94; El Veracruzano Libre, June 8, 1828, 3-4; Bermudez, Verd. 
Causa, 19-31; Egloffslein, Geol. Mex., 33; La Verdad Desnuda, 1-6; Thom- 
son's Wars U. S., 541-656; Tudor's Tour, ii. 251-3, 322; Rocafuerte, U.i 
Regalo; Id., Contest., 1-12; Id., Consid. Gen.; La Oposicion, 1834-5, passim; 
Ibarra, Ob«erv. Proy. Reforma, 1-20; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, i. 14-16; El 
Universal, March 15, 1850, 4; Mendoza y Sanchez, Cat. Mus. Mex., 27; Ram- 
sey's Other Side, 14; Emigrado Observ., 1829, 37, 78-9, 159-60; Ba.rbachano, 
Mem. Camp., 21-59; Drake's Certif. Sp. Grants; Malte-Brun, Precis Geog. 
Univ., vi. 457-60; Payno, Cuentas, Gastos, etc., 600; Suar.ez, Informe, 7,-36; 


Texas, Coll. Doc, nos 60, 63-4; Id., Ms., no. 38, pp. 1-2, in Pinart Coll.; 
Larenaudlere, Mex. and Gnat., 213-51; Frost's Plct. Hist. Mex., 166-73; 
Footers Texas, i. 309-14, ii. 56-7; Viva la Fed.; Lempriere's Notes in Mex., 
427-S; Cam. de Diput., Manif., 1831-2, 1-30; Trevino, Satis/.; Mosaico Mex., 
i. 229, 292, ii. 197, 269, 344, 462; Safv., Diario Ofic, Jan. 26, 1875, 6; Gutier- 
rez, Contest, al Libelo, 14-16; Quint ana Boo, Defensa; Mad tire's Opinions, i. 
351-60, 373, 393-4; Chevalier, Le Mex., 389-400; Garcia Cubas, Escritos Div., 
142-62, 203-8; Arroniz, Hist, y Cr6n., 268-74; Chiapas, Dictdmen, 1833, 1-18; 
Zaremba, Merchant, 14; Escalera y Liana, Mex. Hist. Descr., 33-54; Lafond, 
Voij. ant. du Monde, i. bk i. 175, 191-6; Didlogo, Cor. y Cap.; Nayarit, Los 
Pueblos, 11; Romero, Tercera Represent.; Bazaneourt, M 'exique, 97-118; Ward's 
Mex., i. 327; Robinson's Mex. and Her Mdii. Chieftains, 160-4, 218-41, 253- 
5, 266-81, 299-301; Zincunegui, Respucsta, 1-41; La Cruz, iii. 255, v. 633-5; 
Armin, lleutig. Mex., 121-9; Ayuntam. de Mex., Repres. d las Cam., 1836, 
1-15; Lista Gen. Espauoles, 1-4; Lista Esp. Escept. Cam. Diput., 1; Lista Esp. 
Escept. Cam. Sen., 1-4; Seg. Lista, 1-2; Espos. Tercer. Sala. 1-64; Resp. Sec. 
Justic, 1-32; Facto, Mem. sobre Sucexos, 1-245, i.-viii.; Id., A let Cam. de 
Diput., 1-6; Velez, Vindicac, 1-38; Ult. Adios Cong. Constit.; Cabaflero, Re- 
nuncia Justif. , 3-6, 35-8; Patronato enla Nac, 1-28; Salgado, Escritos Pre- 
sent., 1-37; Cardona, Esposic, 1-24; El Centlnela Fed., no. 121, 1829, 121-S; 
Ibar, Muerte Polit.; Pena y Pena, Voto Fund., 6-35; Maillard's Hist. Texas, 
56-72; Tratado de Amist. E. U.; Amlgo del Pueblo, June 24, July 31, Sept. 
16, etc., 1845; Arista, Resena Hist. Recol., 1-162; Id. , Prod., 1 1.; Querdt. 
Libre,])]), i.-x. 1-50; Labrador, 5 a Carta, 1-12; Acta* Cong. Constit., viii.-x. 
passim; Cong. Constit. d los Pueblos, 1-12; Regl. Bib. Sec. Guerra, 5; Cuevas. 
Espos. Dif Francla, 57-9; Id., Espos. del Ex-Minist., 57-60; Deffaudis, Cor- 
resp.; Rosas, Defensa; Id., Contest.; Gleason's Hist. Cath. Church, iii. 37; La 
Victoria, Sept. 10, 13, 1878; Lancaster Jones, Oracion Civ., 7-9; Zacatecas, 
Diario Exacto, 1-8; Diario Debates 8° Cong., ii. 53; Tornel, Carta, 3-4; Tor- 
nel y Mendiril, Decreto; Bib. Mex. Ameuld., ii. 319-20; Leg. Rec, ii. 1; 
Moreno, Manif., 1-23; Palacios, Manif.; El Tiempo, 1834, July-Oct., passim; 
El Atleta, 1829-30, passim; llordas, Dictum., 1-49; Ober, Mexico, 422-6; 
Belasco, Discurso Civ., 6-10; Manero, Guide, 45-6; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 46- 
7, 53; Amer. Ann. Register, 1829-30, 146-9, 217-21; Rangd, Defensa, 5; Def. 
Integ. Nac., Aug. 10, 1S44, 3-4; Gregg's Scenes, ii. 84-104; Id., Com. Prairie*, 
ii. 99-102; Doc. Sublev. Alvarez, 5-44; Posadas, Alegato, 1-16; Chismografia, 
una Matraca; Rejon, Observ.; Guerra Eterna, 1-8; Grattan's Civil. America, 
ii. 287-90; Ocursos Acreed.; Exxitativa, Cons^jo Gob.; Becher, Mex., passim; 
Vindicac. del Gen. Presll., 1837, 1-13; Anales Mus. Nac. Mex., i. 17; Peten 
Itzd, Manif, 1-22; Oyarzabal, Doc. Just.; Santa Anna, Diulogo, 5-10; Id., 
6 el Conqr., 1-8; Id., El Gen. d sus Compatr., 1-7; Id. , Manifest., 1-39; Hist. 
Doc. Cat, i. 148-9, 166, 169, 177, 210; Vistazo Rap., 10-12; Bdrcena, Cat. 
Hist., 241-54; Huajuapan, Resp< j t. Represent., 1-16; Hunt's Mer. Mag., xlv. 
607; Poinsett, Contestac. del Ministro, 1-12; Auxiliamos cd Gob., 1-8; Puebla, 
Represent. Constit.; Id., Manif. que el Bat., 1-14; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 314- 
28; Id., Mex. as It Was, 339-40; Estrada, Doc, 7; Ortiz, Mex. Indep. Libre, 
98-111; Rcvista Mex., 461-82; Cent. Amer., 153-5, 227-9; Derecho Int. Mex., 
1st pt, 150-76. 366-71, 609-14, 2d pt, 230-4, 209-300, 345, 3d pt, 320-4, 350- 
1, 1159-60; Alvarez, Manif; Id., Doc. Rel. Sub!., 1-44; Album Mex., ii. 94; 
Boletin Ofic, nos 1-33, 35; Monterey, Acta Guar.; Ddvila, El Toro, ii. 1-250, 
489-95; Rubio, Discurso, 1-12; Manero, Doc Iuteres., 19-21; Sagaseta, Voto 
Partic; Aim. Calend. Galvan, 1848, 63-7; 1S49, 51-72; Aim. Calend. Man. y 
Quia, 1829, 38-79, 109-34, 219-52; 1831, 46-88, 113-39, 208-37, 267-77; 1832, 
46-88, 121-245; Yuc, Pacl/icac, no. i. pp. i.-lxiii.; no. ii. 1-16; no. iii. 8-64: 
Id., Es el Ministerio; Id., Observ., 1-3; Id., Manif. Gefe Sup.; Id., Impug. 
Observ., 1-16; Id., Doc. Interes., 1-66; /(/., La Nueva Proposic. ; Id., El Prop. 
de Ley, 1-2; /(/., Manif. Convene; Sllllman's Journ., xxviii. 220, xxxi. 173; 
Sierra y Rosso, Arenga Civ., 1-17; Villa-Amor, Bicg. Sta Anna, 4-21; Car- 
bajal, Vindicac, 16-27; Pedraza, Observ. sobre Prod., 1-28; Id., Re vista Doc 
Rel, 1-36; Id., Reflex. Imp., 1-19; Id., Espos. de N. 0., 1-12; Id., Notas 


Manif., 1-42; Id., Si Viene, 1-8; El Indicador Fed. Mej., Nov. 20, 1833, 233- 
4; Cor. Atlant., May- June 1835, passim; Martinez, Sindp. Hist. Revol. Mex. y 
i. 130, 14S-53; Id., El Gob., 1 1.; Caballero, Hist. Aim., 9-12; Comm. Bel., 
Flagrfs Rept, iv. 539; Reflex, sobre Alg. Reformas, 1-44; Mex. Znstdvde, 1830- 

2, 1-8, 47-119; Castro, Discurso Civ., 1-32; McSherry's Essays, 50-63; La 
Minerva, May 15, 1845, 1; Sanchez de Tagle, Discurso sobre Poder Conserv., 
1-23; Zavala, Los Crimenes; Id , Revol. Mex., ii. passim; Valkjo, Col. Dog. 
Mex., i. nos 23, 33-G. 39; Id., MS., 1G6; Id., Doc, iii., 53, 185; Juarez, Bior/., 
12; Jenldntf Mex. War, 20-3; Soc. Mex. Geoq. Bolet., iii. 77-9, 122, 392, iv. 
190, 243, vii. 265-6, 293, viii. 166, 253, xi. 318, 2 a ep., iv. 746-8; El Iris dc 
Chiapas, Dec. 9, 1833, 1-6; Bustamante (A.), Manif. d la Nac. Mex., 1-20; 
Id., Reflex, sobre el Manif., 1-22; Taylor's Spec. Press, 591-7; Otero, Ensayo 
Cne-st. Polit., 112-23; Id., Obras, MS., ii. 52-76; Carriedo, Estud. Hist. Oaj., 
ii. 40-4; Defensor de las Leyes, 1-4; Mich. Mem., 1830, 1-24, annex, no. 1, 1- 
17; Id., Repres. Def. Si sterna Fed., 2 11.; Michelena, Proyecto Constit.; Santa 
Maria, Exj)os. Protext., 1-48; Cuestion del Dia; V. Cruz, Documentos, 1-46; 
S. L. Potosi, lniciativa, 1-6; Id. , La Dipid. Perman., 2-6; Espir. PiibJ., Jan.- 
Feb., 1829, passim; Jal., Discurso que el Gobem., 1-11; Id., Espos. al Cone/., 
1-21; /(/., Doc. Ofic. Comand. Oral, 1-11; Dur., Gac. Sup. Gob., 1833-4, 422- 

3, 792-4; Id., Exam. Anal.-Crit., 30-44; Leon, Esposic, 1-34; Guerrero, 
Sumar. Averiguac. ; Id., Sob. Estado; Id., Expulsion, 1 1.; Id., El Presidente; 
Id., Manif, 1-20; Niles' Reqister, xxxiii. 23, 40-1, 71-2, 356, xxxvi.-xxxvii. 
passim, xxxviii. 141, 257, 291, 420, 435, xxxix. 24, 125, 206, 224, 241, xl. 63, 
228-9, xli. 23, 77, 87-8, xlii. 67, 455, xliii. 7, 22, 46, 53, 252, 371, xliv. pas- 
sim, xlv. 9, 24-5, 57, GG, 410-11, xlvi. 316, 332, 365-6, 380, xlvii. 6, 83, 116, 
379, 428, xlviii. passim; Id., S. Am. and Mex., i. 198-207; Pinart Coll., pts 
132, 189, 214, 231, 244-7, 249-50, 255, 258-9, 266-8, 271, 275, 286, 290, 306, 
310-11, 322-30, 332-3, 335, 340-2, 351, 358, 360-1, 367, 370, 372, 375-6, 379- 
80, 384, 390, 397, 400, 402-3, 407, 413, 420, 439, 442, 503, 583; Puebla, Col. 
Acuerdos, 6; Mex., Hasta las Monjas, 1—11 ; Mex., Partido Conserv., 1-44; 
Id., Doc. Import., 3; Id., Bosquejo Revol., 145; Id., Acta del CabUdo, 1-35; 
Id., Contrata; Id., Manif. Diput., 10-23; Id. , Supl. Diario Gob. Meg., March 
31, 1838, 52-74, 294-342; Id., Conducta Gen. Muzquiz, 1-8; Id., Diet. Ley 
Amnistia; Id., Diet. Com. Ilospit.; Id., Diet. Farias; Id., Diet. Trat. Zava- 
leta; Id., Diet, sobre Camb. Gob., 25, 36; Id., Diet. 15 de Oct. de 1829, 2 11.; 
/(/., Album Fotog., i. 1; Id., Ses. Tenidas, 1-87; Id., Sesion Secreta, 1-32; 
Id., Bases y Leyes Rep. Mex., 1-127; Id., Constit. Polit., 47-8; Id., Doc. Re- 
lal. Ultimat., 44, 52-74, 103-10; Id., Repres. Cam. Diput., 1-59; Id., Guest. 
Monarq. Constit., 25-9; Id. Refut. del Anteojo, 1-39; Id. , Proy. Ley Constit.; 
Id., Reflex. Reforma, 1-44; Id., Manif. Cdmara Diput., 1831-2, 1-30; Id., 
Observ. sobre Facult. Congr. Estado; Mexicano Sondmb. ; Papeles Sueltos, nos 
16, IS, 20-1; Papeles Varios, xiv. pt 2, xvi. pts 2, 3, xxvi. pt 3, xxviii. pts 6- 

15, 20-4, xxix. pts 15-26, 28-9, xxx. pts 3-14, xxxi. pts 27, 28, 32-3, 39, 
xxxiv. pts 15, 17-27, 29-31, 33-51, 55-7, xli. pt 19, xlii. pt 6, xliii. pt 10, 
xlviii. pts 4, 4£, 7, 8, xlix. pts 1, 2, 4-6, 8, Iii. p>t 3, lv. pt 8, lxxi. pt 2, 4, 5, 
9, 11-12, 14-17, 19, lxxii. pts 2, 6, 9, lxxiii. pts 1, 2, 6, 9, 13-14, lxxiv. pts 1, 
3-6, 8-11, 15, lxxvi. pt 14, lxxvii. pts 2, 6, lxxxvii. pt 13, xcix. pt 9, cxi. pt 
2, exxi. pt 1, exxii. pt 2, exxvii. pts 1-34, cxli. pt 4, cxlii. pts 9. 10, 12, 13, 

16, 18-19, cxliii. pts 1-3, 5, 8-10, 13, 17, 20-21^, cxlv. pts 4, 10, 12, 14, 16- 

17, cxlvi. pts 1-4, 8-10, 12-16, cxlix. pts 8, 10, 14, cl. pts 2, 22, 34, cli. pt 8, 
dv. pt 5, clvi. pts S, 9, 12, 14, clxiii. pt 3, clxv. pts 9, 12, clxvii. pts 10-12, 
clxviii. pts 5, 9, 10, 12, clxix. pts 7, 8, 10-11, clxxi. pts 2^-8, 17, clxxii. pt 
2, clxxiii. pt 4, clxxi v. pts 1, 4, clxxvi. pt 1, clxxvii. pt 2, clxxx. pt 1, clxxxi. 
pts 1, 2, clxxxiii. pt 1, clxxxvi. pt 2, exevi. pt 2, exeviii. pt 2, ccxi. pt 5, 
ccxiii. pt 3, cexxiii. pts 1-14, cexxv. pt 3, cexxvii. pt 3; Arrillaqa, Recop., 
1S29-36, passim; 1838, 94-9, 404-5; 1839, 271; 1849-50, 42-3, 74-6, 190; Fos- 
sey, Mex., 154-9, 283-4, 302-11, 376-7; Ramos Arizpe, Caricatura, 1-4; 
Youiufs Hist. Mex., 229-52, 307; Rivero, Mex. en 1842, 22-4; Filisola, Mem. 
Hist. Guerra Tej., i. 148, 180, 304-15, 325-32, 382-4, 409-22, ii. 9, 30-8; 
Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 100-16; N. Am. Rev. y xxxi. 110-14, 148-50, xxxii. 


317-43, xliii. 232; Arrangoiz, Mcj., ii. 191-239; Disposic Varias, ii. fol. 55- 
6, 58, 62, 65, 68-71, 74, 79, 80, 82-8, iii. fol. 51, 145, 149. 151, v. fol. 1-3, 5- 
8, 12, 18, 21, 23-5, 27-30, 32-3, 70-3; Mora, Rev. Mex., 7-9, 289-344, 371-4; 
Id., Obras Sueltas, i. pp. xix.-ccxcii., ii. 348-62, 426-9, 476-99; JST. Esp., 
Breve Res., ii. 299-300; Zuniga y Ontiveros, Calend., 118-19; Humboldt, Essai 
Pollt., i. 266-9; Corr. Merc. Esp. Ind., iv. 613-15; Regist. Yucateco, i. 81-96; 
drdenes de la Corona, MS., iii. fol. 118, 134-5, v. fol. 118, 134-5; Carrillo, 
Estudios, 8; Id. , El Origen de Belice; Bolet. Geog. Estad. Mex., ii. 17; Span. 
Emp. in Am., 130-1; Las Dos Republicas, Feb. 8, 1879, 2; Castillo, Dice. 
Hist., 16-18, 62, 100-7, 206-30; Arevah, Compend., 245-6; Azauza, MS., 78- 
84; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., xxxv. 509; Juarros, Compend., 269; Yuc, Opri- 
mido; Yuc, Mem. Estad., 1-2: Id., Estadist., 1853, 287-93; Ayala y Aguilar, 
Primera Manif., 1-112; Dunn's Guat., 30-7; Stephens' Yuc, i. 91; Mill's Mex. , 




Boundary Line — American Aims — Long's Invasions — Colonization 
Plans — Colonies Formed by Austin and Others — Mexico's Liberal 
Policy — Coahuila and Texas — Stephen F. Austin's Imprisonment — 
Texas Separates from Coahuila — Revolutionary Acts — Mexican 
Troops Assailed — San Antonio de Bejar Taken — Course of the 
United States — Neutrality Violated — American Troops Invade 
Texas — Declaration of Independence by Texas — Texan Garrison 
at ^lamo Massacred — Battle of San Jacinto, and its Results — 
President Corro's Administration — President Bustamante — Spain 
Recognizes Mexican Nationality — Financial Distress — Political 

The province of Texas, situated on the gulf of Mex- 
ico between the United States of North America and 
the Rio Grande, and between latitudes 26° 50' and 
36° 30', had been for some time, prior to 1819, a sub- 
ject of disagreement between the American republic 
and Spain, the former claiming that Louisiana ex- 
tended to the Rio Grande. Her great desire, how- 
ever, was to own Florida in order to possess the whole 
range of coast from the Sabine River to Nova Scotia. 
After getting possession of that peninsula the govern- 
ment of the United States voluntarily gave up its 
alleged right to Texas, by the treaty of February 22, 
1819, concluded between the secretary of state, John 
Quincy Adams, and the Spanish plenipotentiary Luis 
de Onis. 1 But that treaty caused much dissatisfaction 

l A copy of the treaty may be found in Mex., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 



on the part of the western and south-western states 
of the American Union, and it was opposed by many 
of her most prominent statesmen. 

In the following year, under the so-called Missouri 
compromise, entered into by the slave-holders of the 
southern states, slavery was not to be extended north 
of 36° 30'. This compromise, together with the south- 
ern boundary stipulated in the Adams-Onis treaty, 
greatly reduced the area in which slave states might 
be formed. 

The state of Louisiana was separated from Texas 
by the Sabine River, and it became desirable to ac- 
quire the latter province for the benefit of the slave- 
holding interest. Several devices were thought of 
to accomplish that purpose. The first one attempted 
was that of forcible seizure shortly after the treaty 
with Spain was concluded. The leader of that move- 
ment was James Long, a Tennesseean, who with about 
75 men started from Natchez on the 17th of June, 
1819, and reached Nacogdoches in Texas. On the 
23d of that month he issued a proclamation styling 
himself president of the supreme council of Texas, 
and declaring that "the citizens of Texas have long 
indulged the hope that in the adjustment of the boun- 
daries of the Spanish possessions in America, and of 
the territories of the United States, they should be 
included within the limits of the latter." The proc- 
lamation of independence of the republic of Texas 
then followed. 2 Long established a provisional gov- 
ernment at Nacogdoches, and then went to Galveston 
to secure the aid of the buccaneer Lafitte. In his 
absence the royalist troops routed his force, of whom 
a number were killed, the rest being taken prisoners. 
Long made a second invasion, and without difficulty 
possessed himself of La Bahia del Espiritu Santo. 
This was after New Spain had acquired her indepen- 

2 That document was published in the Louisiana Herald, evidently to invite 
American citizens to join Long's standard. Jay's Rev. Afex. War, 11. 


dence. Long and his followers were captured and 
taken as prisoners to Mexico. 3 

The next device resorted to in the scheme for 
wresting Texas from New Spain was that of coloni- 
zation. Under the 5th article of the Spanish treaty, 
the inhabitants of the territories ceded to the east and 
north of the line designated in the 3d article could 
transfer themselves at any time to the Spanish do- 
minions. Under this clause Moses Austin petitioned 
Brigadier Arredondo, governor of the eastern provin- 
cias inter nas, for leave to settle in Texas 300 fami- 
lies/ which petition was supported by the few ayunta- 
mientos in Texas, and by Brigadier Antonio Martinez, 
military commandant of the province. On January 
17, 1821, the viceroy directed Commandant Martinez 
to allow Austin to establish his colonies on the right 
bank of the Rio Brazos at the distance of 90 miles 
from the coast, but under the condition that the 
families were to be from Louisiana, of good moral char- 
acter, and professing the Roman catholic religion. 
They might bring their slaves with them, and were 
required to take an oath of allegiance to the Spanish 
crown, and of obedience to its laws and authorities in 
Texas. While these arrangements were beino^ com- 
pleted Moses Austin died in June 1821, and his son 
Stephen F. Austin inherited the grant, and carried 
it into effect midst all the difficulties resulting from 
the disturbed condition of Mexico. 5 

Since the passage by the constituent congress of a 

3 After a short imprisonment they were released. Long was murdered 
shortly after in 1822. Am. Cyclop., xv. 677. 

i He alleged that catholics were not countenanced in the United States. 

5 The concession was ratified by the imperial government of Iturbide. 
Austin visited Mexico to arrange the matter, as the progress of colonization 
had been checked, and the council of state approved his plan with a few 
modifications relating to formalities and requirements to give possession of 
land grants. After the downfall of the empire the concession was annulled, 
but the executive issued a decree, April 14, 1828, confirming the grant to 
Austin with further power to adopt necessary measures to insure order to- 
gether with security and progress of the new settlements. These were 
formed with settlers mainly from Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana. 
Austin was commissioned a lieut-col of the Mexican army. 


general colonization law 6 leaving the state govern- 
ments free to regulate the establishment of colonies 
within their respective territories, several legislatures 
formed rules for promoting the occupation of their 
wild lands for industrial purposes. 7 

With the adoption of the federal form of govern- 
ment in Mexico, Texas was united to Coahuila, the 
two former provinces now forming one state, which 
in its sovereign capacity made to Austin several 
grants, among them that of settling eight hundred 
families, for which he was assigned a larger extent of 
land. Austin was an active, industrious man, and 
laboring assiduously in carrying out his colonization 
schemes, succeeded in planting colonies on the Brazos 
and Colorado rivers near San Antonio de Bejar, which 
early in the third decade of this century were already 
in a flourishing condition. 

Austin was not the only person to whom such 
grants were made in Texas; they were made to all 
foreigners asking for them, 8 and the country thus 
became in a short time populated by about eight 
thousand families of different races, religions, and 
habits, and by adventurers from all parts of the 
world, many of whom took possession of such land as 
suited them, with no better title than that afforded 
them by their rifles. All settlers were exempt from 
taxation during seven years under a Mexican law. 
This state of affairs greatly facilitated smuggling on 
the frontier states, to the injury of the Mexican 

Such was the condition of Texas when President 
Victoria's administration appointed a commission in 

6 August 18, 1824. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Hex., i. 712-13. Bustamante 
calls that measure 'la borricada mayor que pudo cometer el primer congreso.' 
Voz de la Patria, MS., x. 136. 

7 Vera Cruz was one of those states, where a French colony settled on the 
Goazacoalco, but for several reasons the enterprise failed. 

8 The state of Coahuila and Texas, March 24, 1825, passed a law inviting 
foreigners to settle on lands of the state, 'eran libres para hacerlo, y se les 
invitaba por esta ley a verificarlo. ' Zavala, Revol. Mix., ii. 308; Thrall's 
Hist. Texas, 155-6. 


1827, with G-eneral Manuel Mier y Teran as its chief, 
to ascertain the boundary line between the Mexican 
and American republics under the treaty of 1819. 9 
Teran then had an opportunity of observing the giant 
springing up in that portion of his country. He 
went as far as Laredo and San Antonio de Bejar, and 
examined nearly the whole of that region. Austin's 
colonists were almost all Americans, and of the same 
nationality were those who in 1826 settled the west- 
ern line of the Colorado and Nueces. For this 
reason the American government and people became 
the more anxious for the acquisition of Texas, which 
was made manifest in various wa}^s; namely, by offers 
to purchase, 10 by throwing obstacles in the way of 
the treaty of limits to delay its becoming effective, 
and by attempting to extend the boundary of Louisi- 
ana beyond the Sabine River. 11 

The impression had meantime been gaining ground 
in Mexico that there was serious danger of a disrup- 
tion of Texas from the republic. Indeed, there were 
divers good reasons for that apprehension, the chief 
being the class of population, with its manners and 
customs, language, religious toleration, and love of 
liberty. 12 The conquests of industry and enlighten- 

9 The commission performed that duty from early in 1828, and used its 
best endeavors to save Texas to Mexico. Tornel, Breve Restna Hist., 171-3. 

10 The offers of money were made at first with the view of securing the 
Colorado River as the boundary line, but such propositions led only to the 
acceptance on the 12th of Jan. 1828, of the line designated in the treaty of 
1819. However, in 1829, President Jackson caused the negotiations to be 
resumed, designating four distinct lines as admissible, and naming several 
sums of money; but they were productive of no result. The details of the 
negotiations present no matter of special interest. Gen. Nicolas Bravo is 
supposed to have used his influence against the American wishes. Similar 
instructions to the American minister in Mexico were repeated in 1833 and 
1835. Mies' Reg., liii. 180; U. S. Govt, cong. 25, ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc. 42; 
Mex. Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 114-17; Mayer's Hist. Alex. War, i. 52; Jay's 
Rev. Mex. War, 20-1. 

11 Both governments at last, on the 3d of April, 1835, made a convention 
proroguing for another year the time to appoint commissioners for running 
the boundary line. Mex. Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 177-80. The president of 
the United States urged congress to make provision at once for carrying 
out that treaty; but it was never done. 

la Private transactions, public acts, and newspapers were in English, 
which was the common language. Zavala, Revol. M6x., ii. 306; Mayer's Hist* 
Mex. War, 46. 


ment are above all others solid and irrepressible. 
Only men inexperienced in the ways of human nature, 
or blinded by their ignorance and pride, could have 
entertained the idea that a mere government decree 
could undo what had been done by an aggressive, 
resolute people such as now held Texas for them- 
selves and future comers. Had the Mexican govern- 
ment been guided Iry wise and generous counsels, it 
might have secured for the whole country benefits 
from this immigration by giving to its guests good 
laws and guaranties, thereby winning their good will 
and confidence; instead of which, the retrogressive 
administration of Bustamante, whose guiding spirit 
was Lucas Alaman, attempted to solve the problem 
with a few lines involving a hostile declaration against 
a rich and powerful neighbor, whose policy consists 
in making practical the principles of the most unre- 
stricted liberty. The law of April 6, 1830, prohibited 
the colonization by foreigners on lands situate within 
states or territories of the republic adjoining those of 
their nationality. It suspended all contracts that had 
not been carried out, or that were not strictly within 
the letter of it. 13 The law proposed to form colonies 
on such lands with convicts from Vera Cruz and else- 
where; foreigners coming into Mexico through the 
northern frontier were to have passports from agents 
of the Mexican government; land contracts were to 
be revised to ascertain how the contractors had car- 
ried them out; military posts and garrisons and custom- 
houses were to be established at once. The law did 
not name Texas, but that was the only state which 
could have been contemplated by those enactments. 1 * 

13 Articles 4th to 7th empowered the government to take possession of 
such lands as might be suitable for military defenses and new colonies, in- 
demnifying the states for them. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex.,ii. 238-40; 
Thrall's Hist. Texas, 178-9. 

14 Under the law, convicts and army deserters were sent to Texas as colo- 
nists. Arrillaga, Recop., 1831, 430; Id., Leyes, ap. 1833, 132-7; 1834, 47- 
50; Mix., Mem. Justicia, 8-9, 50-1; Vallejo, Col. Doc, ii. 151. That law, 
however, had no effect whatever to check the tide of immigration. The pop- 
ulation, which had been rapidly increasing since 182G, was now about 20,000. 
Baker's Texas, 36. 



Teran was commissioned to carry out these enact- 
ments. It was no easy task; for it will be readily 
understood how impracticable it must have been for 
Mexico, where civil war was the normal condition, to 
make such a policy effective with colonists so advanced 
and powerful. Teran, however, ' began his difficult 
duty, entering Texas with a considerable force of in-' 


fantry and cavalry, including presidial companies. 15 
He appointed officials, and declared null and void, or 
at least suspended for reconsideration, a number of 
land grants made by the government of Coahuila. 

15 The Mexican minister of war, in his report of April 1883 to congress, 
says that three battalions and a regiment, with artillery, etc., had been sent to 
the frontier of Texas to check Indian raids, and to bring under subjection 
the new colonies, which were already showing symptoms of restlessness. He 
advised the building of forts in Texas. Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1833, 8. 


But the differences between the Texan settlers and 
the Mexican authorities had beomn even at an earlier 
date, and doubtless prompted the adoption by Mexico 
of restrictive measures. One of the colonies was 
that of Hayden Edwards in eastern Texas — founded 
about the same time as Austin's — which soon was 
involved in difficulties with its Mexican neighbors, 
and through them with the authorities. Governor 
Blanco having ignored Edwards' claim, about 300 of 
his men, who were known as Fredonians, attempted 
January 1827, a revolution with the assistance of the 
Indians, and intrenched themselves at Nacogdoches; 
but being abandoned by the red men on the approach 
of a Mexican force, they retreated across the Sabine. 
The Mexican congress thereupon empowered the 
executive to employ military force to quell Texan 
disturbances. 16 

One circumstance confronted the Texas settlers to 
their displeasure, as well as that of the slave-owners 
in the American border states; it was the Mexican 
policy of abolishing slavery. Previously the slave- 
holders in these states looked upon Mexico with less 
jealousy. The planters could cross the line with their 
slaves, and there was no apprehension with regard 
to the recovery of fugitive slaves. But after the 
Mexican government, on the 13th of July, 1824, 
strictly forbade the importation of slaves from foreign 
countries, border relations became much changed. 
Subsequent enactments aimed at the total abolition 
of slavery, 17 whose future area would, therefore, be 
still further contracted, frustrated the views of the 
Texan settlers, and discouraged future importations 
of slave's from the southern states. This condition of 
things both alarmed and irritated the supporters of 

16 The law of Feb. 23, 1827, placed at his disposal 4,000 men and half a 
million dollars. 

17 The constitution of Coahuila and Texas in 1827 gave freedom to chil- 
dren born of slave parents after its date, and prohibited the importation of 
slaves. The work of emancipation was completed by the act of the Mexican 
congress of Sept. 15, 1S29, manumitting every slave in Mexico. 


the slave-holding interest. 18 It is needless to say 
that Mexico's humane and enlightened policy was 
rendered nugatory by that interest. The southern 
slave laws became firmly implanted. 19 

The execution of the decree of April 6, 1830, with 
its attendant coercive measures,' 20 including imprison- 
ment of citizens, superadded to Texan sympathy with 
the movement in favor of federalism in Mexico, gave 
rise to an uninterrupted series of partial revolts at 
different settlements, which daily increased the in- 
subordination of the colonists and their animosity 
toward the powers placed over them by the Mexican 
government. Garrisons were assailed and destroyed, 
or compelled to surrender; and at the end of 1831 a 
sort of provisional government had been set up. 21 

The liberal party having soon after been restored to 
power in Mexico, these movements did not for a time 
lead to serious consequences. There was a lull in the 
troubles of Texas. But the Texan s had not changed 
their views as to the desirability of having a govern- 
ment separate from that of Coahuila. A council 22 
was held at San Felipe, the head town of Austin's 
colony, and a constitution adopted for the state of 

18 Teran had been also directed to liberate every slave found in Texas. 

19 In 1841 the government of Texas expelled from its territory the free 
colored people. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 516. 

20 The 11th article struck a deadly blow at civilization enterprises. In 
some cases, like that of the ' compania de tierras de Tejas y Bahia de Galves- 
ton,' whose assignees were Americans, heavy pecuniary losses were inflicted, 
and Mexico was afterward called upon to settle them. Curtis' Letter to Col 
Mejia, in Suarezy Navarro, Hist. Mcx., 315-19; Kennedy'* Texas, ii. 76. 

21 An adventurer named John Austin went from town to town inciting the 
people to proclaim the independence of Texas, and arms wore brought from 
New York and New Orleans. In 1832 the garrisons at Anahuac and Velasco 
were captured. A few weeks afterward a Texan force, said to be 250 men, 
after being assured of the neutrality of the Cherokees and Shawnees, marched 
against the garrison at Nacogdoches, set down at 375 men, and demanded of 
its commander, Colonel Piedras, either an unconditional surrender or the 
proclamation of federalism, together with support of the Mexican constitution 
of 1824; compliance being refused, a fight ensued, ending in Piedra's utter 
defeat. Swisher's Am. Sketch Book, vi. no. 5, 375-83; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
iii. 262; Baker's Texas, 36-7; Kennedy's Texas, ii. 5-7. Mofiitt, an agent of 
the United States in Texas, is said to have placed the action against Piedras 
in 1827. Thompson's RecoU. Mex., 174. 

2i Presided over by William H. Wharton. Among its members were 
Stephen F. Austin, Samuel Houston, David G. Burnet, J. B. Miller, and 
Branch T. Archer. 


Texas. A commission, composed of Austin, Wharton, 
and Miller, was appointed to lay before the congress 
of Mexico a memorial setting forth the grievances of 
the people, and a petition for their relief. Austin was 
the only commissioner that went to Mexico. 23 His 
arrival was at an inopportune time, the whole country 
being in a state of revolution. Under the circum- 
stances the congress showed no disposition to listen to 
Texan complaints. Austin was put off from time to 
time with unfulfilled promises till he began to lose 
patience; still, unwilling to go back without trying 
every expedient, he remained in Mexico, but wrote a 
letter to the municipalities of Texas urging them to 
complete their organization of a state government. 
That letter was intercepted, and Austin was arrested 
at Saltillo, brought to Mexico and thrown into prison, 
and kept therein several months. 24 During his im- 
prisonment, the Mexican government despatched 
Colonel J. N. Almonte to visit Texas, and report his 
observations. In January 1835 he published a por- 
tion of his official report, which, though showing in- 
difference and ignorance on the part of Mexico in 
regard to Texas, was still a link in the chain of histor- 
ical evidence. He pretended that the political dis- 

23 The chief complaint was against unconstitutional laws passed by the 
state legislature; the neglect of Texan interests; the wanton grants of lands 
etc. — all of which rendered it necessary that Texas should have a separate or- 
ganization. Austin also, under his instructions, demanded an improved mail 
service between Monclova and Nacogdoches, extending to the United States 
line, the Sabine River; correction of custom-house abuses; the punctual pay- 
ment of the presidial companies; and the circulation of the official journal, 
El Telcqrafo, to the ayuntamientos of Texas. Austin, Espos. sobre Tejas, 9- 

24 From Feb. 13 to June 12, 1834. During the first three months he 
was treated with the utmost rigor. After being bandied from court to coui't 
without the slightest idea of what his fate would be, he was released on bail, 
and finally given the benefit of an amnesty. It is said that he owed his par- 
don to Santa Anna. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 2G3. His long imprisonment 
and detention had been grounded on reports from the government of Coahuiia 
and Texas; some of his own countrymen also had been slandering him, though 
his motto had ever been fidelity to Mexico, and opposition to violent men 
and measures. He had warned the Texans against meddling with the family 
feuds of the Mexicans, as they had nothing to gain and much to lose by such 
interference. Kennedy's Texan, ii. 20, 5S-60, G3; Domenech, Mission Adv., 20; 
Thrall's Hist. Texas, 49, 60-2. Austin's treatment caused much indignation 
in Texas. Lester's Houston, etc., 4G-51 


sensions of Mexico were seldom, if ever, felt in Texas, 25 
which was far from bein^ true. His aim evidently 
was to draw Mexicans to settle in Texas. 

In 1835 the Texans appointed committees of safety, 
and resolved upon having a separate government, 26 
the war-cloud was darkening and foreboding ill. 27 
Large bodies of Mexican troops were crowding into 
Texas with the evident purpose of subjugation. The 
Texans, on their part, were resolute, and soon began 
to show their spirit in a series of assaults on Mexican 
garrisons, which met with success. I give in a note 
the main particulars of these encounters. 28 

On the 3d of November, 1835, the delegates chosen 
the preceding month to a general consultation met at 

25 ' Con excepcion de algunos revoltosos ' the inhabitants were wholly de- 
voted to their industrial pursuits. Almonte, Not. Estad., 5-96; Kennedy's 
Texas, 69-72, 81. 

20 Cos, the Mexican comandante general, attributed the agitation and dis- 
turbance to acts of aliens and political intriguers. He called on good citizens 
to lay their complaints before the general government. Other prominent 
men were also trying to allavthe ferment. Texas, Coll. Doc, in Pinart, Coll., 
MS., nos 31, 32, 35-7, 41. 

27 The centralists had possession of the government in Mexico, and were 
resolved to crush out the rebellious spirit of the Texans. 

28 The first one was at Gonzalez on the 2d of October, 1835, when Col 
Moore defeated a body of Mexicans, and drove them to flight towards San 
Antonio de B6jar, leaving behind their dead and wounded. Six days later — 
Oct. 8th — the fort at Goliad was attacked and taken by the Texans. The 
next encounter was on the 28th of the same month, near the Concepcion 
mission, when Bowie and Fannin routed a large body of Mexicans, killing 
about 100 and capturing their field-pieces. Kennedy's Texas, ii. 105-9, 1 17— 
22; Crochett, Life of, 369-70; Ho'ley's Texas, 337-56. After the last affair 
no fighting worth record occurred till December. Gen. Burleson with 800 
men of the federalist army, in two divisions, under Col F. W. Johnson and 
Benjamin R. Milam, between the 5th and 10th of that month, compelled Gen. 
Cos, who had with him 1,250 men at San Antonio de Bejar, to surrender on 
the 1 1th with upward of 1, 100 and all his arms, the rest of his men having been 
killed in the rssaults. Milam was killed. Burleson's official report, Dec. 14, 
1835, in Foote's Texas, ii. 161-75; ThraIVs Hist. Texas, 222-9. Moffitt's re- 
port on this affair seems to be exaggerated. He makes Cos and 1,300 Mexi- 
cans surrender to 400 Texans. Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 174-5; Mayer's Hist. 
Mex. War, 47. On the 15th of December, Cos and his followers, under the 
terms of their capitulation, began their march to the interior, and in a few 
days there was not a Mexican centralist soldier to be seen between the Sabine 
and Rio Grande. Willson's Am. Hist., G46-8. Bustamante speaks of a letter 
published in Mexico from Colonel Ugartechea of October 28th from Alamo 
recounting the defeat by 300 Mexican cavalry of twice that number of Anglo- 
Americans, of whom 78 were killed and a large number wounded. He next 
alludes to Cos' surrender, adding that he behaved honorably; for the cause of 
the revolt was that he had endeavored to check the governor and deputies 
who were selling the fine public lands at nominal prices. Voz de la Palrla, 
MS., x. 168-9. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 11 


San Felipe de Austin, and at once constituted a pro- 
visional government, with a governor, lieutenant-go v- 
ernor, and general council to consist of one member 
from each municipality. 29 Samuel Houston was made 
commander-in-chief of the army, and Stephen F. 
Austin, Branch T. Archer, and W. H. Wharton were 
appointed commissioners to represent the wants of 
Texas in the United States, soliciting aid to prosecute 
the war. A declaration was likewise issued regarding 
the causes that prompted their movement. It will 
be seen that no intention is manifested as yet of sev- 
ering the connection with Mexico. The authors of 
that instrument merely assert their claim to sustain 
by force of arms their rights and liberties, and the 
federal constitution of Mexico as adopted in 1824. 30 
The die was cast, however, and the consequences to 
be expected were a bloody war and possibly defeat 
with the horrors of Mexican vengeance. Urgent ap- 
peals for resources had been made beforehand to 
friends in the south of the American union, who 
were not urged in vain; and from this time the Texans 
were in constant receipt of money, provisions, arms, 
ammunition, and even fighting men openly enlisted in 

29 Governor, Henry Smith; lieut-governor, James W. Robinson. The latter 
was to be ex-officio president of the council. This body was clothed with 
the powers of government, and continued acting till March 1836. 

3u 1st. That the object of taking up arms was the defence of their rights 
and liberties threatened by military despots, as well as of the republican 
principles of the Mexican federal constitution of 1824. 2d. That Texas was 
no longer morally or civilly bound by the compact of union; yet, prompted 
by generosity and sympathy, she offered support and assistance to such mem- 
bers of the Mexican confederacy as would take up arms against military des- 
potism. 3d. Refusal to acknowledge the ' present authorities of the nominal 
Mexican republic' 4th. Resolution to continue in arms as long as Mexican 
troops remained in Texas. 5th. While claiming the right of defence and to 
establish an independent government, Texas will continue faithful to the 
Mexican government so long as it is carried out under the constitution of 
1824. 6 th and 7th refer to expenses of the army, pledging the faith of Texas 
to the payment of debts contracted. 8th. Offering land grants to such as 
may come to render military service in the present struggle. 9th. A solemn 
vow to carry out these declarations. Baker's Texas, 43-5; Filixola, Mem. Hist. 
Guerra Tejas, ii. 173-G; Thrall's J list. Mex., 187-91; Footers Texas, ii. 41- 
65. The plan to establish a separate state government had been agitated in 
1834, but failed. The anti-separation party succeeded in allaying the excite- 
ment, and an adjustment of differences was effected under Santa Anna's 
arbitration. Kennedy's Texas, ii. 62-7; Willson's Am. Hist., 639-40. 


New Orleans and other parts. The cause of the in- 
surrection was also encouraged and supported by the 
press and at public meetings. 

In this connection with Texan affairs, it will be 
well to consider what course was pursued by the 
government of the United States, and what efforts, 
if any, were made by it to prevent acts which were 
open violations of the neutrality laws. The attention 
of the secretary of state having been repeatedly called 
by the Mexican legation to the fact that war material 
and armed expeditions were constantly leaving for 
Texas to wage war against Mexico, with which power 
the United States were at peace, orders were trans- 
mitted to the several districts to prevent such acts. 
The secretary assured that legation that it was the wish 
and resolve of the United States to preserve the neu- 
trality; and in January 1836 added that the govern- 
ment would use every endeavor as far as possible to 
prevent injury to Mexico; but that "for the conduct of 
individuals which the government of the United States 
could not control, it was not in any way responsible." 31 
This seems to have been the loop-hole through which 
the American government sought to escape responsi- 
bility; for the fact stands that none of its alleged 
efforts availed to prevent the departure of men and 
supplies to aid the Texan belligerents. 32 Nor was 
this all. The United States government shortly after 
resolved upon the military occupation of Texan ter- 
ritory. The ground for this action was a reported 
disaffection of a number of tribes or fragments of 
tribes of Texan Indians, and of some others that 
had formerly dwelt in United States territory. The 
people of Texas were glad, for political as well as 
economical reasons, to have United States troops 

sl Niles' Reg., 1. 210-13. 

32 They had from the United States 'una proteccion encubierta y con- 
stante.' Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 283. And if the government thus practi- 
cally manifested its sympathy for Texas, would the partisans of that country 
be regardful of the laws of neutrality? 


at Fort Gibson, and intentionally spread reports of 
intended Indian raids, most of which were unfounded. 
The result was that after peace was established 
in Texas, and when the people were organizing a civil 
government, American troops had been stationed 
upward of a month among them. 33 A long corre- 
spondence passed on this and other subjects connected 
with Texas, between Gorostiza, the Mexican minister 
at Washington, 34 and Forsyth, the secretary of state, 
from March 9th to October 15th, the former chiefly 
Gomplaining of the measures then in progress for the 
violation of Mexican territory under the pretence of 
punishing Indians; and the latter asserting that the 
advance of the American forces under General Gaines 
to Nacogdoches was a measure of necessity; that 
through Mexico's inability to restrain the Indians, it 
had become imperative on the United States to pro- 
tect their citizens, and that such a course was in 
accordance with treaty stipulations. 35 Finally, in 
consequence of what Gorostiza conceived to be an in- 
vasion of Mexican territory by the United States, he 
on the 15th of October wrote a longf letter of remon- 
strance to the secretary of state, concluding that he 
considered his mission at an end, and requesting his 
passports, which were transmitted to him on the 20th. 

33 General Gaines, of the United States army, concentrated large bodies 
of men on the frontier. See his letter from Camp Sabine, Aug. 28, 1826, to 
the governor of Tennessee, in JS/iles' Beg., li. 87-8. 

34 He had come in February 1836 as envoy extraordinary and minister 

35 Forsyth wrote May 10th that the instructions given to Gaines had not 
been based on the belief that the United States had claims to the territory 
beyond Nacogdoches, but simply to prevent consequences that might grow 
out of the bloody contest begun in Texas. Gaines' instructions were to ful- 
fil its stipulations in reference to the Indians, 'whether belonging to the 
territory of the United States or Mexico, and especially to maintain a strict 
neutrality in regard to the contending parties in Texas.' Gaines called on 
several states for reinforcements to repel Indian attacks. When he found 
that he had been deceived as to the intentions of the Indians, he recalled his 
requisitions. Some time after the United States forces abandoned the country. 
The correspondence on the Texas question may be found in Gaines, Gen., 
Correspond.; Leg. Extraord., 1-122; Nilei Reg., 1. 207-9, 213-16; li. 113, 129, 
499-12; Mix., Contestac. Leg. Extraord., 1-79; Am. St. Pap. — new set— 
Milit. aff., vi. 412, 416-27; U. S. Govt. Cong. 24, Ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc. 249, 
256, vol. vi.; Id., Cong. 24, Ses. 2, II. Ex. Doc. 2, pp. 25-101; Id., Cong, 25, 


The men at the head of the new centralized gov- 
ernment of Mexico showed their incompetency to 
deal with the Texan insurrection. It is true that 
they made a lame effort to conciliate the rebels with 
the offer of a further exemption from all taxation 
during the next ten years, but on the 30th of Decem- 
ber, 1835, they passed a law by which they foolishly 
expected to check the swelling of the Texan ranks from 
the United States. The offer came too late, and the 
law produced no other effect than a number of horri- 
ble massacres, and the consequent exasperation of 
the victims' sympathizers, together with a more de- 
termined resistance. 36 

Those in power misunderstood the difficulties they 
had to contend with, namely, the character of a pop- 
ulation which might be exterminated, perhaps, but 
never subdued, and the natural obstacles offered by 
the region and climate. They seemed to think that 
in a contest between Mexican soldiers and colonists, 
the latter must of course succumb; but they did not 
consider that those soldiers would be righting at a dis- 
tance of about 600 miles from home, while the Texans 
were righting for their hearths on their own ground. 37 

The Texans now concluded, in view of Mexico's 
hostile attitude toward them, to sever all connection 
with that country; and on the 2d of March, 1836, in 
convention assembled at Washington, on the Brazos, 

Ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 74, pp. 1-24, vol. ii.; 190, pp. 1-120, vol. iv.; Cong. De- 
butes, 1837, xiv. 176-96; Mex. Correspond., Paso del Sabina, 1-122. 

36 The law in question declared that efforts were made in the United 
States, in violation of the neutrality laws and of the wishes of that govern- 
ment — such had been its assurances — to fit out armed expeditions to help 
the rebels of Texas. In consequence, the following rules were established: 
1st. Foreigners landing at any part of the republic, or entering her territory 
by land, armed and with hostile intent, were to be dealt with as pirates. 2d. 
The same treatment was to be awarded to foreigners found landing or introduc- 
ing arms or other war material at places in a state of insurrection against the 
Mexican government with the intent of placing them in the rebels' hands. 

Under this law almost all Texans taken with arms in their hands might 
be treated as pirates. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 280-1 ; JJublan and Lozano, 
Leg. Mex., iii. 114-15. 

37 The fatuous rulers took no account of obstacles, such as streams, rain, 
snow, swamps, nor of the necessity of providing supplies for the soldiers. 
Moreover, the force employed to attempt the subjugation of the Texans was 
too small for such an undertaking. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. pp. cclxxxviii.-ix. 


unanimously adopted a declaration of independence, 
which in synoptical form I give below. 38 The argu- 
ments of the declaration are quite assailable. It is 
not true that the settlers were invited and admitted 
under the faith of a compact in the form of a repub- 
lican constitution. Mexico acceded to the petitions 
of the first colonists when she was still under vice- 
regal rule, as an appendage of Spain. The changes 
subsequently experienced in the institutions could not 
justif} 7 their defection. An insignificant minority, as 
the Texans then were, had no right to arrange the 
whole countrv's administration to its own liking. If 
that minority disliked the changes, it was at liberty 
to leave the country. In the political vicissitudes of 
the Mexican republic, Texas, as an integral portion, 
had to bear her part of neglect, burdens, and general 
troubles, like the other states and territories, neither 
more nor less. Military coercive measures, unwise 
or brutal though they undoubtedly were, resulted 
from the general political disturbance; and so far 

38 The Mexican government had invited them to settle and reclaim the 
wilderness, under the pledged faith of the written national constitution, 
which was republican, and similar to the one they had lived under in their 
native land. Their expectations had been disappointed. Santa Anna had 
overthrown the constitutional system, offering them the alternative of aban- 
doning the homes they had made after many privations, or of submitting to 
the combined despotism of the sword and the priesthood. Texas had been 
sacrificed for the benefit of Coahuila; the petitions of her citizens for a sepa- 
rate state organization had been disregarded. Their fellow-citizen, Austin, 
had been incarcerated a long time for his zealous endeavors, within legality, 
on behalf of Texan interests. Trial by jury and a system of public educa- 
tion had never been established. Military commandants had exercised arbi- 
trary tyrannical powers. The state congress of Coahuila and Texas had been 
dissolved by force of arms, and the representatives compelled to nee for their 
lives. Good citizens had been unjustly seized by military authority, carried 
away from their homes, and tried on trumped-up chai-ges. Piratical attacks 
had been committed on Texas commerce by desperadoes in the service of 
Mexico. The right of worshipping God according to the dictates of their 
conscience had been denied them. They had been required to surrender the 
arms they needed for their defence. Their country had been invaded and 
laid waste, and their citizens driven away. The Indiaus had been incited to 
ravage and massacre. The citizens had been made the contemptible sport 
and victims of military revolutions. The Mexican government had invari- 
ably shown the characteristics of weakness, corruption, and tyranny. This 
declaration was signed by 57 members, of whom 10 appear to be from north- 
ern and European regions, and 3 native Mexicans; the rest were natives of 
the southern states of the American Union. Baker's Texas, 65-71; Texas, 
Laws Hepub., i. 3-7. 


as they affected Texas, in the revolt against the 
legally or illegally constituted authorities, they were 
no worse than those dealt to citizens of other parts 
of the country under similar circumstances. The 
fact is, that the Texan rebellion and secession were 
the result of a preconcerted plan, as alluded to early 
in this chapter, to establish a market for African 
slaves 39 in contempt of the Mexican laws, and after- 
ward to annex the new country to the United States. 
It might have been, perhaps, more honorable, for the 
parties interested, if their project had been openly 
avowed from the first, instead of trickery and subter- 
fuge being resorted to. 

The national convention on the 17th of March, 
1836, adopted a constitution. 40 It also established a 
provisional government with plenary powers, electing 
David G. Burnet president, and Lorenzo de Zavala 
vice-president, with four secretaries of state. Samuel 
Houston was reappointed commander-in-chief of the 

Let us now consider what the Mexican government 
was doing to bring these rebellious subjects to alle- 
giance. Resources were scarce, but the government 
made the most of them, and together with voluntary 
contributions from patriotic citizens, organized an 
army for the campaign. The chief command of it 
was intrusted to General Santa Anna, who in No- 
vember 1835 visited San Luis Potosi to complete 
preparations and to set the troops in motion. Toward 
the end of December, the forces, said to be 6,000 
strong, started for San Antonio de Bejar, then occu- 
pied by the 'enemy. 41 They invested the Alamo, a 

39 This has been denied on the ground that at the commencement of the 
troubles slavery existed in Texas only to a trifling extent. Edinburgh Rev., 
cxlvii. 261-2. But the same writer acknowledges that the prohibition to 
import fresh slaves was looked on with jealousy, as it would prevent the 
immigration of wealthy planters. 

40 A copy of it may be found in Baker's Texas, 143-79; Texas, Laws Rep., 
i. 9-25. 

41 According to Bustamante, Santa Anna's army in Texas did not exceed 
10,000 men. Hist. Invasion, MS., i. 6. Eight thousand of the best troops in 
Mexico. Kennedy's Tex., ii. 170-7. Another account makes the force 7,500, 


strong fortress near San Antonio de Bejar, which had 
14 guns in position, and was garrisoned by about 150 
men under W. B. Travis. During 11 days' siege and 
bombardment, 32 more men forced their way into the 
fortress. Travis would neither surrender nor attempt 
to retreat. At last Santa Anna, on the 6th of March, 
ordered the assault; the stronghold was taken, and 
the whole garrison put to the sword. Among the 
slain were colonels Travis, Bowie, and David Crock- 
ett, and also twenty residents or traders of San An- 
tonio de Bejar. Only a woman and her child and a 
negro servant were spared. 42 

The blood, both of Mexicans and Texans, shed at 
the Alamo was a useless sacrifice. The massacre, 
even if in accord with the barbarous usages of war, 
did not serve the cause of Mexico, but, on the con- 
trary, impressed the Texans with the firm conviction 
that no settlement except by the sword was any 
longer possible. It was now with them a question of 
victory or subjugation accompanied with the direst 
consequences. The fact was that the siege and storm- 
ing of the Alamo was a childish display of vanity, to 

provided with artillery and other supplies. Am. Cyclop., xv. 678. Santa 
Anna wanted B6jar for his centre of operations, it being the only place in Texas 
inhabited by Mexicans. This explains why he traversed such an enormous 
distance of desert country. Filisola, Mem. Hist. Gmr. Tejas, ii. 228-30. 

42 The Texan or American accounts of this struggle place the Mexican cas- 
ualties at 1,600. According to the account formed by the Mexican general 
Juan de Andrade, from the reports of the several organizations constituting 
the storming parties, the casualties were: officers, 8 killed and 18 wounded; 
rank and file, 52 killed, 233 wounded; total, 311. Santa Anna reported 70 
killed and 300 wounded, and with his usual unscrupulous disregard of veracity, 
sets down the Texan loss at over 600, all foreigners, buried in the ditches 
and trenches, and ' en las inmediaciones un crecido numero que no se ha po- 
dido examinar. ' He claims also that the Texans used 21 pieces of artillery. 
According to Mexican accounts, the investing force, together with that hov- 
ering at short distances, exceeded 5,000 men. Santa Anna detailed four 
columns, each composed of one battalion and two companies, besides a reserve 
of one battalion and five columns, for the assault. Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 
ap. 133-8; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tejas, i. 6-17, ii. 382-90; Houston, 
Life of, 93-4; Thrall, Hist. Texas, 238-46, giving a detailed account of the 
siege and capture of the fort, says that only two women and a negro servant 
escaped with life. Maillard, Tex. , 101-3, says six men and one woman escaped 
out of a garrison of 450 men. The same authority and the Mexicans assert 
that Travis had offered to surrender, but the privilege was denied him. 
Bustamante, Hist. Invasion, MS., i. 6-7, says that Santa Anna at the taking 
of the Alamo lost 600 men, which may be exaggerated. 


make it appear that San Antonio de Bejar had been 
retaken by force of arms with a heavy loss of life on 
both sides. Nor did Santa Anna's blood-thirstiness 
end there. 

Colonel J. W. Fannin was stationed at Goliad with 
about 500 men, when he received orders from Gen- 
eral Houston to fall back on Victoria. These orders 
were not promptly obeyed, and a Mexican force largely 
superior in number came upon Fannin, who, having 
heard that General Urrea was marching on Refugio, 
despatched thither Captain King with 28 men, on 
the 11th of March, to cover the retreat of the Amer- 
ican citizens. This small force had to seek refuge at 
the old Refugio mission on the 13th. Next day 
Fannin sent 112 men with Lieutenant-Colonel Ward 
to rescue King and his party. The latter, however, 
while reconnoitring were captured and shot to a man, 
and their bodies left on the field, food for carrion birds 
and beasts. Ward and his command then attempted 
to escape toward Victoria, but being intercepted, were 
captured, and soon after executed at Goliad. On the 
17th of March, Fannin hearinof nothing* from Ward 
or King, attempted a retreat, but after a series of en- 
gagements found himself surrounded by a very supe- 
rior force, and with scarcely any supplies or ammuni- 
tion. At La Coleta, however, eight miles from Goliad, 
he fought a desperate action, March 18th. 43 The 
next day the Mexicans, 1,900 strong, under Urrea, 
on the Llano Perdido, summoned Fannin to surrender, 
which he was compelled to do. It has been alleged 
that the surrender was made under terms of capitula- 
tion, by which Fannin, his officers and men, were to 
be treated as prisoners of war. 44 The terms of capit- 

43 The Mexican loss is set down as between 300 and 500, and that of the 
Texans at only 7 killed and 60 wounded. Baker's Texas, 54; Thrall's Hist. 
Tex., 249. 

44 The following are the alleged terms: 1st. The Texans should be treated 
as prisoners of war according to the usages of civilized nations; 2d. Private 
property should be respected and restored, but the side-arms of the officers 
should be given up; 3d. The men should be sent to Copano, and thence in 
eight days to the United States, or as soon as vessels could be procured to 


ulation, if any were actually granted by General Urrea, 
were ignored by the commander-in-chief, General 
Santa Anna; and on Sunday, March 27th, the prison- 
ers, who had been sent to Goliad, were marched out 
of the fort and shot. 45 

Santa Anna in a letter of May 23, 1836, to the 
executive of Texas denies that the Mexican force 
hoisted a flag of truce, or that its commander gave 
any assurance of quarter by accepting a capitulation. 
Urrea in his report to Santa Anna declared that he 
had refused to grant terms of capitulation, as indeed 
he was prevented from doing by the law of Decem- 
ber 30, 1835. According to Lieutenant-Colonel Hol- 
zinger, who was present at Fannin's surrender, Urrea 
gave no warrant that the prisoners' lives would be 
spared; but his commissioners assured Fannin that the 
Mexican government had in no instance taken the life 
of a prisoner that appealed to its clemency. 46 Fannin 
was not satisfied with the assurance, but concluded 
to surrender and trust to the generosity of the Mex- 
ican government. 47 Urrea seems to have promised 
that he would ask mercy for them. Holzinger blames 
Urrea for want of frankness in his reports to Santa 
Anna in not informing him that he had promised 
clemency to the prisoners. On the other side, Ramon 
Martinez de Caro, Santa Anna's military secretary, 
says that Urrea strongly recommended merciful deal- 
take them. The officers should be paroled and returned to the United States 
in like manner. Id., 249-50. 

45 During the execution 27 of the prisoners broke away from their guards 
and escaped. Reports disagree as to the number executed. Foote makes it 
330, and the Texas Almanac for 18G0 has 385, giving the names of the vic- 
tims. Col Alc^rreca superintended the execution. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 

46 Bustamante, Hint. Invasion, MS., i. 7-8, claims that Mexico should not be 
blamed for acts which often occur in war when men lose reason. He pleads 
that during the 10 years' war many Texans fell prisoners and were kept in 
forts and not treated as criminals. When Canales, with 300 Texans, invaded 
Mexico and capitulated, they were amenable to the death penalty and yet 
were liberated. He gives other instances of mercy to Texan prisoners. 

47 Fannin's words were: ' Well, I have no water; my wounded need attend- 
ance. I particularly recommend these unfortunates to you. I will surrender 
at the discretion of the Mexican government.' Urrea, Camp, de Tejas, 128- 


ing with the helpless prisoners, more than 200 of 
whom he was about sending to Bahia del Espiritu 
Santo or Goliad; and that Santa Anna's answer 
had been a severe reprimand, telling him not to stain 
his triumphs with misplaced compassion. The order 
for the execution was repeated to Urrea and to the 
commandant at Goliad. Then again, we have the 
statement that the commandant at Goliad reported 
to Santa Anna that Fannin, before he started from 
that place, had burned the town, leaving the people 
without shelter, for which, as well as for the loss of 
their cattle, they felt very indignant, and clamored for 
the death of the prisoners. 48 

The reverses of Alamo and Goliad only had the 
effect of crystallizing the spirit of opposition to Mex- 
ico. General Houston addressed the remnants of 
his army, telling them they must retreat till they 
were better able to meet the enemy in battle. His 
force was now of 600 to 700 men, with whom he re- 
treated to the Brazos, and a few days after to a point 
near the San Jacinto River. His plan was to con- 
centrate all his available forces from all quarters, and 
to draw the enemy away from his base of supplies. 
The plan met with all the success Houston desired. 
Santa Anna with a portion of his force, about 1,600 
strong, marched to the banks of the San Jacinto, 
where he was attacked on the 21st of April, and 
utterly routed and taken prisoner. Houston, accord- 
ing to his own report, had an aggregate force of 783 
men. The conflict lasted about twenty minutes from 
the commencement of close action till the Texans 
took possession of the enemy's encampment, together 
with a loaded piece, four stand of colors, all the camp 
equipage, stores, etc. The rout began about half-past 

48 There were 80 or 86 volunteers from New Orleans, taken in Copano, but 
not having arms in their possession, they were not included in the order of 
execution. Thrall's Hist. Tex., 250; Mies' Reg., 1. 310; Caro, Vera 1 . Idea, 
13-14; Urrea, Camp, cle Tejas, 13-19; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tejas, ii. 



four in the afternoon, and the pursuit continued until 

General Houston in his official report to President 
Burnet on the 25th of April states that the Texan 
loss was two killed and 23 wounded, of whom six 
died. Houston himself was seriously wounded, and 
in consequence General T. J. Rusk succeeded him in 
the command. The enemy's loss he sets down at 630 
killed, 208 wounded, and 730 prisoners. Santa Anna, 49 
General Cos, and four colonels, aids to Santa Anna, 

Battle-ground of San Jacinto. 

one of wdiom was Colonel Almonte, were included in 
the latter number. 50 

Thouorli the numbers that took 

49 Santa Anna was hidden in the grass when captured; he was disguised in 
a miserable rustic dress, wearing a skin cap, round jacket, and pantaloons of 
blue domestic cotton, and a pair of coat^se soldier's shoes. 

50 Santa Anna was taken on the 22d and Cos on the 24th. There were 
captured also 600 muskets, 300 sabres, and 200 pistols — a large quantity of 
arms was lost in the morass and bayou — 300 valuable mules and 100 fine 
horses, besides other valuables, including $12,000 in silver. See Houston's 
report in Thrall's Hist. Texas, 265-8; Id., in Kennedy's Texas, ii. 222-7 j 
Lester's Houston, 109-39; Bnstamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., xi. 22-9; Will- 
eon's Amer. Hist., 660-1; Caro, Verd. Idea, 18-45, gives Santa Anna's ver- 
sion of the affair, with comments showing the absurdity of many of that gen- 
eral's statements. Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tejas, ii. 452-70, gives without 
comments Santa Anna's report of the campaign, from Manga de Clavo, March 
11, 1837. 


part in the battle of San Jacinto were insignificant as 
compared with those in other engagements, the result 
was momentous to the Texan participants, and to the 
young republic, whose independence it secured. 

Santa Anna's life was now in grave peril, owing to 
the execution of Texans effected under his orders. 51 
To save himself and his companions he entered into 
an armistice with General Houston, preparatory to 
arrangements looking to the recognition of the inde- 
pendence of Texas. He accordingly sent a written 
order to his second in command, General Filisola, in- 
structing him to retreat at once, which was done. 52 
On the 14th of the following May he signed a treaty 
with David G. Burnet, president of Texas, binding 
himself in its first article neither to take up arms nor 
to use his influence with Mexico to induce her to do 
so, during the pending contest for Texan indepen- 
dence. In a note will be found the remaining articles 
of this convention. 53 There was also a secret a^ree- 

51 The onslaught at San Jacinto had been made to the cry of 'Remember 
the Alamo ! ' 

52 The Mexican army, now about 4,000 strong, looked upon Santa Anna's 
orders as invalid, consequent upon his agreement having been extorted from 
him while in duress. Filisola, however, thought otherwise, and carried them out. 
Anonymous diary, in Urrea, Diario, 91. The retreat was effected under great 
distress. The orders had reached Filisola April 28th at San Bernardo. 
Heavy rains had made the roads almost impassable, and the artillery became 
mired, and would have been lost but for Colonel Ampudia's great exertions. 
The passage of the Colorado was difficult. Fiiisola established his headquar- 
ters at Goliads to obtain supplies by sea and open communications with the 
interior. Urrea with his division returned to Matamoros. Texan cruisers 
shut out the hope of maritime succor. Goliads was therefore evacuated 
in ten days, and the retreat began for the Rio Grande. Maillard's Tex. y 
117-18; Kennedy's Tex., iii. 231-2; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tejas, ii. 

53 Art. 2. Hostilities between Mexican and Texan forces, both on land 
and water, shall cease immediately; 3. The Mexican troops shall evacuate the 
Texan territory, passing to the other side of the Rio Grande del Norte; 4. 
The Mexican army in its retreat shall not take any private property without 
obtaining the owner's consent, and must pay a just indemnification; 5. Pri- 
vate property taken by any part of the Mexican army since the invasion, in- 
cluding negro slaves or indentured persons that have taken refuge within 
its lines, must be surrendered; 6. The troops of both armies shall refrain 
from coming into contact with each other; 7. The Mexican army must not 
delay on its retreat longer than absolutely necessary; 8. This agreement to 
be at once notified to generals Filisola and Rusk for its fulfilment; 9. Texan 
prisoners in the hands of the Mexicans to be released at once, and passports 
furnished them to return to their homes; Texas to release a corresponding 
number of Mexican prisoners, and treat the remainder with due humanity; 


ment in six articles intended to pave the way for 
peace and the recognition by Mexico of the inde- 
pendence of Texas. Below will be found the said 
articles. 54 

The Mexican congress issued a manifesto 55 repudi- 
ating this arrangement and exhorting the people to 
continue the war. Nor was the other side in any 
way satisfied with it. The Texan secretary of war, 
General Lamar, had on the 12th protested against 
any treaty being made with Santa Anna, insisting 
that he should be treated as a murderer. However, 
after the treaties were signed he acquiesced in them, 
and afterward vindicated his official associates when 
they were assailed for their action therein. The 
Texan army was greatly dissatisfied at Santa Anna's 
liberation, and resolutions were adopted disapproving 
the course of the government. A few days after, 
when Santa Anna was already on board the Invincible, 
which was to convey him to Vera Cruz, two vessels 
arrived at Velasco, with a large number of volunteers 
under General Thomas Green, who insisted on his 

10. ' Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna will be sent to Vera Cruz as soon as 
it shall be deemed proper.' Thrall's Hist. Texas, 276-7; Filisola, Represent., 
68-70; Id., Mem. Giter. Tejas, i. 208-800; Kennedy's Tex., ii. 233-5. 

51 Santa Anna solemnly pledged himself to fulfil the stipulations: 'Art. 
1. lie will not take up arms, nor cause them to be taken up, against the 
people of Texas, during the present war of independence; 2. He will give or- 
ders that in the shortest time possible the Mexican troops leave the territory 
of Texas; 3. He will so prepare matters in the cabinet of Mexico that the 
mission that may be sent thither by the government of Texas may be well re- 
ceived, and that by means of negotiations all differences may be settled, and the 
independence that has been declared by the convention may be acknowledged; 

4. A treaty of comity, amity, and limits will be established between Mexico 
and Texas, the territory of the latter not to extend beyond the Rio Bravo 
del Norte; 5. The present return of General Santa Anna to Vera Cruz being 
indispensable for the purpose of effecting his solemn engagements, the gov- 
ernment of Texas will provide for his immediate embarkation for said port; 
6. This instrument, being obligatory on one part as well as on the other, will 
be signed in duplicate, remaining folded and sealed until the negotiations 
shall have been concluded, when it shall be restored to his excellency Gen- 
eral Santa Anna — no use of it to be made before that time unless there 
should be an infraction by either of the contracting parties.' The foregoing 
is given by Thrall, Hist. Tex., 277-8, as taken from Yoakum, ii. app. no. 

5, 528; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 313-14; Zarco, Hist. Congreso, i. 107— Sj 
Niks' Reg., lxix. 98; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 86-90, vi. 35-8; 
Roa Bdrcena, Recuerdos, 538-41. 

65 On the 29th of July, 1S36. Mex., Manif. Cong. Gen., 1-20. 


not being allowed to sail. President Burnet, in view 
of the situation, caused Santa Anna to be brought 
back on shore, against his strong protest. Some cor- 
respondence passed between him and the Texan gov- 
ernment, early in June, arising from his protest 
against violations of the agreement. The latter ex- 
plained that it had been out of its power to avert the 
infringements complained of; that it had been at all 
times disposed to treat the Mexican prisoners kindly, 
and to show Santa Anna every consideration con- 
sistent with his safety and the poor facilities at its 
disposal. 56 Santa Anna was now kept in close con- 
finement until after the meeting of the Texan congress. 
In July he addressed himself to the president of the 
United States, asking for his mediation to bring about 
a settlement of the question between Texas and Mex- 
ico. President Jackson answered that he could not 
act in the matter, as the Mexican minister had noti- 
fied the American cabinet that his government would 
not recognize in Santa Anna any authority to act in 
its name while a prisoner. He was finally released 57 
and taken to the United States. 

The fate of the " illustrious prisoner of San Jacin- 
to" 58 was officially heard of in Mexico Januar}^ 11, 
1837, when the government by a letter from the 
Mexican consul in New Orleans was informed that 
Santa Anna, according to his despatch to that official, 
had been generously liberated by the Texans and had 
proceeded to Washington, whence he had gone to a 
northern port of the United States to embark for 
Vera Cruz. 59 

On his arrival there, about the 23d of February, he 

amies' Reg., li. 191. 

57 On the application of Andrew Jackson, president of the United States. 
Footers Tex., ii. 349. 

58 His government calls him so in a circular. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 311. 

59 The announcement was celebrated in Mexico with demonstrations of 
joy, and the black crape was removed from the national colors. It was 
thought strange that Santa Anna should speak of Texan generosity after being 
harshly treated, even a pistol being fired at him while in prison. Busta- 
mante, Voz de la Patria, MS., xii. 11-13, 47-84. 


was received with presidential honors, after which he 
retired to his estate of Manga de Clavo. It was sup- 
posed that his visit to Washington had been for the 
purpose of entering into some convention, but this 
was made to appear unfounded. 60 Being well aware 
of his loss of popularity, Santa Anna on the 4th of 
March signified his resolution to retire to private life. 61 
But on the 9th of that month he took the oath as a 
Mexican general to support the government under 
the existing regime. 

The Mexican government was apparently in earnest 
about continuing its exertions to bring Texas under 
subjection. Large bodies of troops were despatched 
at the end of 1836 to reenforce the expeditionary 
army. General Filisola was superseded by Urreay 
and the latter, shortly after, by Bravo. Efforts were 
made to awaken the people's patriotism, and some 
private parties aided with their means; but for all 
such efforts, the war henceforth was a very passive 
one. It would have been a wise policy to have recog- 
nized Texan independence and made peace, which 
would have saved Mexico from greater troubles in the 
near future. But that policy was not adopted, and 
the Texan war became a farce and a party weapon. 

In May 1839 Bernard E. Bee arrived from the 
United States at Vera Cruz, commissioned by the 
Texan government to treat with Mexico for the in- 
dependence of Texas. The government, however, re- 
fused to receive Bee, and simply instructed Victoria, 
then comandante general at Vera Cruz, to hold private 
conferences with him and ascertain the real object of 
his visit; if the independence of Texas was asked for, 
he was to make him reembark at once. Bee after 
exchanging some notes with Victoria returned to the 

60 A government circular made it known that he had frankly and positive- 
ly stated in despatches that he had entered into no treaty, capitulation, or 
engagement whatever which in any manner was binding on Mexico, or injuri- 
ous to her honor or the national territory. Arrillaga, Recop., 1837. 1-4. 

61 This intention he repeated July 7th, in a letter which was published in 
the 'Correo ' and other journals. 


United States. During the same year the Texans 
were endeavoring to form Texas and some of the 
northern states of Mexico into a North Mexican re- 
public, and there were not wanting men in these states 
holding similar views. 62 

In 1840 the Texan government, while discounte- 
nancing: raids into Mexico, such as that of Colonel 
Ross, claimed that the territory of the new republic 
extended bevond the river Nueces to the Rio Grande, 
as had been fixed by her first congress, and Colonel 
Cook was ordered there with a force of regulars to 
protect the boundary. 63 In the same year the Texan 
navy had already begun to assume proportions ; its 
officers had served in the American and other national 
navies. It began hostilities against Mexican com- 
merce in August, war vessels appearing before Mexi- 
can ports. Its men could land wheresoever they 
pleased, and its cruisers after a while approached Vera 
Cruz. Finally the Texan government made that of 
Mexico understand that if the independence of Texas 
was not recognized within a given period, the ports 
of Mexico would be blockaded and her territory in- 
vaded. The peninsula of Yucatan, having seceded 
from Mexico, admitted and saluted in its ports 
Texan war vessels, and looked to them for aid. In 
1842 they rendered assistance to Yucatan, which con- 
tributed to their support. 64 

Earlv in 1841 the Mexican forces on the Texas fron- 
tier amounted to about 2,200 men, besides the troops 
at Matamoros and San Luis Potosi. 65 General Arista 
was preparing for a campaign in Texas. The Texans, 
on their side, began to move upon the Mexican fron- 

62 The Mexican government becoming aware of it, a law was passed declar- 
ing any overt act in that direction to be high treason, punishable as such. 
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 428. 

03 Some troops of Arista's having shown themselves on the Nueces, the 
Texans prepared to fight. New Mexico was placed under martial law by the 
Mexican authorities, because it had been invaded by Texans. Id., iii. 440. 

61 In September 1841 Colonel Peraza was sent to Texas as minister of 
Yucatan to conclude a treaty of friendship and alliance against Mexico. 

65 They were stationed at different convenient places, and were provided 
with artillery. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 515-16. 526. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 12 


tier under generals Houston, Green, and Barton. In 
September large bodies of Texans appeared in New 
Mexico, the chief ones in the Canada de Trujillo, and 
on the banks of the Pecos. A few trifling encoun- 
ters took place with the Mexicans under Garcia 
Conde. 66 

In the midst of his labors, President Barragan was 
attacked by a putrid fever, which put an end to his 
life on the 1st of March, 1836. His death was uni- 
versally regretted, and his political errors condoned 
even by the most advanced liberals in consideration 
of his good personal traits, and patriotic services, es- 
pecially that of capturing San Juan de Ulua. 67 

Owing to General Barragan's illness, the chamber 
of deputies, on the 27th of February, 1836, chose 
Jose Justo Corro, of Guadalajara, to fill the position 
of acting president. Corro was called to govern the 
nation at a time when it was beset with troubles both 
internal and external, and showed himself entirely 
unfit for so responsible a position. He was a man of 
excessive piety 6S and timidity, and utterly ignorant 
of military affairs, when the country might have to 
bring into use at any moment its resources and ener- 
gies in a war with the United States on the Texas 

Amid the confusion in the interior a plan of ' con- 
cordia,' as it was called, was brought forward in June, 

66 In June 1841 an expedition, generally known as the Santa ~F6 expedition, 
had started from the neighborhood of Georgetown on Brushy to occupy New 
Mexico and induce the people there to unite with the Texans. It had a dis- 
astrous termination, most of the men being either killed or taken prisoners 
and carried to Mexico, where they languished some time in prison. They 
were finally released, which allayed the excitement of the people of Texas 
who wanted to invade Mexico. Mex., Derecho Intern., 3d pt, 237; Thrall's 
Hist. Texas, 311-15; Baker's Tex., 93-4. 

07 Barragan before his death made a whimsical disposition of his remains; 
one portion was to be buried in the cathedral of Mexico; the eyes were be- 
queathed to the Valle del Maiz, his birthplace; the heart to Guadalajara; 
the entrails to other places; the tongue to San Juan de Ulua. It is under- 
stood that he died poor. The funeral was on a scale of great magnificence, 
.the clergy manifesting their sorrow at his loss. ArriUaga, Jiecoj^., 183G, Jan. 
-June, 274-5; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., xi. 9-20. 

68 One of the most devout lawyers in the republic. His election was a 
severe blow to the escoceses, and the forerunner of their loss of influence in 
the government. Mora, Obras Sneltas, i. p. eclxxvi. 


at Puebla. Corro's government misconstrued the 
conciliatory purposes of its authors; 69 though it must 
be confessed that under the circumstances the plan 
was an impracticable one. The agitation was some- 
what allayed by the return from exile of Anastasio 
Bustamante, on whom the people began to turn their 
eyes for their next president. 

During Corro's administration in 1837 the pope 
recognized the independence of Mexico, 70 on the under- 
standing that anti-ecclesiastical laws had been re- 
pealed, the pope promising to accredit an internuncio, 
as the poverty of the holy see did not permit of his 
sending an official of higher rank. The internuncio 
was to be comfortably supported by the Mexican 
government. Corro is said to have been greatly 
pleased by so much condescension on the part of 
the pope. The same year the admiral commanding 
the French forces in the Antilles visited Mexico 
to make reclamations, which if not granted might 
have led to war. 71 

The financial affairs, like the political, were in the 
worst possible state. Money had to be borrowed on 
the most onerous terms. The army, not being paid 
with regularity, sought only promotion and honors, 
caring little for the country's good name or peace. 
The people, instead of progressing, were sinking 
deeper into the slough of ignorance and superstition. 
Such were the circumstances of the Mexican republic 
when Bustamante was elected president. 72 Corro 

69 The chief object was to promote the union of parties. The government 
said it was intended to form a new party to work against Santa Anna and 
the administration. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 291-2; Budamante, Voz de la 
Patria, MS., xi. 29-30. 

70 Manuel Diez de Bonilla, the Mexican minister of foreign relations, had 
been accredited as plenipotentiary to the' papal court to make an arrange- 
ment on spiritual affairs. A copy of his letter from Rome, dated Nov. 30, 
1836, to his department, gives details of his receptions by the pope, negotia- 
tions, etc. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. cclxxxiv.-viii.; Arrillaya, Recop., 1837, 
133-4; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., xiii. 84-96; Rivera, Hid. Jalapa, 
iii. 320, and others also furnish information on the subject. 

71 Corro's government published a pompous manifesto, but in their obse- 
quiousness to the admiral showed that they were under the influence of fear. 
Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 204. 

72 The electoral votes were as follows: for Bustamante, 57; for Gomez Pe- 


surrendered the executive authority on the 19th of 
April, 1837, 73 never again to appear in public life. 
His rule had been one of the most injurious to Mexico 
in every sense of the word. 74 

President Bustamante encountered from the first 
a number of obstacles clearly indicating how difficult 
it would be to sustain himself in power for the term 
of eight years for which he had been elected. The 
promises of his inaugural address 75 were received 
jy the nation at large with indifference. Acts, not 
theories, were wanted. The liberal masses had been, 
however, buoyed up with hopes that the new admin- 
istration would really endeavor to carry out an en- 
lightened course; but they were disappointed from 
the first, as soon as the names of the ministers called 
to form the cabinet became known, 76 for the reason 
that they belonged to the ranks of the aristocracy and 
intolerance. Luis Gonzaga Cuevas, the minister of 
relations, as a creature of Lucas Alaman, w^as gener- 
ally looked upon with distrust; Manuel de la Peiia y 

draza, 6; Bravo, 3; Santa Anna, 2. Niles' Keg., lii. 49; Arrillaga, Recop., 
1837, 300-1; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., hi. 3G3; Bustamante, Gabinete 
Mex.. i. 1-3; Id., Voz de la P atria, MS., xii. 117-18. 

73 C. M. Bustamante describes the act, adding that among the persons 
who tendered the new president their congratulations was Admiral La Bre- 
tonniere, who did it in the most courtly French, and was answered in the 
same language, the Mexicans being much delighted at having a president 
'que pudiera pedir los garvanzos en f ranee's como fruto de su estada en Paris.' 
It is well to say here that this author had undergone a change of feeling tow- 
ard the president at the time of writing. The merits of Bustamante's first 
administration belonged to the ministers, the blunders of the administration 
now beginning were the president's own. Gabinete Mex., i. 2; Id. , MS., ii. 

74 His ministers were the following: of relations, Jose' M. Ortiz Monasterio, 
oficial mayor in charge; of justice, Joaquin de Iturbide, oficial mayor in 
charge; of hacienda, Rafael Mangino, Feb. 21 to Sept. 20, 1836, Ignacio Alas, 
Sept. 21 to Dec. 18, 1836, Jose M. Cervantes, Dec. 19 to Ap. 19, 1837, ad in- 
terim; of war, Jos6 M. Tornel, Feb. 27, 1836, to Ap. 18, 1S37, Ignacio del 
Corral, Ap. 18 to April 19, 1837. Mex., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1033-4. 

75 To pursue an enlightened policy; to promote the well-being of the peo- 
ple as the source of all political power; and to see that justice was inflexibly 
awarded, without fear or favor. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 207; Niks' Reg., 
lii. 204. The congress before which the new president was inaugurated 
closed its session on the 24th of May, and reopened it on the 1st of June. 
Buntamante, Gfabinete Mex., i. 15-17; Id., MS., i. 41-3. 

76 Bustamante has it that the appointments were well received by the 
public. Id., 3-4. 


Peiia, minister of justice and ecclesiastical affairs, was 
a fanatic in religion belonging to the most moderate 
wing of the liberal party, and had held important po- 
sitions under the colonial government; Joaquin Le- 
brija, minister of the treasury, was considered incom- 
petent for the position; and Mariano Michelena, 
called to fill the portfolio of war and navy, was almost 
unknown to the army. 77 

On the 8th of May the list of the members elected 
to form the 'supremo poder conservador ' was pub- 
lished. It was as follows: Justo Corro, Rafael Man- 
gino, Jose Ignacio Espinosa, Francisco Tagle, and 
General Melchor Muzquiz. The suplentes were Cirilo 
Gomez Anaya, Jose Maria Bocanegra and Carlos 
Maria Bustamante. 78 The body was organized with 
General Muzquiz as president and Tagle as secretary. 

Shortly after the inauguration of the new govern- 
ment the news came that the Spanish court had 
formally recognized the independence of Mexico 79 in 
a treaty concluded at Madrid between the minister of 
foreign affairs, Calatrava, and the Mexican plenipo- 
tentiary, Miguel Santa Maria, on the 28th of Decem- 
ber, 1836. 89 With the sanction of the Mexican con- 
gress, on May 1, 1837, the executive ratified the treaty 
on the 3d, together with a secret article binding 
Mexico not to allow the fitting-out of expeditions, 
nor the planning of schemes within her territory 

77 A list of the ministers, and the time each of them held office, may be 
seen in Mex., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1034-5. 

78 Owing to Espinosa's death and Corro's absence, C. M. Bustamante early 
entered the body as an active member. Arrillaga, Recop., 1837, 441. 

79 Since August 1S3G orders had been issued to discontinue all acts of 
hostility against Spain and her subjects. Bustamante, Voz cle la Patrla, MS., 
xi. 47. A decree of December 15, 1833, permitted Spanish vessels to enter 
Mexican ports, and to receive all needed assistance, but they were not to fly 
their colors. Arrillaga, Recop., 183G, July-Dec, 105-6,302-4. 

80 The treaty was one not only of recognition of Mexico as an independent 
nation with all the territory she then possessed, but also of amity, commerce, 
and navigation on the basis of the most favored nations. Art. 4th stipulated 
that at an early date the two powers would negotiate a special treaty of com- 
merce on terms of mutual benefit, which was done. Bnstamante, Gabinete, 
Mex., MS., i. 0-12, 184-7; Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 865-G; ArrUlaqa, Recop., 
183S, G7-73, 3GS-72; DuUan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 388-01, 4G2-5, 530-7. 


against the Spanish possessions in the New World. 
The treaty was subsequently ratified by Spain, and 
became a law in Mexico February 28, 1838. 

About two years afterward, on the 19th of Decem- 
ber, 1839, the first Spanish minister plenipotentiary 
accredited to the Mexican government, Angel Cal- 
deron de la Barca, 81 arrived at Vera Cruz on the war 
brig Jason, and his reception was most cordial. 

The political parties hitherto existing under the 
names of yorkinos, escoceses, liberales, progresistas, 
and retrogfrados now organized themselves into two 
great parties, known respectively as federalists and 
centralists, the latter being strong in the capitals and 
other parts where the clergy and army had influence, 
and the former in places where the fallen system had 
created many interests and aspirations. This party 
was much strengthened by the accession of some mili- 
tary officers of good repute for courage and ability. 

This second administration of Bustamante compares 
unfavorably with his first, as regards respectability, 
foreign credit, and success in promoting public pros- 
perity, but was superior in its manner of using the 
supreme authority, which was moderate and within 
legal bounds. Restricted as the president was by 
constitutional checks, even from proposing measures 
to congress, or returning" for reconsideration such as 
the chambers had enacted, he seemed to be guided by 
no well defined policy, which was owing in a great 
measure to the fact that he had not the uniform co- 
operation of his party. 

Soon after Bustamante assumed power, revolts 
broke out in several parts of the republic, 82 which, 

81 A pensioned knight of the order of Carlos III. , commander of that of 
Isabel la Catolica, and of the Neapolitan order of Constantino. One of the 
queen's secretaries, and a member of her council, Calderon had also a name 
in the world of letters. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 421; Niles* Reg., lviii. 50. 
His arrival in Mexico city was on the 24th of Dec. Bustamante, Qabinete Mex. , 
i. 215. 

82 Ugarte and Est^van Moctezuma headed insurrections in San Luis Potosi 
and Rio Verde. The latter was killed, and the former capitulated under 


though quelled, kept the public peace constantly dis- 
turbed, a condition of things made still worse by the 
petitions of several military organizations in favor of 
a change in the system of government. The admin- 
istration was thus beset by internal troubles when it 
needed entire freedom to devote its whole attention 
to the Texan war, and to the relations with France, 
which were in a very strained condition, the latter 
power having lately uttered threats against Mexico. 83 

The alarms from which some portions of the coun- 
try suffered were not wholly political. Nature also 
added to the distress with heavy earthquakes and 
other calamities. 84 

The national treasury was empty, and there was no 
means of replenishing it, or even of procuring money 
to meet the most pressing demands. Direct tax- 
ation was tried and failed, private property being 
excessively encumbered already. The only estates 
exempt from heavy burdens were those of the church, 
and hence the necessity of mortgaging them began 
to grow popular. At the time the cabinet was 
formed, much had been expected from the minister 

the most favorable terms. But to attain these ends the government had to 
call troops from other departments, and even those concentrated at Mata- 
moros for the Texan campaign. There were disturbances also in New 
Mexico, Sonora, and elsewhere, and attempts to break the peace in Mexico, 
Puebla, Guanajuato, and other places. Andrade, Revol., 1-76; Id., Ccdific. 
Legal, 1-24; F'disola, Mem. Hist. Oner. Tejas, i. 507, ii. 26-36; Dur., Repre- 
sent., in Pinart, Col. Doc, 1-10; Pinart, Col. Doc. Son., ii. 279-302, 306-10; 
Mex., Supl. Diario Gob., 144-57; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 5-10, 17, 33- 
56; Id., MS., iii. 3-7, 67-81, 109-10; Id., Voz de la Pacria, MS., xii. 23, 
81-2, 113-17; Id., Mem. Juntas Quejas, 1-8; Larrainzar, in Soc. Mex. Geog. 
Bolet., iii. 132. 

83 Fears being entertained of foreign aggressions on the coast, foreigners 
were under the strictest surveillance. 

81 On the 1st of Aug. 1837, a very heavy shock was felt in Mexico. The 
night before a shock did some damage in Vera Cruz. Again, Nov. 22d, 
a shock in Mexico lasted more than five minutes, and did very serious dam- 
age to some of the strongest buildings, including the cathedral and several 
other churches. It was felt throughout the republic. Shortly before about 
520 shocks had been experienced in Acapulco, which destroyed a part of the 
town, and forced the people to abandon it. This was soon followed by 
an epidemic that killed millions of fish on both seas. The government 
adopted measures to prevent the sale of affected fish from Tampico. A great 
flood in the Rio Grande did much damage. Niles'' Peg., Hi. 402; Bustamante, 
Gabinete Mex., i. 26-7, 44-5; Id., MS., iii. 114-17; Jal. Not. Geog., in Soc. 
Mex. Geog. Bolet., vi. 314. 


of the treasury, but he accomplished nothing, and 
meantime the expenditures greatly exceeded the re- 
ceipts. Rumor succeeded rumor, each as false as the 
preceding one, but all containing a little grain of 
truth as to the president's views in favor of a change 
of system. His vacillation at last displeased the 
ministers, and they resigned in a body on the 14th of 
October. It was reported that the president wanted 
the federation restored, and the agitation was very 
great. At last, a few days later, he appointed a new 
cabinet as follows : Jose Antonio Romero, of relations ; 
Jose Maria Bocanegra, of hacienda; Ignacio Mora y 
Villamil, of war, and ad interim of justice. 85 

85 Romero's appointment displeased the opposition. Indeed, though the 
president tried to please the opposition, it was not satisfied. Bustamante, 
Gabinete Mex., i. 41. 

The following additional authorities have been consulted for the preceding 
chapter: Dublan and Lozano, Lea. Mex., iii. 132-5, 215-59, 323-38, 352-G3, 
3S9-91, 443-4, 462-5, 526-7, 664-5, 723, v. 17; Mex., Col. Ley. y 6rd., Jan.- 
May 1854, vi. 69; Mex., Col. Leyes Fund., 171-218; C6rtes, Diario Ses., 1835- 
6, ii. 227; 1836, i. 29, 211-13, ii. 111-18, 137-8; Cortes, Diario Ofic, vii. 324, 
ix. 171, x. 279-S3; Rivero, Mex. en 181$, 24-5, 119-23; Bustamante, Mem. 
Justas Quejus, \-S',Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 61-76;//., Respuesta al Alia, 
Van, 1-20; Id., Voz de la Patria, MS., xi. 1-63, xii. 1-118; Id., Gabinete Mex., 
MS., i. 1-95, 109-17, ii. 1-46, 15S-90, iii. 3-7, 67-81; Mies' Register. 1. 305, 
393, li.— Iii. passim, liii. 210, 225, 243, hi. 323, 338, lvii. 132, lxii. 49-51, 273, 
lxviii. 315-16, lxix. 98, index 'Texas;' Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guer. Tej., i. 479- 
507. ii. 4-6, 26-36, S3-9, 113-20, 135-51, 173-9; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal, 
117-32; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 169-70, 202-35; Id., Hist. Jalapa, iii. 273- 
336, 427-30, 440-2, 460-3; Arrillaga, Recop., 1836, Jan.-June 192-4, 234-9, 
252-8, 274-6, 289-96, 311-12, 334-65, 427-8, 442-5, 496; 1836, July-Dec, 48, 
54, 95-6, 124-46, 271-378; 1837, passim; 183S, 67-73, 88-9, 284-6; Kennedy's 
Tex., i.-ii. passim; Santa Anna, Biog. del Gen 1 , 29-32; Revista Esp., 20Ji 
April, 1836, 782; Tornel, Nac. Mej., 53-5; Ortega (Nunez), Mem. Relac. 
Dipl. Mex., 83-93; Rockwell's Span, and Mex. Law, 4S9-92; Mosaico Mex. t 
271, 341, 461; Suarez, Informe, 177-89: Larraiuzar, Soconusco, 102, 168; Id., 
Discurso, 6-10; Andlisis Crit. Constituc.; Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 68-72; Mayer's 
Mex. Azt., i. 321-5; Mex., Resena Hist. Negoc. Dipl. entre Esp. y Mex., 1- 
140; Vieyra, El Gob. del Dep t0 al Piibl., 1-16; Mex., Los Males Publ.; Repre- 
sent. Que los Capitulados, 1-19; Mex., Manif. Junta Depart. Mex., 1-14; 
Fonte, Discurso; Semblanzas de los Representantes, 1-46; Blasco, Discurso Cic, 
1-8; Fossey, Mex., 358-60, 505-7; Derecho Intern. Mex., 1st pt, 3S7-414, 658- 
9, 3d pt, 237; Gudino y Gomez, Oracion Patr., 13 pp.; Domenech, Hist, du 
Mex., ii. 156; Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 751-2; G rattan's Civilized America, 
ii. 255; Cutts' Conq. Col. and N. Mex., 9; Colima, Represent., 7; Caballero, 
Hist. Aim., 13; Arrangoiz, Mdj., ii. 239-40; Correo Nac., Jan. 2-3, 1849; El 
Constitucional de Me'rida, Feb. 3, 1838, 1-2; Constitucional del Istmo, May 15, 
1337; Pinart Coll.; Bolet. del Instit., i. 96; Represent' 1 que los Vecinos de Ciudad 
Victoria, 1-10; Guerra entre Mex. y los Est. Un., 16-17; Lazwenstem, Le Mex- 
ique, 83-91. 423-31; Manor. Hid., Feb. 2, 1S46, 3: Mcrida, Espusic. que el 
Ayunt., 1-12; Mex., Decreto p n el Arreglo InV de los Depart., 1-26: Mex., 
Mem. Hac, 1844, 3-9; 1870, 1033-5; Id'., Mem. Rel. Exter., 1838, 1-19; Id., 


Supl. Diario Gob. Ultimatum, 144-57; Id., Proyecto Tercera Ley Consi/t., 1- 

18; Id., Bas. y Ley. Coust'd., 1837, 1-127; Miscel. 6 Sea Colec, no. 2, 20-30; 

Nat. Calend., 18; Toluca, La Ciudady Munic.; Andrade, Revol. Comenzada 

en 8. L 




de Legi 

1-75; Enciclop. de los Sans Culottes; Alex., CompJemento; Mcx.. Proyecto 

Quint a Ley; Mex., Proyecto Setima Ley; Soc. Mcx. Geog. BoL, iii. 132, 370-2, 

vi. 314, vii. 293, viii. 154; Pinart Coll., Doc. no. 503; Diario Debates G Coiujr., 

iii. 704; Diario del Imper., June 1, 18GG, 531; Disp. Varices, ii. 81, v. 35; 

Alvarez, Manifiesto, 16-17;, Hist. Mej., v. 8G5-6; Vallejo, Col. Doc. 

Mex., i. nos 62, 65, 71; MS., i. no. 84; vol. iv. 1-120; Wappceus, Hex. and 

Cent. Amer., 124; Young'' 's Hist. Mex., 264, 307-10; Zamacois, Hist. Me}., xii. 

72-182; Maillard's Hist. Tex., passim; Houston's Letter to San/a Anna; Burke's 

Texas Almanac, 1882, passim; Mex., Mem. Eel. Exter., 1840; Diario ' 




Hist.' Mcx. War, i. 43-9; Houston's Texas, i. 206-56; JST. Am. Rev., xliii. 233- 

4, 244-57; Austin, Esposic. sobre Tejas, 1-32; Papeles Var., cxliii. pt 19, 

clxvii. pt 10; Dewees' Letters, passim; Holley's Texas, 55-72, 125-362, 393- 

410; Jenkins' Mcx. War, 31-43, 52-6; Edinb. Rev., cxlvii. 256-66; Baker's 

Hist. Tex., 32-71; Thompson's Recoil. Mex., passim; Neiceli's Rev. in Tex., 

passim; Crockett, Life of, 369-77; Rev. Amer., ii. 583-4; Willson's Amer. Hist., 

631-72; Ramseifs Other Side, 15-22; Foote's Texas, i. 7-26, 41-65, 218-92, ii. 

passim; Morphis' Hist. Tex., passim; Reid's Tramp, 42-52; Gouge's Fiscal 

J list. Tex., 1-53; Thrall's Hist. Tex., passim; Texas Aim., 1857-61, 1868-9, 

1S72, passim; Swisher's Amer. Sketchbook, iv. no. 4, 195-227, 237-51, v. no. 5, 

259-93, vi. no. 1, 76-81, no. 2, 134-9, no. 3, 214-36, no. 5, 325-45, no. 6, 409- 

27; U. S. Com. to Tex. MofU's Rept, 1837, in Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 174- 



Hunt's Address, passim; Cong. Debates, 1835-6, xii. pass-im; 1836-7, xiii. 360, 
524-8, 1010-13, 1137-40, 2010-64; 1837, xiv. 117-52; Cong. Globe, 1836-7, 6, 
8, app. 225-9; 1837, 5, 9; 1837-8, 12, 25, app. 555; 1838-9, 18, 98-9, 109-10, 
219; 1839-40, 274, 281, 541; 1841-2, app. 513; 1842-3, 79, 133, 340; Texas 
Col. Doc, nos 1-11, 13-15, 17, 29, 33. 46, 48-53, 56-9, 61-2, 64; Id., MS., 16, 
18-28, 39-45, 47, 65; U. S. Govt, cong. 22, ses. 1, Acts and Resol., app. 1-24; 
Id., cong. 23, ses. 1, Sen. Journ., 12-13; Id., cong. 24, ses. 1, H. Journ., 14, 
897-8, 1091, 1100-1, 1218-21; H. Ex. Doc, 250, 256, vol. vi.; Sen. Doc, 365, 
374, 384, vol. v.; 406, 415-16, 418, vol. vi. ; Id., cong. 24, ses. 2, H. Journ., 
11-12, 103-6, 290, 457, 492, H. Ex. Doc, 2, 35, 105, 240; Sen. Doc. 20, 84, 
172; Id., cong. 25, ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc, 40; Id., cong. 25, ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc, 
55. 74-5, vol. ii.; 196, 211, vol. iv. ; Sen. Doc 50; Id., cong. 27, ses. 2, H. 
Ex. Doc, 266; Id. , cong. 27, ses. 2, H. Journ., index 'Texas;' Sen. Doc. 1, 
vol. i.; /(/., cong. 2S, ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc, 2, vol. i. ; Sen. Do •. 351, vol. vL; 
Sen, Journ. 417, index 'Texas;' Id., cong. 29, ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc, 4. 




Foreign Reclamations— French Demands — Ultimatum and Blockade — 
Federalist Agitation — Admiral Baudin Appears on the Scene — 
Conference at Jalapa — The Mexican Gibraltar — Bombardment 
and Fall of San Juan de Ulua — Mexico Declares War — Expulsion 
of Frenchmen — Descent on Vera Cruz — Santa Anna Poses as a 
Hero and Martyr — Critical Condition of the Government — The 
Ministry of Three Days — Santa Anna Called to Assist Bustamante 
— English Mediation — Arrangement with Baudin — Disappointing 
Result of the French Expedition. 

And now comes the first brush with a foreign power, 
the penalty of a marked national failing, unfulfilled 
promises. In course of the ever-increasing number 
of pronunciamientos, with their attendant wars and 
outbreaks, foreigners suffered in common with the 
natives in person and property, with the difference 
that while the latter cried in vain to a protecting gov- 
ernment for relief, the former invoked the aid of min- 
isters and consuls to press for goodly solace. If the 
diplomatic agent represented a powerful nation, he 
generally succeeded in obtaining a profusion of — 
promises; sometimes in the shape of formal assign- 
ment of compensation; but the fulfilment was only 
too frequently thwarted by change of rulers and an 
empty exchequer. 

Prominent anions claimants were a number of 
Frenchmen, with several heaw demands dating from 
the time the Parian was sacked in 1828, notably one 
by a baker whose pastry had tempted the mob — a cir- 



cumstance which the bantering Mexicans seized upon 
to ridicule the whole affair as the pastry claims. In 
1827 the French government had formed a provisional 
agreement with Mexico for a treaty of amity, assur- 
ing for its subjects the same guaranties as had been 
granted to those of favored nations. Steps were taken 
at different times for the conclusion of the treaty, with- 
out effect, mainly because the French objected to sub- 
mit to forced contributions, 1 and to the option of the 
Mexican authorities to suspend the privilege of retail 
trading. Even the provisional convention had not 
been sanctioned by the congress, and this defect was 
used by the government as an additional excuse for 
deferring the subject. 

France finally lost patience, and seeing no attempt 
made even to examine the claims, her representative, 
Baron Deffaudis, took his departure January 16, 
1838, leaving the legation to a charge d'affaires. At 
Vera Cruz he received despatches confirming his 
attitude, 2 and inducing him to instruct French resi- 
dents in the country to form an inventory of their 
effects. The significance of such steps could not 
be misunderstood, and they were placed beyond all 
doubt by the arrival of a French squadron under 
Bazoche, in March, from on board of which Def- 
faudis dictated an ultimatum, 3 demanding the pay- 

1 The leading cases of injury to person and property are given in the ulti- 
matum presented in March 1838. Blanchard, San Juan do, Ulua, 229 et seq. 
Also, with documents and discussion in Cuevas, Esjjos. Dif. Francia; 31 ox. , 
Doc. rel. Ultimat., 1-125, etc.; Pap. Var., lxxvii. pt ii. 1-219, cl. pts i.-ii. ; 
Pena y Petia, Prdctica Forense, iv. 1-300. 

2 He was sailing out of the harbor when the French war vessel entered 
with the despatches. 

3 Dated on board UHerminie, March 21st. It reviews the leading causes 
for complaint, assassinations, robberies, and other outrages by individuals, 
mobs, and authorities, and the evasive attitude of the Mexican government, 
and demands: 1. A payment by May 15th of $600,000, at Vera Cruz, in set- 
tlement of the claims till March 1st. This amount was shown to be merely 
one half or one third of the sum really due, were accumulated interest added 
and the host of minor claims of which the minister had not received formal 
specification. 2. That the government should place no obstacles to the 
settlement of certain loans, rebate from duty, etc., due to Frenchmen and not 
included in these claims. 3. That certain Frenchmen unjustly imprisoned 
should be released, and a number of designated officials concerned in outrages 
removed. 4. That a perfect reciprocity be observed toward French agents 


ment by April loth of §600,000 in settlement of 
the reduced claims without interest, the removal 
of certain offending officials, and the observance of 
favorable reciprocity toward French residents, with 
exemption from forced contributions or any peremp- 
tory interference with their retail trading. The gov- 
ernment replied on the 25 th of March that the 
national honor could not admit a favorable considera- 
tion of the document unless the squadron retired. 
This dignified though somewhat abrupt answer re- 
ceived the approval of the congress, which that very 
night met in extraordinary public session to listen with 
tumultuous disapproval to the ultimatum. 11 It was 
not expected that France would be able to cany out 
her threats in view of the approaching yellow-fever 
season along the coast and the subsequent northers, 
which must play havoc with both ships and crews, as 
indeed they did. 5 

No satisfaction being tendered, Bazoche on April 
16th declared diplomatic relations suspended 6 and the 
ports under blockade, a measure dictated, he said, 

and subjects, on the basis enjoyed by the most favored nation, exacting no 
forced contributions and excluding no Frenchmen from retail trading without 
due indemnity. Af cer the frequent remonstrances made, an immediate answer 
might be demanded, but Deffaudis would wait till April 15th, and if satisfac- 
tion was not given he would leave Bazoche commander of the squadron, to 
carry out the orders he had received, by making reprisal on the maritime 
sources of revenue. Blanchard, San Juan tie Uliia, 229-50. Bustamante 
ridicules some of the claims made as absurd, laughs at the demand for reci- 
procity, since the French alone were enjoying the trade and other privileges, 
and stamps the document as a 'verdadero libelo. ' Gabinete, Mcx., i. 112. 
Rivera joins somewhat in this sentiment, but blames the Mexican govern- 
ment for not consenting to a joint commission for arriving at a settlement. 
J lid. Jalapa, iii. 350-1. This view has been accepted by many later Mex- 
ican writers, although, like Zamacois, they still object to certain features of 
the ultimatum. 

4 Af ter which it was referred to the committee on government. The gov- 
ernment had given notice to the chambers already on February 1st of the 
impending demand- See comments of the press in Diarlo Ofic. , March 27th, 

5 Also from scurvy. & FI ermime alone shows the following progress of the 
fever. On June 15th, 23 on the sick-list, in July 74, in August 93 to 167, on 
September 11th, 343, and this out of 500 men! After this came a hurricane 
which assisted to break the pest, but inflicted damage on the shipping. Blan- 
chard, San Juan de Uhia, 71 et seq. 

6 Shortly after Senor Garro, the Mexican minister at Paris, received liia 
passports for England, after being refused an audience by the king. Voto Xac, 
Sept. 25, 1838. Charge d'affaires De Lisle left Mexico April 23d. 


not against the nation, but against the government. 
This announcement was intended, while soothing the 
masses, to strengthen the opposition to Bustamante; 
and not without success, for the federalists grew more 
confident as they saw the supreme authorities becom- 
ing involved. Pronunciamientos increased in every 
direction, under the wing of Guzman in Michoacan, 
under Olarte in the mountains of Puebla and ad- 
joining provinces, breaking out with particular force 
in Tampico, and under Urrea in Sonora and the re- 
gion southward; 7 besides which the Texan question 
came looming up again. Chiapas was threatened 
with a Guatemalan invasion, 8 and San Luis Potosi 
with military mob rule, due partly to an impoverished 
treasury that could not provide pay for the troops 
or means to execute the plans of the cabinet. The 
president had to ask permission to contract fresh loans 
for meeting the difficulty, and received special powers. 9 
Orders were issued to strengthen the coast defences. 
Additional troops were levied and several volunteer 
corps formed, 10 but in so spasmodic and unsatisfactory 
a manner as to evoke an outcry from several quar- 
ters. 11 The government aimed rather at securing it- 
self against the federalists and other opponents than 
at protecting the country. Comandante General 
Rincon of Vera Cruz, for instance, was directed to 
strengthen the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, the so- 

7 For which see Hist. North Mex. States, ii. , this series, and Hist. Cal. , iii. , 
for the similar movement in California. 

8 Which went so far at least as to promote a revolution under ex-Governor 
Gutierrez; but it was defeated. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. G7-8. 

9 Decrees in Dub Ian and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 512-34. A loan of 
$j, 000,000 was twice enjoined, and an extra tax of $4,000,000. Details in 
Mex., Mem. Hac, 1838, 3 et seq.; Romero, Mem., 181-4, etc. 

10 Some known as juntas de honor, others as defenders of the country. 
Different classes combined into distinct organizations, such as the Commercial 
Regiment. Mex., Col. Ley. y_ Dec, 1839, 30-8, 90-105, 133-4, 161-3; Arri- 
llaga, llecoj)., 1838, 53G-9, 551-4. By decree of June 13th, the army was to 
be raised to 70,000 men. Id., 273-4. See also observations of Tornel, Carta, 
7-2o; Pap. Var., ccxix. pt. iv. , concerning contract for arms. Tornel, Mani- 
fest. , 1 . A proposal to seize church property was defeated. 

11 Carlos Bustamante, member of the poder conservador, or supreme council, 
and professed friend of the president, came out in more than one pamphlet. 
Ya es T tempo, 1-4; Males y Males; also in Voz de la Patria, MS., xiv. 


called Gibraltar of America, defending "Vera Cruz 
harbor, but felt so hampered by the lack of funds that 
he proposed to resign. 12 Nevertheless he presented a 
bold front, and Bazoche did not deem it prudent to 
attack the fortress with his fever-stricken ships. 

The blockade, while cutting deep into the custom- 
house revenue, did not appear to impress the Mexi- 
cans, and France felt it necessary to act energetically 
on the position taken. Deffaudis had gone home to re- 
port, and in his place was sent Rear- Admiral Charles 
Baudin, with several ships to swell the squadron, 
and with full power to effect a settlement, peaceably 
or by force. He reached Vera Cruz toward the close 
of October, and sent at once a commissioner to Mexico 
requesting an answer to the late ultimatum. 13 This 
led to a conference at Jalapa on November 17th be- 
tween Baudin and Cuevas, minister of foreign affairs. 
The former insisted on the main points already pre- 
sented, u but while prepared to abate the additional 

12 He had to borrow small sums from the merchants, and supply the lack 
of troops with local volunteers. See his llamfiesto, 17, 23, and appendix, 
supported by Rivera. Hist. Jalapa, iii. 356-8, 364, 384. 

13 The note is dated October 27, 1838, on board the frigate N6r6ide. It 
protests against the excuse that Mexico is in a state of revolution, and that 
foreigners choosing to reside there do so at their own risk. Such maxims are 
at variance with her own desire to be admitted in the sisterhood of civilized 
nations, and with the provisional agreement of 1827. If a nation cannot 
maintain order within her territory she must learn to suffer. Foreigners are 
useful and necessary for Mexico's prosperity and advancement. Blanchard, 
San Juan de Ulua, 251-9. The note was carried by Captain Leroy. 

14 Baudin's bases were: 3. Confirmation of the convention of 1S27 till a 
regular treaty of amity could be arranged. 4. Xo reclamations by Mexico 
for French sequestrations. 5. Payment of $200,000 to defray the expenses of 
the expedition. The total $800,000 had to be paid within 30 days. An ad- 
ditional secret clause demanded that holders of the so-called 17 per cent, loan 
should be free to present in payment of duty the proportion thereof agreed 
upon. Articles 1, 2, 4, and part of 3, of former ultimatum, were insisted upon. 
Cuevas consented to pay, within six months after the date of the convention, 
$600,000 in settlement of all pecuniary responsibility prior to March 21, 1S3S, 
but required that Mexico should be at liberty to decide upon the punishment 
of the objectionable officials. The exemption from forced contributions or 
loans was no longer applicable, for the congress had decided to use no such 
measures in future. The other points should be submitted to English arbitra- 
tion. Existing differences being settled by the acceptance of this proposal 
the French fleet should retire, surrendering the sequestrated vessels. Steps 
would at once be taken to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce, and 
meanwhile the most favorable reciprocity should prevail. Baudin yielded as 


demand for §200,000 to cover the expenses of his ex- 
pedition, he could obtain no satisfactory promises 
regarding the exemption from forced contributions or 
the enjoj^ment of retail trade, nor guaranties for the 
payment of the $600,000 now conceded, although de- 
ferred for six months. He accordingly left Jalapa 
on the 21st, with the declaration that unless his 
terms were accepted by noon on the 27th he would 
then begin hostilities. The congress and people had 
great confidence in their Gibraltar, which held out so 
long under Spain, and the hitherto passive operations 
of the fleet encouraged the general desire for resisting 
foreign demands which were represented as humiliat- 
ing. The ignominious failure of the Spanish expe- 
dition was still fresh in mind. And so the chambers 
declared unanimously against yielding. 15 The presi- 
dent issued the usual florid proclamation 16 offering to 
sacrifice his life in defence of national honor, but 
failed to exhibit any effective promptness in his meas- 
ures. General Arista was sent to reenforce Vera 
Cruz with 1,000 men, who of course arrived on the 
scene when too late. 

regards the punishment of the officials, and even renounced the demand for 
expenses. Several minor modifications of clauses were admitted on both 
sides, bearing partly on the convention of 1827. Full text of correspondence 
and projects may be consulted in Guevas, Espos. Dif. Francla, and in Pesado, 
Doc. Confcrcncias en Jalapa, Mexico, 183S, 1-5G. See also the official 
French version in Blanchccrd, San Juan de Ulua, 261-85, 301-5. The frag- 
mentary accounts in Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 377-9, Bustamante, Gabine'e 
Mex., i. 119, etc., followed by Zamacois, either miss or perversely neglect the 
main points. Additional authorities will be given in a later note. The pro- 
posed English arbitration was not entertained, nor had Mexico listened to it 
when offered shortly before ' porque sabiamos de Londres que nada deberia- 
mos esperar favorable.' Id., 11G-18. This writer believes that mediation on 
the part of Prussia or Russia might have succeeded, for ' it was known ' that 
France would have eagerly accepted a decorous compromise. A strong ad- 
mission by so rabid a Mexican advocate, in face of the wide charge that 
Baudin was anxious for naval achievements. Mex., Mem. Min. Bel., 1839, 2 
et seq. Interference on the part of the United States was at one time pro- 
posed by the Mexican envoy. See also remonstrances by English traders in 
Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pt 129; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 214-15, declares that 
Cuevas was an obstacle to any arrangement and Bustamante blinded to the 
state of affairs. 

10 Bustamante asserts that the capital was ripe for revolution against 
any concession to France. The deputies were threatened with assassination 
if they yielded. Ubi sup. 

1G Bustamante, A sus Habitantes, 1-7; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pts 122-3. 


Baudin, on the other hand, had not been idle. The 
anchorage-ground round San Juan de Ulua had been 
examined, and observations made for effective cannon- 
ading of different points, and under the cover of night 
boat parties had made soundings beneath the very 
batteries to perfect the plans for a prospective assault, 
especially from the reefs of la Gallega, which approach 
it on the north, hidden by the tide. The fortress cov- 
ered the whole extent of a small coral islet, the con- 
tinuation of this reef, and situated half a mile north- 
east of Vera Cruz, forming the line of shelter for the 
harbor in this direction. The rather low walls rising 
from the sea enclosed a slightly irregular parallelogram, 
with a bastion at each angle, and further relieved at 
the south-west and south-east points respectively, by 
a lighthouse of brick and a square tower, Caballero, 
ninety feet high, of dazzling whiteness, and surmount- 
ed by a belvedere whence ships were signalled. The 
bastions on the north-west were separated by a tide- 
covered channel with its redoubt from the half-moon 
line of low batteries infolding that side. The structure 
looked imposing enough for its name. Unfortunately, 
it was built of soft madrepore, except the side facing 
the harbor, 17 and with hardly any casemates to protect 
the gunners. The artillery was besides of inferior 
calibre and poorly mounted, and the whole in a state 
of utter neglect since the Spaniards surrendered the 
place. The late circumscribed efforts of Rincon to 
remedy the numerous defects had been superficial, 
serving mainly to infuse a degree of false confidence. 
The garrison consisted of about 1,200 men, under 
General Gaona, the commandant. 18 

During the morning of November 27th the anchor- 
age round the fortress presented a most animated ap- 

17 Constructed, it is said, of stones brought from Spain in course of time 
as baiiu^t. See plan as given in chapter ii. 

18 Rincon placed the condition clearly before the people in his subsequent 
defence. Manifesto, pp. vii.-viii., xxi.-ii., 12G, 137, etc.; also Lannza, Vin- 
dication, 3, etc.; Pap. Var., clxxxix. pt x.; Blanchard, San Juan de Ulua, 
294-5; Farragut, Life, 134; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 359. 



pearance, signals flying, and boats hurrying to and fro 
with orders among the French squadron, which ex- 
hibited a total of 26 vessels, including transports, with 
about 4,000 men, 19 out of which three frigates, two 
bomb-ketches, to the north-east and north respectively, 
and one sloop of war were designated for the first day's 
fight, employing 104 guns, while several other vessels 
cruised in different directions, some to observe the 
effect of the shells and correct the aim by signals. 20 
The ships were allowed to take up position unrno- 

San Juax de Ult^a. 

lested, although a few shots might have disabled the' 
steamers employed for the purpose. 21 At half-past two 

la According to the list issued a month later, which does not include the 3 
or 4 small vessels seized from the Mexicans prior to November 27th. This lisb 
shows 4,318 men. 

20 Rincon, Manijiesto, p. L, adds 2 frigates, 2 steamers, and a brig to the 
active participants, but the official list in Blanchard is as above. The cele- 
brated Farragut, who witnessed the operation, praises Baudin for his plan. 
1 He would be undoubtedly a vara avis in any navy. He is about fifty years of 
age, has lost his right arm, looks like a north Europe man, . . .with the expres- 
sion of great decision, with firmness and activity to execute his well digested 
plans.' Letter in Farragut, Life, 133. 

21 This was made a charge against Gaona, but he had orders not to begin 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 13 


in the afternoon 22 they opened fire with a perfect hail of 
shells and bombs. The former penetrated from twelve 
to eighteen inches into the soft coral walls, there to ex- 
plode, " tearing out whole masses of stone, and in some 
instances rending the wall from base to top." 23 Such 
results had not even been dreamed of by the aston- 
ished garrison; nevertheless they responded with great 
spirit, and forth over the gleaming water rolled the 
thunder from a hundred guns, the dense smoke encir- 
cling for a while the batteries. It was mainly bluster, 
however, for neither artillery nor gunners were capable 
of much precision, while the powder, most miserable 
stuff, barely brought the heavier balls within reach of 
the vessels. This lent fresh assurance to the French, 
who with more and more correct aim added to the ex- 
ecution, silencing one gun after another, and scattering 
destruction also within the batteries, now among the 
infantry ranged along the curtains in case of an assault, 
now among: the handful of artillerists. For the first 
two hours the gaps in the latter ranks were filled, but 
after this no substitutes could be obtained, and the 
firing stopped at frequent intervals for lack of men. 
An hour after the first broadside a bomb struck the 
magazine of battery San Miguel, which exploded with 
a terrific detonation, belching forth in a volume of 
flames, stones, war material, and human remains torn 
into a thousand fragments. Shortly after the belvedere 
of the lofty Caballero sprang into the air with its load 
of soldiers, yet strange to say, the staff which here up- 
held the flag remained intact, and as the smoke cleared 
from the mutilated summit, the colors fluttered a de- 
fiance to the foe, cheering the brave defenders to fresh 
efforts. But what availed mere spirit when hands 
were lacking for the enginery of war which here played 

hostilities, and it was expected till the last moment that the government 
might yield to Baudin. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 385. The dispositions of 
Gaona are given in his report. Rincon, Manifesto, 120-1. 

22 A delay beyond the specified noon hour, caused by a letter from Cuevas 
which contained merely unimportant concessions, such as offering monthly 
instalments on the $600,000 payment. 

23 Farragut, loc. cit. 


the sole role. It was no longer a matter of mere guns ; 
battery after battery grew silent, and before six o'clock 
almost the whole exterior line had been abandoned, 
in many cases with the wounded, who could not be 
carried off under the scathing hail of explosives and 
debris. Even the interior lines responded feebly, at 
last with only an occasional sputter, like the gasp of 
the dying. Most of the ammunition had exploded, and 
over 200 of the most indispensable men, including four 
superior officers, had been killed or disabled, leaving 
the fortress practically defenceless. The sun had set, 
and soon the gathering gloom interposed between the 
combatants. The bombardment ceased, and only at 
intervals for another hour a bomb came crashing in 
upon the desolation. The French also welcomed the 
respite, for although not over a dozen of their men 
had fallen, the vessels had suffered somewhat and 
needed overhauling. The bustle merely changed in 
form to active preparations for the morrow, when the 
battle should begin anew. 24 

Gaona on his side recognized that he was powerless 
to continue the struggle. The fortress was no longer 
tenable; and fearing that the enemy might attempt a 
descent during the night, he resolved to gain time at 
least by proposing a suspension of hostilities, under 
plea of collecting the wounded and burying the dead. 
At the same time he addressed himself to Rincon for 
instructions. Fearing the responsibility, this general 
gave the commission to inspect the fort to Santa 
Anna, who had hurried from his country seat to offer 
his services against the invaders. A glance convinced 
him that to prolong the defence there meant purely a 

24 The bulletin at the close of the day admitted only 4 killed and 29 
mounded. Blanchard, San Juan de Ulua, 333-7. This speaks of 210 killed 
among the garrison, and Farragut states that 222 Mexican sailors perished in 
the outer batteries. Life, 130; but Gaona's lists exhibit only G5 slain and 147 
wounded. Rincon, Manijiesto, 124-5; 'Mas de ciento cincuenta heridos y 
otros tantos muertos,' maintains Bustamante. Gabinete Mex., i. 128. The 
Mexicans allude vaguely to 40 guns firing against 140 French, while Baudin 
gives a list of 20 silenced guns, 133 mounted and 54 dismounted, ranging from 
8 to 24 in calibre. Of the 104 French guns used, 6 were eighty-pounders and 
the rest thirty. 


sacrifice of life, and the council over which he thereupon 
presided voted unanimously to capitulate, for Baudin 
would accord no delay beyond the morning. And so 
fell the Gibraltar, after a few hours' bombardment. 
The French took possession at 2 o'clock in the after- 
noon of November 28th, after allowing the garrison 
to retire with honors of war, and promising to restore 
the fortress as soon as all differences were adjusted. 25 
Vera Cruz being now at the mercy of the new hold- 
ers of Ulua, Rincon was compelled to enter into a 
special agreement to reduce the garrison of the port 
to 1,000 men, and receive back and indemnify expelled 
Frenchmen, Baudin offering in return to suspend the 
blockade for eight months. 26 

At Mexico the news evoked the cry of treason, 
with a violent denunciation of Bustamante's lack of 
promptness in consonance with the inspiring sound 
of war-hymns along the streets. The government 
found it necessary to follow the current by ignoring 
the capitulation, and supplementing the act with a 
declaration of war. An attendant feature was the 
expulsion of French residents, proposed already in 
the spring, but now enforced with a certain harsh- 
ness. 27 The president further stilled the outcry 

25 The troops agreeing not to serve against France within eight months. 

26 The French were allowed to seek fresh provisions. All excess beyond 
the 1,000 allowed for garrison, had to retire to a distance of ten leagues from 
the port. Among the reasons for the capitulation were the scanty remnant 
of ammunition, the lack of artillerists for more than ten guns, the demoli- 
tion of so many batteries and dismounting of cannon, and the discouragement 
of the men at the slaughter. Santa Anna had suggested that the fortifica- 
tions facing Vera Cruz should be blown up, a standing order with the former 
viceroys, who were also to entrap invaders along the intricate roads to Jalapa 
or Orizaba. As the French flag rose over Ulua the English man-of-war joined 
with the rest in saluting it. Comments, with documents, in Bustamantc, 
GaMnete Mex., i. 125-37; Arrillaga, fiecop., 1839, 3. Both Rincon and 
Gaona were called to answer for their conduct. 

27 They had to leave towns within three days, and the country within fif- 
teen. Those married to Mexicans or disabled, if well behaved, were exempt. 
Decrees of Dec. 1, 1838. Id., 1838, 539-41. The outcry against so brief a 
term caused it to be extended to two months, mainly at the intercession of 
the foreign ministers. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mcx., iii. 564-7, 570. Cir- 
culars of March 13 had enjoined good treatment of Frenchmen, in view of the 
popular ferment. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mcx. , MS. , i. pts 85, 127. Now this feeling 
had grown so strong that many hastened to leave at once. On Dec. 8th, 225 


against himself by appointing the resolute General 
Paredes minister of war. 28 The regular army was 
ordered to be increased to 33,000 men, with an enrol- 
ment of volunteers 29 for repelling invasion, and rein- 
forcements were hurried down to the coast, Santa 
Anna being at the same time charged to replace the 
disgraced Rincon on the strength of the favorable 
impression created by his prompt appearance on the 
scene. This general communicated the declaration 
of war, and summoning Arista to his aid, they began 
to prepare for a defence of the plaza of Vera Cruz. 
Baudin expressed his regrets at the act, and intimated 
with brusqueness that he could raze the city to the 
ground in a moment, but he would not retaliate 
upon an innocent population for the deeds of its gov- 
ernment. At the same time he quietly took the res- 
olution to render ineffective the preparations at the 

Early the following morning, on December '5th, 
he sent three divisions to the city, with orders for two 
of them to carry the two forts Santiago and Concep- 
cion, which flanked it on the east and west respect- 
ively, spike the guns and otherwise disarm them, 
while the third division marched to the residence of 
Santa Anna with the view to capture him. An un- 
usually heavy fog came to assist the movement, and 
the first divisions were readily enabled to surprise the 
forts. More difficult was the task of the third, led 
by Prince de Joinville, a son of the king. He 
landed on the quay before the central gate and broke 
it open with a petard, capturing the cannon defending 
the entrance. The noise warned the sleeping Santa 

were leaving the capital, with their wives and nearly 400 attendants, when they 
were stopped and deprived of their horses. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 139. 
See comments on good treatment in Cuevas, Espos. Dif. Francia, 15-18; Pap. 
Var.y cl. pt 2; Alex., Expos. Condic, 263-6. Other foreigners suffered some- 
what in the excitement, and the Belgian legation was violated. Diario Gob., 
Dec. 5, 1838. 

28 Moran having resigned. A commission came actually to demand that 
Bustamante should relinquish the presidency. 

20 Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 535, 543-4; Mex*, Decreto para Organ., 1-7 J 
Vallejo, etc. 



Anna, who rushed half-clad from his house just in 
time to escape. Not so the less suspicious Arista, 
who was caught in his room. The column there- 
upon turned to disable the defences along the south 
line, and on arrival of the other parties an attack 
was made on the barracks of la Merced. Here the 
scattered Mexicans made a stout resistance and main- 
tained a galling fire on the assailants, who suffered 
greatly. Baudin coming up declared the movement 
both costly and needless, and ordered a retreat, for it 
was not his intention to hold the town. 


Vera Cruz. 

Santa Anna, meanwhile, had kept himself at a safe 
distance, collecting what troops he could and waiting 
for the summoned force of Arista. Learning" of the 
retrogade march, however, he thought the moment 
had arrived to share in the credit earned by the 
defenders of the barracks, by pretending to chase the 
French. He came up after the greater part had em- 
barked, and made a valiant dash at the few still left. 
These had taken the precaution to cover the approach 
with one of the captured cannon, and as he pressed 


toward them at the head of his men a charge of 
grape-shot raked the line, killing two officers and 
seven soldiers and wounding a large number, among 
them Santa Anna, who was hit in the left leg and 
hand, his horse being shot. A few more volleys were 
exchanged ere the mist hid the departing boats, and 
shortly after, as it cleared away, Baudin retaliated for 
his losses by shelling down the troublesome barracks, 30 
an operation which frightened the inhabitants into 
abandoning the town. The troops also withdrew 
from a place now utterly defenceless to the adjoining 
Pozitos, whither the suffering Santa Anna had been 

This general had behaved far worse than the dis- 
graced Rincon, in allowing himself to be so readily 
surprised by the enemy, keeping carefully in the 
background during the main fight, and finally evacu- 
ating the city; but he possessed one shining quality — 
a brazen assurance that bordered on genius. He 
understood the feelings of the masses at this moment; 
how readily they could with a little bombast be hood- 
winked into the belief that he had achieved a gratify- 
ing victory — for had not the boats retired ! and above 
all to accept him as a martyred hero bleeding for 
his country. In order to deepen the impression, he 
wrote as from his death-bed, relating how he had 
driven the foe into the sea, with losses reaching far 
beyond the hundred. "Cast aside discord," he con- 
tinued, "and unite against the French. As for me, 
forgive my political errors, and deny me not the only 

30 The French exhibit a loss of 8 killed and 60 wounded, which the Mexi- 
cans swell into far greater actual loss, while admitting heavy casualties. 
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 401. It is also stated that Santa Anna was hit by 
grape-shot from the boats while prancing on the quay. Arista came out 
with the usual Manifesto, 1-10, to explain his capture. He was released on 
Jan. 27th. Bustamante supports Santa Anna's charge, that the French 
attacked while negotiations were pending, Oabinete Mex., i. 140; and the 
latter reply that Santa Anna quietly closed the gates of Vera Cruz on Dec. 
4th, ere declaring war, with a view to capture the prince and other officers 
then on a visit. See also Fosse//, Mex., 511; Bazancourt, Max., 121-2, 131-2. 
Mexican accounts place the French columns at 1,100-1,500, while Fossey 
intimates only 550. 


title I desire to transmit to my children, that of a 
true Mexican." The farce succeeded. The one ab- 
sorbing theme throughout Mexico now became the 
noble and patriotic Santa Anna. San Jacinto and 
all the rest were consigned to oblivion beneath the 
pedestal of the hero. Even more. His leg, amputated 
at Pozitos, was afterward removed from its resting- 
place at Manga de Clavo and deposited midst im- 
posing ceremonies at Mexico. 31 

As the abandonment of Vera Cruz became known 
the discontent burst out anew, directed as before 
against the government. The cabinet resigned, and 
Bustamante vielded so far as to offer the interior 
and foreign portfolios to two well known federalists, 
Rodriguez Puebla and Gomez Pedraza. Thev took 
possession on December 13th, and the very same day, 
after taking the oath to the existing constitution, 
they presented a bill to the council for the formation 
of a consultative body, composed of one deputy from 
each department, and for the convocation of an assem- 
bly to revise the organic law of 1824, the president 
being meanwhile invested with extraordinary powers. 
The council rejected the bill; but the ministry had 
already summoned the chambers for their purpose, and 
before them they repeated the arguments, encouraged 
by a large federalist representation in the galleries. 
The same audience served undoubtedly to impose upon 
those deputies who would have risen indignantly 
against the project, and answers were modified to re- 
monstrances against it as ill-timed tinder the prevailing 
critical circumstances, with a final determination for 

31 Under a fine monument. Santa Anna had the weakness to be present 
on the occasion, in Sept. 1842, to listen to the fulsome eulogy. Specimen in 
Sierra y Rosso, Dlscurso, 1-8; Pap. Var., xlii. pt iv., xxxviii. pt ix. He 
also received a cross to commemorate the fight. C. Bustamante, as a good 
centralist, tells the story with pathetic earnestness. Gabinetc Mex., i., 141-5; 
Voz de la Patrla, MS., xiv. 210, etc.; but others, at first secretly and later 
openly, spared not their ridicule, as Villa- Amor, Blog. Santa Anna, 17-18, 
who also declares that the general shrieked greatly, especially during the 
amputation, which was clumsily performed, for that matter. 


the poder conservador to announce the people's will 
on the subject. The crowd thereupon sallied into the 
streets, shouting, "Viva la federacion" ! Others took 
up the cry and proceeded to ring the bells, and to re- 
lease the lately imprisoned federalist conspirators, no- 
tably Farias and Father Alpuche, who were conducted 
in triumph to their residences. Fortunately for peace, 
the garrison did not join in the outbreak, and the 
patrols were soon able to restore order, Alpuche re- 
turning of his own accord to prison. The movement 
lacked strength. Bustamante accordingly declined 
to enter into the views of his cabinet, such as con- 
voking an assembly and taking possession of church 
property, and accepted the resignation of the members 
on the 18th. So ended the ministry of three days. 32 
It was not easy under the circumstances to prevail 
upon eligible men to form a new cabinet; finally 
Gorostiza, famed as dramatic writer, Cortina, Lebrija, 
and Tornel accepted the portfolios for foreign affairs, 
finances, interior, and war, respectively. 33 This was on 
the whole a very desirable combination; but Busta- 
mante personally did not gain by it, for Tornel joined 
in the pressure to intrust the direction of affairs 
during the crisis to the firm and popular Santa Anna. 
Bustamante indeed began to think it well to yield, 
especially as he would thereby relieve himself of a 
serious responsibility. He accordingly pretended that 
the spreading revolt centred at Tampico required his 
personal attention, and the poder conservador selected 

32 An explanation of their motives appeared in Verdadera Noticia de los 
Tres Dias de Ministerio Mex., 1839, 1-32; and Puebla issued another in Minis- 
terio de Tres Dias, admitting that he aimed solely at a change of system. 
Some little known comments on these are given in Bustamante, Diario, MS., 
xlv. 215-17; Id., Voz de la Patria, MS., xiv. 229-40. Satirical observations 
in Testamento del D'/funto, 1-12; Pap. Var., lxxvii. pt v. 

33 Gorostiza had been made a member of the government council in Feb- 
ruary. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., i. pt 81; Mex., Mem. Min. Int., 1838, 
2-3. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xii. 171, names only two ministers, and those 
wrongly, copying a vague utterance of Bustamante. In March, Pesado re- 
placed Romero in the interior department, but resigned not long after. Tornel 
was a member of the poder conservador, yet received permission to enter the 


for provisional president during his absence the maimed 
hero of Vera Cruz. 34 

The prospect of again figuring as ruler at the capi- 
tal, from which he had so long been kept an exile by 
the fiasco at San Jacinto, did more than all the doc- 
tors toward the convalescence of Santa Anna. He 
transferred the command of the coast to ex-president 
Victoria and hastened to Mexico, receiving there, on 
February 17, 1839, an ovation that must have equalled 
even his egoistic expectations. The most consoling 
feature was undoubtedly the triumph achieved over 
the many bitter opponents who had for over two 
years showered unopposed their abuse and ridicule. 
The decoration now publicly conferred upon him for 
driving the French into the sea silenced them for a 
time at least. Bustamante was wholly eclipsed. He 
felt not only mortified, but afraid that his ambitious 
substitute would retain the presidential chair if he once 
obtained possession; and so he delayed his departure 
under pretence of perfecting preparations against the 
French as well as the federalists. 35 Santa Anna fully 
understood feelings so readily suggested by his own 
scheming nature, and thought it necessary to assure 
him that he had no designs on the chair. "March 
at once against the rebels," he added, "or I shall 
have to go." 

The French question had now assumed another 
phase. The blockade and other disorders attending 
it were felt especially by the English, 33 and Minister 

34 By decree of Jan. 33, 1839. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1839, 15-16. Gen- 
eral Moran, as president of the council, should have taken the place, but he 
pleaded illness, perhaps advisedly. During the recent crisis Santa Anna was 
proposed for dictator in case the government should be unable to restore 
order. Mix., Dictdmen Comis.; Pap. Var., xliii. pt iii. 16. 

35 Troops and funds were collecting in different quarters, a portion being 
sent to Vera Cruz under Codallos, who was replaced by Valencia. Santa 
Anna joined in the contributions offered for defence by conspicuously ten- 
dering his estate for mortgage. For donations, see Mdx.. Col. Ley. y Dec, 
1839, 5-10; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pts 129, 152; ArrHlar/a, Reeop., 1839, 
201-5, 258. Governor Salonio of Vera Cruz is praised for his energetic aid 
by Rivera. Hist. Jalapa, iii. 364. 

ao For extent, stringency, etc., see Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex.,\. pts 126, 129; 


Packenham, who arrived about this time, again offered 
mediation. The first flush of resentment over, the 
Mexicans began to realize that a continuation of the 
struggle must prove disadvantageous to themselves, 
especially with the federalist movement upon them. 
The French, on their side, were not prepared for deeper 
entanglement, particularly in face of the concentration 
of English war vessels, whereof a squadron of thirteen, 
surpassing their own in strength, had anchored before 
Vera Cruz. 37 Nor did they care to face another sum- 
mer's ravage of yellow fever on this coast. As victors, 
in possession of the leading fortress of the republic, 
and commanding the ports, they could afford to enter- 
tain even concessions; and so Baudin admitted the 
proposal now made, although not till the English had 
yielded to his scruples by reducing their fleet to an 
equality with his own. 33 

After a conference of two days, attended on the 
part of Mexico by Minister Gorostiza and General 
Victoria, a treaty and a convention were signed on 
March 9th, whereby Mexico promised to pay $600,- 
000 within six months, 39 in settlement of French 
claims prior to November 26, 1838, and accord to 
French citizens the same privileges as were enjoyed 
by those of the most favored nation. The restitution 
of, or indemnity for, captured Mexican vessels and 
cargoes, and compensation to expelled Frenchmen, 
were questions referred to a third power. 40 This being 

MS., i. pts 89, 90; Arrillaga, Becop., 1838, 214, 400, etc.; 1839, 3-11, 34-7; 
Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 482. With observations in Hansard's 
Pari. Deb., xliv. 722; Niles 1 Beg., liv. 177, etc.; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1839, 27. 

37 At the close of Dec. 1838. It was Admiral Paget's fleet, for the time 
under Commodore Douglas. List in Blanchard, San Juan de Ulua, 404-5. 

38 There was ground for scruples in view of the debates in the parliament 
at London, hinting at French designs and English honor and interests. See 
Hansard's Pari. Deb., xlvi. 891-940. 

39 In three instalments, on Vera Cruz custom-house. 

40 The treaty, containing 5 articles, establishes perpetual peace; refers to 
arbitration the indemnity for vessels taken after the fall of Ulua, and for ex- 
pelled Frenchmen, as well as for Mexicans injured after Nov. 26, 183S; de- 
clares for favorable reciprocity until a treaty of commerce may settle the 
details, and stipulates that Ulua shall be restored so soon as the treaty is 
ratified, which is to be don-j within 12 days. The convention, in 4 articles, 
concedes the $300,030 inde2nni';y; refers to arbitration the question whether 


ratified by Santa Anna, San Juan de Uhia was sur- 
rendered on April 7th, 41 and the French fleet retired 
with a number of old cannon as trophies, leaving the 
task of conciliation to Baron Alley de Cypres, the 
new minister, whose tact and discrimination were 
hardly equal to the occasion. Mexicans sought con- 
solation in abusing a dilatory and inefficient govern- 
ment, and in giving prominence to those who had 
sustained national honor by a brave though futile re- 
sistance. , They undoubtedly found a certain relief in 
considering that France had achieved but a barren 
triumph; for the loss sustained in trade and influence 
in Mexico, in outlay for the expedition and injury to 
her citizens, far outweighed the indemnity obtained. 42 

Mexican vessels and cargoes taken during the blockade and after shall be re- 
garded as lawful prey or not; promises not to hamper the payment of recog- 
nized French claims, not included in the $600,000 amount. Signed by Goros- 
tiza, Victoria, and Baudin, at Vera Cruz, March 9, 1839. The ratifications 
arc dated at Mexico March 21st, and at Neuilly July 6th. Text in D uhlan and 
Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 617-19, 692-3; also in Arrillaqa, Recop., 1839, 95-8; 
Mex., Col. 'Ley. y Dec, 1840, 376-86. Allusions in Mex., Mem. Bel, 1839, 
3; Id., 1840; concerning last payment, in Niles' Reg., lvii. 164, 224. Fully 
600,000 francs remained unclaimed for years after to prove the excessive- 
ness of the demand, observe the Mexicans. Cuevas, Espos., 48-9; Pay no, 
Cuentas, Gastos, 923-4. The most exhaustive work on this episode is San 
Juan de Ulua, on Relation de U Expedition Francaise au Mexique, by P. 
Blanchard and A. Dauzats, with notes by Maissin, published by order of the 
king. Paris, 1839, 4°, 591 pp., with illustrations, mainly by Blanchard, who, 
assisting also as interpreter, had additional opportunity for gaining informa- 
tion. He accompanied Baudin's representative to Mexico and other places, 
and used his pen freely in observations on the scenery, the people, and their 
institutions, all of which serve to add variety and interest to the narrative, 
the attractive style of which owes much to the revision of Dauzats. The 
diplomatic features of the case are given special attention in Mex., Supl. 
Diario Gob., 342 and 95 pp.; Pap. Var., lxxvii. pts 2, 7, clxxiv. pt 7; Mex. 
Pamphlets, i. pt 10; with observations in Maillard's Hist. Tex., 132-48; Ar- 
rangoiz, Mej., ii. 240-3; Dubois, Mex., 115-18; Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 
159-61; Girard, Excurs., 10-13, etc.; Larenaudidre, Mex. et Guat., 241-52; 
France and Mexico, 3-24; Beaumont, Res. Question Mex, 1-41; Escalera y 
Liana, Mex. Hist. Descript., 55-61. 

41 The chamber of deputies approved the treaty by a vote of 17 against 12, 
and the senate by 12 against 3. A heavy fire occurred at Vera Cruz shortly 
before, involving the custom-house. 

42 A favorable arrangement was effected on behalf of British bondholders. 
D uhlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 624-31; Xdcs'Reg., lix. 369, lvii. 80. A 
review of the claims may be consulted in U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 37, Scs. 
2, IT. Ex., 50, pp. 17-26. A steamer line to England was also projected. 
Opusculo de la Verdad, pp. i.-iv., 1-56; Pap. Var., xix. pt iv. 24, and a 
colony of negroes and others. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1S44-46, 552-4, 577-92. 
Baudin had been induced on Feb. 17th to open to foreign vessels the upper 
ports on the gulf, then in the hands of federalists. The blockade was 


Moreover, she had accepted practically the very terms 
offered her before the outbreak of hostilities, and now 
significantly presented under the auspices of a foreign 
squadron. England availed herself of the opportu- 
nity to press her advantages with the republic. 

raised on March 9, 1839. For rewards granted to defenders of Vera Cruz and 
Ulua, in Id., 1839, 47-9; 1840, 260-1, 769-70. Rincon was acquitted. Va- 
llejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 287. His defence appears in Rincon, Manifiesto, 
pp. i.-lxxviii. 1-141: Lanuza, Vindic, 1-77. Defence of others in Orta, Refu- 
tation, 1-24. A law of 1843 deprived foreigners of the privilege of retail 
trade. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 571-2. Bustamante began to re- 
vive the project for a Spanish -American confederation to resist foreign inter- 
ference. Rivera, Gob. de M6x., ii. 227. 




Checked in the West, the Federalists Rise in the East — Tampico 
Takes the Lead — The Movement Spreads from Tuxpan to the Rio 
Grande del Norte — Dilatory Action of Bustamante — Santa Anna 
Figures as Reformer — His Energy Saves the Government — Defeat 
and Execution of Mejia — Tampico and Tuxpan Capitulate — Bus- 
tamante Resumes the Presidency — Yucatan Secedes from the 
Republic — Revolution in Tabasco — Urrea's Pronunciamiento at 
Mexico — Bombardment of the Palace — Failure of the Outbreak 
— A Monarchical Breeze. 

Free from foreign complications, the government 
was permitted to give undivided attention to the fed- 
eralist uprising, which, under the fostering patronage 
of the French fleet, had received fresh impulse. 
Before the autumn of 1838 it was practically confined 
to Jalisco, and even here the energetic Paredes had 
followed up his earlier successes against Urrea in 
Sinaloa, and against Guzman and his allies in the 
Guadalajara region, by giving the latter a most ef- 
fective check on February 4, 1839, at the hacienda 
de Santa Cruz. This not only saved the depart- 
mental capital, but reduced the revolution in the 
west to insignificant proportions. 1 Southward, in 
Oajaca and Chiapas, slight sympathetic movements 
had taken place, only to be promptly suppressed. In 

1 Guzman, with his associates Montenegro and Palafox, lost about 100 
killed and many prisoners. About the same time Vicente Gonzalez was 
defeated with a loss of 90 in an attempt on Toluca. A pronunciamiento at 
Guadalajara in May was quickly suppressed with aid of Governor Escobedo. 
Diario Gob., Feb. 12, May 25, 1839, etc. 



the latter department the rising was fostered by 
Guatemala and ex-Governor Gutierrez, who fell in 
the first and decisive encounter with the government 
troops. 2 These successes and the imprisonment at 
Mexico of Gomez Farias, lately returned from the 
United States, and his associates Alpuche and others, 
who were generally looked upon as the heads and 
secret promoters of the federal agitation, had reas- 
sured the government, when in October 1838 a fresh 
pronunciamiento broke out at Tampico, 3 whereof the 
fugitive Urrea from Sonora soon assumed the direc- 
tion. The commandant Piedras was compelled to 
leave, and arrangements were made with the French 
squadron to permit the entrance of vessels. 4 Owners 
of cargoes availed themselves of this privilege to 
introduce goods almost on their own terms, for the 
leaders were only too eager to procure means for 
their project, as well as wealth for themselves. Thus 
fostered and shielded in the rear, the rising speedily 
extended to below Tuxpan, 5 and on the other side all 
over Tamaulipas into San Luis Potosi and Nuevo 
Leon, whose inhabitants had strong reasons for dis- 
satisfaction with the remote and indifferent central 
authority. The prolonged stay among them of the 
unruly army of observation against Texas was es- 
pecially annoying, the more so since its maintenance 
devolved chiefly on these provinces. 

The government took alarm, and Canalizo was sent 
in November to reduce Tampico with part of the force 
raised against the French invaders. On the 30th he 

2 Under Barberena, in May 1838. The rebels numbered less than 250, and 
most of the officers fell. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. (57. 

3 A captain, Montenegro, taking the lead, in favor of Col. Veramendi's 
plan. This occurred on October 7th. 

4 A significant letter from the French admiral to the federalist leader may 
be consulted in Niles' Beg., lv. 404, and Vistazo Rdpido, 5-10; Pap. Var., 
cl. pt 34. Bustamante comments on the outrageous arrangements made 
with traders to defraud the national treasury. Of duties estimated at 
$400,000 only $70,000 entered the custom-house coffers. Gabinete Mex., i. 
97, 103. The French obtained supplies at least. 

5 Where the French blockading squadron had had a slight skirmish in 
July while seizing a vessel. 



undertook to carry the place by assault, and managed 
to gain a strong foothold. Immediately after, how- 
ever, an explosion occurred, blowing to pieces a num- 
ber of his men, and a panic ensued, of which the expect- 
ant garrison took advantage to regain possession. 

Tampico Cameaign. 

While Canalizo strove to rally his force the federalists 
sallied in another direction upon his camp, and put to 
flight the reserve under the inefficient General Cos, 
The already demoralized main body soon followed the 
example, and it was only at Altamira, seven leagues 


beyond, that Canalizo was able to collect the fugitives, 
to the number of 700. About 300 had been killed or 
captured, among the latter Commandant Piedras, who 
was shot. 6 

The fall of Ulua and attendant events at Vera Cruz 
gave fresh impulse to the revolution, partly from the 
paralyzing effect on the government. The latter pre- 
pared, nevertheless, to send a stronger expedition 
against Tampico under the able Valencia, an/1 ordered 
reinforcements for Canalizo, so that he might proceed 
to Matamoros and check the spread of the movement 
in the north. The reinforcements, under Garay and 
Lemus, revolted, however, and joining the party re- 
cently formed by the Montereyan Antonio Canales, 
they hastened to lay siege to Matamoros, assisted by 
a corps which had overrun the centre of the depart- 
ment and driven forth Governor Quintero. The gar- 
rison at Monclova also rose under Ruiz, on January 
15, 1839, but its effort to capture Saltillo and re- 
move the governor, Francisco Garcia Conde, was 
frustrated by the arrival of aid from Monterey. 7 
Colonel Ampudia had also obtained an advantage 
which relieved Matamoros, Lemus promising to re- 
turn to obedience ; but no sooner had the colonel turned 
his back than the latter reconsidered the situation 
and surprised the poorly defended Monterey, and sub- 
sequently, on May 23d, the capital of Coahuila, the 
governors of both departments having to retire. 8 By 
this time attempts had been made to gain for the 

6 After an outrageous treatment, says Bustaraante. Id., Gablnete Mex., i. 
101-2. Montenegro who had started the pronunciamiento, was among the 
fallen. Diario Gob., Dec. 10, 1839, etc. A writer in Budamanle, Diario, MS., 
xlv. 35, swells the loss to 500. 

7 Under Ugartechea, on Jan. 23d. He claimed to have achieved this vic- 
tory with less than 400 men, capturing 76 and killing 17 out of the attacking 
force of GOO. Coah., Gaz. Gob., Jan. 26, 1839, and other numbers. Tamauli- 
pa3 had by law to maintain a local force of 1,300 men. Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., 
i. 13G-7. 

8 Garcia was the governor ruling at Monterey; Prieto succeeded him soon 
after, and the comandancia general formed about this time for Nuevo Leon was 
soon alter filled by J. M. de Ortega. Ortega, Beprcs., 1-2; Pap. Var., cxc. pt 
C; Pinart, Coll., 1839; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pt 179; Mex., Col. Ley. y 
Dec., 1839, 129. Ugartechea fell while defending Saltillo. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 14 


movement also the capitals of Durango and San Luis 
Potosi, but without success. 9 Farther down on the 
gulf coast, however, Cos, who had been intrusted with 
an expedition against Tuxpan, was routed by the fed- 
eralists under Mejia, 10 who now stood prepared to as- 
sume the offensive. 

This blow, together with the fear that when the 
French departed the federalists might descend on 
Vera Cruz, served to rouse the loitering Bustamante, 
and he was at last persuaded to start upon his cam- 
paign, for which troops were no longer lacking, owing 
to the enrolment lately made against invasion and 
the release of the corps of observation against the 
French. The war feeling beino- still rife, advantage 
was taken of it to continue the levy and the formation 
of volunteer bodies; 11 and an effort was made to reor- 
ganize the army and to give it a more martial appear- 
ance, yet with only partial success, owing to the 

9 Comandante General Heredia promptly suppressed the outbreak at Du- 
rango on May 3d, arresting the leaders, Captain Rosa and others. Ugarte had 
sought to rise with the garrison of the citadel at San Luis Potosi. 

10 This occurred in March. Santa Anna had proposed Valencia for this 
expedition, but the president feared to strengthen those whom he regarded 
as rivals. 

11 The departments had also been fired with patriotic zeal, and even the 
interior Guanajuato and Durango were taking energetic steps to raise men. 
Instance Durango, Iniciativa, 1-10; Pap. Var., clxxx. pt 7. By decree of 
January 26, 1839, was issued the general annual draft of men for the army. 
Mex., para Reemplazar Ejcrcito, 1-21; Mex., Legis., 1853, 253-05; 
and on July 8th one for reorganizing the army, fixed for the time at 12 regiments 
of permanent infantry, 8 and a fraction of cavalry, both known by numeric 
order, 3 brigades of artillery, besides 3 companies on foot and 1 on horseback, 
and a battalion of sappers, the whole to be distributed into 6 divisions. Of 
active militia there were to be 9 regiments on foot and 6 mounted. The gov- 
ernment could appoint the generals of division to control the 7 comandancias 
generales of the republic. Mex., para Organlzar Ejdrcito, 1-7; Arri- 
llaga, Recop., 1839, 70-7, 162-4. Militia rules in Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1S40, 
603-9, 619-20. For light cavalry and for the regiment formed by traders, see 
Me'x., Decreto Regimiento Comercio, 1-7; Pap. Var., cl. pt 27. Comments 
on insufficient armament in Tor net, Carta, 8-17, 21-5. An order of July 10th 
regulates the uniforms: the infantry in blue, with collar and facings of dif- 
erent color, according to the regiment; white trousers to take the place of blue 
with the change of season. The cavalry varied greatly in their uniform. 
Both were given an enormous shako covered with ornaments. See for decree 
of May 11, on uniforms, Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 191. A military 
commission was appointed to collect statistics. Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., i. 11-- 
13. Undue proportion of officers and regulations for them. Arrillaga, Recop., 
1839, 40-65, 157-8, 225-32, 263-6; Mex., Estatuto Plana Mayor Ejtrcito, 1- 
22; Pap. Var., lxxix. pts 3, 4, cl. pts 30-1, clxxx. pt 8. 


chronic lack of funds, which affected armament in 
quality and sufficiency, and uniforms as to congruity, 
one common and conspicuous feature of the latter 
being the national sarape. 12 The reforms effected 
were mainly due to the energetic Santa Anna, who 
assumed control as provisional president on March 18, 
1839, and manifested his self-will by promptly placing 
the press under restraint. 13 

Bustamante had marched to San Luis Potosi, and 
content with the achievement, he remained there 
revolving what next to do. Encouraged by this in- 
activity, the enemy emerged from the gulf districts 
into Puebla under Urrea and Mejia, and proposed to 
disconcert his plans by threatening the seat of the de- 
partment and consequently the capital itself, where a 
large number of adherents stood prepared to rise. 
Santa Anna saw the danger, and on the strength of 
a reluctant permission from the council he hastened 
on April 30th to Puebla, borne in a litter, ordering at 
the same time the concentration there of available 
troops. This promptness turned the scale. The city 
was already in a ferment; within three hours of his 
arrival a pronunciamiento in favor of federalism would 
have been made, involving the release of prisoners in 
the jails and the overthrow of the small garrison. 
Santa Anna's presence sufficed to awe the factions, 
and the approach of troops caused them effectually to 
subside. General Valencia had brought forward the 
greatest force, and to him were confided 1,600 men 
and five guns wherewith to face the enemy. They 
met at Acajete on May 3d, and a fierce battle ensued. 
The centralists had found time to form in good order, 
so that when the less strong federalists fell upon them 
at the break of day they were warmly received. 

12 Lowenstern, Mex., 40-3, 94-101, is severe on the whole system. As for 
pay, the vouchers were nearly always disposed of at an enormous loss, some- 
times as high as 90 per cent, which speculators shared with a corrupt admin- 

13 Comments hereon in Didlogo entre Ministro y Consejero, 1-4. He took 
the oath by proxy. 


Again and again the latter charged with a will that 
more than once caused their opponents to waver. 
Valencia proved equal to the emergency, however, 
and finally, by an unexpected countercharge with his 
cavalry, he created a disorder which soon developed 
into flight. A large number of prisoners were taken, 
and about 600 dead testified to the bitterness of the 
struggle. Santa Anna came up with reinforcements, 
too late to be of any service, but the credit of the 
achievement, which saved the government by effect- 
ually crippling the adversary, belongs nevertheless 
mainly to his prompt and independent action, regard- 
less of a timid council that sought at the last moment 
to prevent his departure from Mexico. 14 Among the 
captured was Mejia, whose dash and tactics had main- 
tained the advantage during the earlier part of the 
battle. " You are to be shot within three hours," said 
his captor. "Had Santa Anna fallen into my hands, 
T would have granted him three minutes/' replied 
Mejia with seeming indifference. As he was led 
forth, he distributed what money he possessed among 
the men detailed for his execution, and then knelt in 
pious attitude to receive the volley. 15 

Urrea escaped and gained Tampico, which was in- 
vested on May 26th by Arista. The place had a 
garrison of about 800 men, was well fortified and 
supported by some small gun-boats, so that Urrea, 
with every confidence in its strength, resolved to in- 
trust the defence to General Escalada, and seek to 
distract the besiegers by a movement in their rear. 

14 Escalada's roster shows a federal force of 897 men. Manifesto, 45. The 
total loss on both sides was between 600 and 700. Bustamante intimates 
that Santa Anna's cavalry came in time to turn the victory. Gabinete Mex., 
i. 184; ValUjo, Col. Doc, Mex., MS., ii. 183-7. 

15 Jose" Antonio Mejia was a Cuban who came to Mexico in 1S23 and 
proved ever a stanch federalist. His children were educated in the United 
States, two sons rising to prominent positions under the subsequent federal 
government. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 437; Pap. Far., cxcvi. 
pt ii. G, 23. Shot without trial by spiteful Santa Anna, observes Villa 
Amor, Biog. Santa Anna, 19. llivera states that this general did not come 
up till after the execution. He praises Mejia's constancy, yet blames him for 
bringing foreign adventurers into the country. Gob. tie Mex., ii. 220. At- 
tack of Gortazar for federalist sympathies, in Mosquito, May IS, 1S39, etc. 



No sooner had he departed, however, by slipping 
through the lines one dark night, than Barbarena, 
commander of the flotilla, joined Arista. 16 This treach- 
ery not only deprived the town of supplies, but ex- 
posed it on the most vulnerable side, as was soon 
made manifest by the fresh impulse given to siege 
operations. The garrison became disorderly, some 
proposing to remove the commandant, others begin- 
ning to drink and commit outrages. The frightened 
property holders and merchants now joined in per- 

1000 <■>- a 

Plan op Tampico. 

suading Escalada to accept a capitulation on June 
4th, whereby troops, officials, and citizens were guar- 
anteed the possession of property and position, the 
military remaining in service of the government 


16 The largest vessel, a goleta, was entrapped by Arista, and the rest had 
therefore to yield, says Anastasio Bustamante, Maniftesto, 20. In Escalada, 
Contest., 11, only the 'lanchas' are mentioned. 

17 Escalada, Manifiesto, 50-1, etc. The English consul arranged the pre- 
liminaries. Urreawas included in the capitulation, under certain conditions. 
The surrendered armament embraced 32 cannon and 640 muskets. The gar- 



This ready surrender of the most important harbor 
on the gulf next to Vera Cruz, with its rich stock of 
goods, guarded by so large a force, tends to confirm 
the charge of treason against Escalada. It had the 
effect of precipitating also the fall of Tuxpan, whither 
Urrea had betaken himself to weave fresh plans. 
Foreseeing the inevitable in the concentration of 
forces against the place, he hastened to enter into an 
arrangement with Paredes, whereby he was confirmed 
in his position and honors as general. Santa Anna 
naturally felt indignant at such terms, and modified 
them in so far as to order him into exile, under sur- 
veillance. While on the way to Vera Cruz, however, 
he escaped, and disappeared for a time, till the turn 
of events again brought him to the front. 18 

The fall of Tampico was a heavy blow to the feder- 
alist cause, now sustained mainly in the north-east. 
The news arrived there at the same time with the 
report that Garcia Conde was advancing with a strong 
force from San Luis Potosi, while Canalizo, reen forced 
by Quijano, was moving against Monterey. Lemus 
at once abandoned Saltillo and withdrew toward the 
Texan border, 19 but was soon after overtaken and cap- 
tured. 20 Canales, who now assumed the undisputed 
leadership of the party, with the aid of a representative 
convention, continued the struggle with Indian and 

rison is placed by Montoro at 1,000, whereof 300 had been brought by Urrea 
from Acajete battle-field. This writer declares that Escalada manoeuvred the 
betrayal of the town. 'El tiempo ha descubierto que el fin y objeto de 
Escalada, fueron traicionar y enriquecerse. ' Contestation at Itinerario, 1-24, 
with documents; Pap. Var., xxxvii. pt 2. Traders had availed themselves 
of the federalist occupation to introduce a large quantity of goods under very 
low duties, and the government at first refused to recognize the transactions. 
NUes i Reg., lvii. 66, 118; Dlario Gob., June 20, 1839. An attempted re- 
volt in May 1840 was promptly suppressed. Id., May 21, 1S40. 

18 The capitulation took place June 11th. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., i. 
pt 206. Urrea issued a protest against the infringement of the capitulation. 
Protexta, 1-19; Arrangolz, Mcj., ii. 243-4. 

19 Garcia Conde entered Saltillo June 21, 1839. 

20 Together with his brother, 18 officers, and 2 commissioners who were on 
the way to ask for Texan aid. This occurred near Rosas at the end of August. 
Lemus created ill feeling by allowing pillage and levying contributions. Va- 
llejo, Col Doc. Mex., MS., ii. 203. 


Texan aid, and obtained on November 2d so pro- 
nounced a triumph over Colonel Pavon 21 as to alarm 
the government, the more so as his confederate, Jesus 
Cardenas, was laboring in Texas for aid toward the 
formation of northern Mexican states into a separate 
republic. 22 Arista was sent against him, and before 
the close of January 1840 he had practically cleared 
Nuevo Leon of federalists, 23 and two months later he 
obtained a decisive victory at Morelos, 24 obliging 
Canales to take refuge on the other side of the Rio 
Grande del Norte. Raids and skirmishes continued, 
however, till November 1st, when Canales formally 
submitted to the government. 25 

This by no means restored tranquillity, for the fed- 
eralist troubles were followed by raids on the part of 
the Indians, encouraged lately as allies, and now taking 
advantage of the growing hostility between Mexico 
and Texas, and of the comparatively unprotected 
border and the secure fastnesses beyond. They pen- 
etrated even into San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas, and 
killed during that southerly raid alone about 300 per- 
sons, carrying off over 100 women and children. 26 

21 By treachery, says Bustamante, for Pavon had defeated him on the pro- 
ceding day, and was negotiating for his submission, when Canales fell upon 
his unguarded men. Gabinete Mex., i. 213. 

22 Including the provinces above the south line of Tamaulipas and Sinaloa, 
except San Luis Potosi. Cardenas was aiming for the presidency. Rivera, 
Hist. Jalapa, iii. 440; Niks' Reg., lviii. 66, 113. Anaya was in the United 
States agitating for the constitution of 1824. 

23 Canales at first held his ground well, although retreating into Monterey 
with Arista, but he was out-manoeuvred, and suffered also in retiring toward 
Monclova. Vidaurri was defeated on January 30th, near Pellotes. 

24 Canales' second, Zapata, was shot. Fully 200 were killed and 180 

25 Surrendering 700 muskets, 158 barrels of powder, and 4 war vessels. 
For text of armistice, see Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 43; Diario Gob., 
Nov. 18, 1839, etc. Molano had formed a similar agreement on Sept. 24th, 
near Saltillo. The vessels, with 11 guns, were secured for the Texans. Rive- 
ra, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 465-6; Pavon, Manif., 1-24; Id., Contest., 1-20, relat- 
ing to his conduct during the campaign. Nonv. Annates Voy., lxxxvii. 137--8. 

26 The Cosmopolita of Jan. 27, 1841, speaks of a raid to Catorce involving 
800 victims. For allusions to the raids, see Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 36- 
0; M4x. t In/orme Pesqnisidora, 1874, 63, 82, etc.; Arnada, Garantias, 3-36; 
Arista, OJicio, 1-46; Contreras, Garantias; Pap. Var., xxxviii. pts 1, 6, 
lxxx. pt 17; Wilhelm's Eighth U. 8. Infantry, i. 173-4; Nouv. Annates Voy., 
lxxxvi. 119, etc.; Velasco, Son., 233, etc.; Soc. Mex. Geog. Botet., vii. 293, 
321, xi. 98. These raids extended from Tamaulipas to Sonora, and will be 


After the victory at Acajete, Santa Anna had 
made a veritable triumphal entry into Mexico, and 
each subsequent success added to his laurels. Cen- 
tralism seemed firmer than ever, and under its wing 
was drawn from neglect the memory of Iturbide, to 
be exalted above that of the federalist heroes as 
the author of independence and as the patron of the 
ruling party. 27 The approaching return of Busta- 
mante and certain aspects of the political horizon in- 
duced the wary Santa Anna to retire to his estate on 
the plea of bad health, leaving the government in 
charge of Nicolds Bravo, president of the council, 
who took the oath as substitute president on July 10, 
1839. Nine days later the actual president returned 
to reassume the control. He was received with cus- 
tomary honors, but even among his own party he 
appeared greatly overshadowed by the clever shams 
of his predecessor, while opponents proved so mer- 
ciless in casting ridicule on his dilatory and cautious 
military march in the north-east departments that he 
was induced to publish a defence of his conduct, seek- 
ing to take as much credit as possible for directing 
the finally successful movements of Arista and other 
generals. 28 The aging Bustamante was evidently not 
the dashing cavalry leader of the independence war. 

Although hostile demonstrations were rapidly being 
suppressed in the north and west, the feeling of the 
people found expression in demands for constitutional 

more fully treated in Hist. North Mex. States, ii. this series, which covers the 
history of the frontier provinces. A law to suppress brigandage by direct mili- 
tary interference, issued on March 12, 1840, was aimed also against revolu- 
tionists. See comments in Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 49-54, 105-9. 

27 His ashes had been removed from Padilla, in Tamaulipas, and deposited 
with impressive ceremonies in the cathedral at Mexico on Oct. 27th, the day 
when the independence was sworn. The ceremony had been proposed for 
Sept. 27th, the day of Iturbide's entry into Mexico, but the arrangements 

23 Manifiesto, 1-76, with documents. Even the Diario Gob. ventures on 
June 5th, under Santa Anna's wing, to join in the hooting, although it sub- 
sequently modifies the utterance by attributing Bustamante's lack of energy 
to goodness of heart, which objected to shedding Mexican blood. See also 
Testamento del ano 183D, 1-46; Testamento del Difunt., 1-23; Pap. Var., xlii. 
pts 9% 9 b , cl. pts 23-24. 


reform, and the poder conservador declared on Novem- 
ber 9th that these could be entertained by the congress 
even before the time properly designated by the con- 
stitution, so long as its cardinal bases were respected. 
The concession was not deemed sufficient by the 
federalists, but their opponents prevailed, 29 and the 
government gained renewed confidence, although the 
frequent ministerial changes continued to stamp its 
policy as extremely vacillating, 30 greatly owing to a 
jealous fear of Santa Anna. 31 With the opening of 
1840, however, came news of a fresh outbreak, 32 this 
time in Yucatan. 

The peninsula had quietly submitted to the over- 
throw of the federal system in 1834, but when in 
addition long-conceded privileges were infringed or 
set aside by the introduction of excise, the increase of 
custom-house duty, the levy of funds, and the drag- 
ging away of local militia to suffer and die in cam- 
paigns against friendly Texas, 33 then patience came to 

29 See the respective arguments in Cosmopolita, Nov. 10, 1839; Diario Gob., 
Nov. 20, 1839, and other journals; Alex., Expediente, 2 et seq. ; Pap. Var., 
xliii. pt v. 

30 Between April 1837 and March 1839 there were 12 changes in the minis- 
try of foreign relations alone. Santa Anna made several changes in the interior 
and finance departments during his short tenure of power, and on July 27th 
Bustamante renewed the entire cabinet, the later celebrated Almonte assum- 
ing the war portfolio on Aug. 9th and retaining it, strangely enough, for two 
years. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1839, 138, 1G4-5, 170-1; Arrillaga, Ilecop., 
1839, 170; Romero, Mem. Hac., 1035-G. An important feature in the treas- 
ury department was the organization of a tribunal de cuentas, or auditor's 
office, in March 1838. Mex., Col. Leyes, 1840, 392-424; with comments in 
Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., MS., iii. 143, 243-8, 253-4, which contains points 
additional to those in the printed issue. Id., Voz de la Pctria, MS., xiv. 

31 As instanced in the abrupt dismissal of the war minister Tornel, and 
his exclusion from the poder conservador. The sarcastic letter of dismissal 
may be read in English in Niles* Reg., lvii. 19, 150. Consult the protests 
and reports on the case. M&x., Dlctdmen, 11-19; Tornel, Expediente, 3 et 
seq.; Id., Carta, 1-25; Andrade, Manif., pp. i.-xii.; Pap. Var., xliii. pts 3, 
9, 10, cxxvi. pts 4-5, clii. pt 18, ccxix. pt 10. The poder conservador con- 
sisted at the close of the year of Muzquiz, president, Carlos M. Bustamante, 
Pefla y Peiia, Gomez y Anaya, Sanchez de Tagle secretary. 

32 Petty ones did also occur, as at Celaya and Tampico, in March and May, 
but they were promptly suppressed; the former assisting to swell the Mi- 
choacan revolutionists with a few men. Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 38. 

33 Baqueiro, Ensayo, i. 3G, ii. 448 et seq. , enters fully into the causes, to 
which may be added the indifference of Mexico for the peninsula during the 
French blockade. Rivera attributes too much to the intrigues of office-seek- 
ers. Gob. de M6x., ii. 244. 


an end, and Iman, a militia officer, raised the standard 
of revolt at Tizimin, in May 1839. After several 
unsuccessful movements with untrained followers he 
profited by experience and managed in February of 
the following year to capture Valladolid. This gave 
importance to the cause, and Merida joining, the en- 
tire north-eastern part of the peninsula stood for the 
revolutionists, who now declared the province inde- 
pendent of Mexico until the federal system should be 
reestablished. Affairs were restored to the footina- 
of 1834, including the legislature, Governor Cosgaya, 
and other authorities, and the local constitution of 
1825, 34 the Indians being besides granted a reduction 
in ecclesiastic fees as the price of their favor. 
With increased strength the federalists now drove the 
government forces into Campeche and laid siege to it, 
assisted by a flotilla of four vessels, which effectually 
offset the reinforcements sent from Mexico. 35 During 
a close investment of two months, several command- 
ing points were gained, and the town was reduced to 
great stress from bombardment and failing supplies 
and ammunition. The popular feeling growing de- 
cidedly hostile, and no prospects appearing of further 
aid, the commandant, General Rivas Zayas, capitu- 
lated on June 6th, and was allowed to depart with his 
troops for Vera Cruz, leaving the federalists in posses- 
sion of the whole peninsula, under a newly chosen 
legislature or congress, which met in August, headed 
by Santiago Mendez as governor with presidential 
power. 36 

34 Iman was proclaimed provisional comandante general, and a governing 
council assumed charge till Cosgaya entered office. The legislature of 1S34 
met in the same month of February to give authority to these acts. M 
Mem. Guerra, 1840, 47. During the excitement the American consul at 
Campeche was killed. NiW Register, lvi. 49, liv. 226, 333. 

3i Barbichano, Mem. Camp., 54, etc. They came in an English vessel, to 
the number of about 600. The federalists had two vessels which captured 
two others. The direction of the siege had been intrusted to Lt-col Llergo, 
a recent acquisition but a trained officer, greatly to Iman's discontent. 

3(3 And Miguel Barbachano for vice-governor. Secretaries of war and fi- 
nance were appointed. The preceding centralist governor was Marcial Guerra. 
The elections did not pass off without trouble, and partisanship grew loud. 
Baqueiro, Ensayo, i. 35, etc., iii. ap. 19-23; Los Pueblos, June 8, 1840 et seq.; 


Not content, the victors opened communication 
with Texas and arranged for aid from its navy, 37 with 
which they thereupon penetrated into Tabasco, where 
Maldonado and others had for some time sustained 
the struggle, capturing the capital, San Juan Bautista, 
on November 19, 1840, and driving out Governor 
Gutierrez and his forces. Anaya, who had so long 
labored in the United States for the federal cause, 
was the leader of the invasion. 38 His arrival was not 
wholly welcome; but a portion of the local revolution- 
ists declared for him, and having with their aid gained 
the control, he advanced with swelling forces into 
Chiapas. Here the comandante general Barberena 
marched against him, however, and inflicted so severe 
a blow at Comitan, on May 15, 1841, as to utterly 
disperse his forces with heavy loss. 39 Anaya fled to 
Yucatan, and now a plausible adventurer from Haba- 
na, named Sentmanat, whose bravery and magnetism 
had won the way during the campaign, availed him- 
self of the demoralization to secure the control. Santa 
Anna entered into negotiations, and in view of the 
imposing preparations for the Yucatan campaign, the 
new governor and legislature were prevailed upon to 
recognize the bases de Tacubaya and its results, in 
return for several advantageous concessions, with 
practical autonomy. 40 

Minerva, May 15, 1845. The president of Mexico decreed the closing of the 
peninsular ports without means to enforce the order. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 
1840, 488-9, C19, 770-1; Pinart, Coll., pt 557; Nouv. Annales Voy., lxxxix. 
122. The local government issued an explanation of its reasons and aims. 
Yuc., Expos. Gob., 3-4; Suarez, Informe, 8-9; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, iii. 373, 

37 This was settled in September by Colonel Peraza, who offered a contri- 
bution toward the expenses on the part of Yucatan. Yoakum's Hist. Texas, ii. 
318-19. The naval expenses were estimated by Bustarnante, Gabinete Mex., 
ii. G3, at S8,000 a month. Id., MS., ii. 378, etc., with correspondence. 

35 He came in three Texan and three Yucatec vessels. Busto, Extad. Rep., 
iii. pt i. 215. His ideas had been circulated in a journal started under the 
title Progreso. His appeal to the Tabascans is given in Anaya, Alocucion, 
1-14. Gutierrez issued a defence of his conduct. Pap. Var., xli. pt 19. 

" 9 Which, according to Barberena, amounted to 205 out of fully 000 men, who 
with 4 guns held a height near Comitan. He stormed the position, as he re- 
ported in Regenerador de Oax., no. 23; Diario Gob., June 3, 1841, etc.; Mex., 
Mem. Guerra, 1341, 40-1. On rewards to Mexicans for service, see Dublan 
and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii'. 731-3. 

40 This reunion was finally agreed upon April 30, 1842, and the nominal 


The success of the Yucatan movement aroused 
fresh hope among the federalists. General Urrea 
had been rearrested and placed under restraint at 
Mexico, yet not in a manner to stop intercourse with 
his friends. Of this privilege he availed himself to 
continue his machinations, encouraged greatly by the 
strain between the executive and the other powers. 
Several influential people joined in the conspiracy, and 
two battalions were won, besides a number of officers. 
Before dawn on the morning of July 15, 1840, some 
of the latter 41 broke into the old inquisition building 
and released Urrea, who thereupon placed himself at 
the head of the movement. With a force of selected 
men, stripped of their boots, he silently gained the 
palace and surprised the guard, nearly all asleep. On 
the upper floor, however, the squad before the presi- 
dent's private apartments, sixteen strong, challenged 
the intruders. They had come to relieve them, was 
the answer, and while hesitating they were over- 
powered, Urrea passing into the inner rooms. The 
noise had awakened Bustamante, and as the conspir- 
ators entered he jumped half-dressed for his sword. 
" Fear not, general, I am Urrea," said the leader. 
" Ungrateful rascal," retorted the other, at which the 
soldiers raised their muskets, but were restrained by 
the officers. 42 The president was assured that his 
person would be respected, but he remained in his 
rooms a prisoner. General Filisola was also arrested, 
but Almonte, minister of war, escaped to the citadel, 
and there made preparations for suppressing the revolt, 
summoning all the reliable troops in the vicinity of 
the capital to his aid. 

By this time Gomez Farias had been invited to 

blockade proclaimed by the republic since Jan. 12, 1841, was raised. Mdx., 
Mem. Guerra, 1844, 30-1. 

41 Under leadership of a prominent person who was spending a goodly 
patrimony in the main effort to gain notoriety. Bustamante proposes to de- 
feat his object by suppressing the name, partly for the sake of his family. 

12 ' No haganfuego, que es el segundo del Sr Iturbide,' exclaimed Marron. 
BuMamante, Gabinete Mex. } ii. C3, leaving the impression that those soldiers 
held that name as a talisman. 


accept the leadership and provisional presidency, and 
with a swelling mob at his heels, filling the air with 
"viva la federacion!" he proceeded to the palace, as 
the headquarters of the revolutionists. Messengers 
were sent in different directions to invite support for 
the movement, especially to Puebla, where numerous 
sympathizers existed. The bearer of the despatch to 
this city was incautious, however, and a suspicious 
innkeeper of Tesmelucan made him drunk, secured 
his papers, and hurried to Puebla to warn Governor 
Codallos, who at once took precautions, and moreover, 
sent reinforcements to Almonte. Ere these could 
arrive, a number of adherents had come to increase 
the government forces under command of Valencia, 
among them the alumni of the military college, who 
not without some risk made their way past the feder- 
alist files, carbines to the shoulder and dragging their 
small cannon. The youngest were, much against 
their demands, assigned to garrison the citadel, while 
the troops marched forth with four field-pieces to take 
position 43 near the central plaza, where the federalists 
had occupied not only the palace but all prominent 
buildings, stationing troops on the roofs and in the 
spacious towers of the cathedral, and at the approaches. 
These manoeuvres had not been performed without 
bloodshed. Skirmishing was maintained the whole 
afternoon, at times with heavy fire, particularly against 
the palace. As the captive president sat down to 
dinner, toward six o'clock, a ball crushed through the 
room, peppering the table with dust and debris. 
Without betraying the least emotion he continued to 
serve himself, saying, " I wager our friends do not sup- 
pose that we are calmly enjoying our meal." Shortly 
after another shot struck down by his side the officer 
charged with his custody. 44 

43 The Augustinian convent was made headquarters. 

44 0riginally a doctor, Bustamante personally attended to him, and afterward 
he granted him for some time an allowance, for his leg had to be amputated. 
This officer it was who had prevented the soldiers from shooting him at the 
time of the arrest. 


Early the following morning, July 16th, the con- 
test was resumed. The revolutionists had secured 
possession of the treasury and made use of it to gain 
adherents, but the government displayed greater 
strength and activity than had been expected, and 
they feared a bitter fight. Intimidation having no 
effect on the president, who would promise nothing 
beyond efforts to prevent bloodshed if consistent 
with honor, it was determined to release him and try 
negotiations. They demanded a reestablishment of 
the constitution of 1824, pending its revision and 
acceptance by the state legislatures as existing in 
1834; the installation of a provisional government, 
restricted to directing foreign relations, the states 
being left at liberty to organize their interior adminis- 
tration ; and the abolition of excise. 45 These proposals 
were not entertained, as may be supposed, and the 
fight burst forth anew, varied by sallies, pursuits, and 
siege operations, with great injury to the city, stag- 
nation of trade, and suffering to the inhabitants, of 
whom a large proportion had to flee from their houses 
into the suburbs and country. This state of affairs 
continued for twelve days, at the end of which the 
plaza especially presented a woe-begone appearance, 
with business buildings in ruins and the palace dis- 
figured, its rich furniture and even the archives scat- 
tered and ruined in barricade service. All this time 
reinforcements had been received by the government, 
and larger bodies were on the way under Santa Anna 

45 Within 8 months, the recent 10 per cent increase on the consumption 
tax being returned. Four deputies from each state to join in revising the 
constitution. Among the reforms must be full political liberty of the 
press. The provisional president to be elected at once by liberal members of 
congress and military and judicial courts. Military and proprietary civil 
positions to be respected. Amnesty granted for past political offences. 
This was signed by Farias as general in chief, Urrea, and a host of followers. 
The Monitor of Vera Cruz, Cosmopolita, and Diario Gob., July, 16, 1839, etc., 
also Aug. 29, contain interesting details on the outbreak. In Jal., Gaceta, i. 
no. 84, is a letter of Bustamante on his conduct as prisoner. Immediately 
after he issued a proclamation promising to enforce obedience. The other 
side replied. The text may be consulted in English, in Calderon's Life Mex., 
i. 351-4; Robinson's Mex. and her Mil. Chieftains, 224 et seq. 


and other generals, while the revolutionists began to 
fail both in number and resources, under the superior 
advantages of their opponents and the influence of 
the clergy over the masses. 46 

The struggle was evidently hopeless, and to pro- 
long it might be fatal. Negotiations were accord- 
ingly resumed, and on the plea of sparing the capital 
further injury the government accorded, late on July 
26th, a capitulation of the most favorable nature, 
assuring the revolutionists in the undisturbed enjoy- 
ment of their property and positions under the govern- 
ment, with oblivion of past offences. 47 This leniency 
was greatly due to Bustamante's jealousy of Santa 
Anna, lest he should gain not only the credit of re- 
storing order and use it to extend his influence, but 
improve the occasion to obtain control of affairs. It 
was even whispered that the arch-schemer had started 
the movement to this very end. He was promptly 
ordered to countermarch. The following day the bells 
rang the signals for peace celebration, and tolled for 
the death of fallen soldiers and innocent citizens. 48 

The apprehension was not wholly allayed, however, 

46 The government forces and authorities exerted great influence in the 
outlying towns, and priests were made to impress the people by making the 
most of the desecrating occupation of the cathedral, yet the archbishop pub- 
licly acknowledged the forbearance of the party. 

47 Valencia promising to urge the government to promote a reform of the 
constitution. The capitulating troops had dwindled to 480, their killed 
numbering about 200, it is said. 

48 Over 400, if we may believe Bustamante's figures and estimates. Oabi- 
nete Mex., ii. 79-80. Others, including Fossey, Mex., 170, an eye-witness, 
intimates that few soldiers fell, the citizens suffering most, while thieves and 
murderers availed themselves of the lack of patrol, etc., to perpetrate out- 
rages. He points out that the capitulation did not embrace foreigners, who 
were thus 'lachement ' abandoned by their comrades to the government's 
vengeance. Proceedings against them were ordered. See decrees, Vallejo, Col. 
Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pts 356-7, 362-5, 371. Some troops were also disbanded. 
Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1840, 759-61; while honors were showered on Valencia 
and his men. Id. , 762-7. Bustamante being soon after recommended to congress 
for cross of honor and the title beneme>ito, which were granted. Bustamante, 
Inicialiva, 1-13; M6x., Discursos por Presidentes, 1-12; Pap. Var., clxxi. pt 
16, cxci. pt 1. Madame Calderon de la Barca, who resided at Mexico dur- 
ing this period, gives some interesting particulars, especially of the suffering 
inflicted on the people. Life Mex., i. 348-90. Also Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 
451-60; Dispos. Varias, v. 38-9; Thompson 's Mex., 64. In Rivera, Mex. 
Pint. , i. 20-22, etc. , are accounts of damage suffered by the palace and other 
public edifices. M6x., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 39-40. 


for Farias and Urrea had gone into hiding; 49 the 
president revealed his lack of confidence by converting 
his temporary residence, the Augustinian convent, 
into a military camp bristling with guns and bayo- 
nets; and the ministry threatened to resign. As it 
was, several changes took place, 50 partly owing to the 
failure of the president to obtain extraordinary powers. 
The need of a firm government became more apparent 
to suppress lamentable disorders like the one which 
had just desolated the capital. The federalists would 
evidently continue to agitate their cause, and even 
if they triumphed, the centralists promised to strive 
in the same manner, to the stagnation of trade and 
industries, the demoralization of society, and general 
ruin. It occurred therefore to Gutierrez de Estrada, 
a former minister possessed of great influence, that 
the evil might be remedied by establishing a mon- 
archy under a foreign prince, and so suppressing the 
political aspiration and turmoil which appeared to be 
the root of disorder. There were still adherents 
enough of the ideas centred in the plan of Iguala 
and in the Agustin empire to form a respectable party, 
strengthened by the passive support at least of a large 
class, especially of property holders and industrial 
representatives, who naturally longed for any means 
to secure peace with its attendant blessings. And so 
Estrada boldly issued in October a pamphlet advo- 
cating the scheme, to be referred to a representative 
convention. But the howl of indignation which it 
evoked from the two recognized parties, both attacked 
in their most ardent hopes and principles, silenced the 
approval that had timidly prepared to manifest itself. 
The publication was condemned as seditious, and the 
writer 51 had to hide himself from the fury of the pub* 

49 The arrest of the latter being ordered. Farias was discovered and exiled 
to the United States. 

50 In the interior and foreign department, three men following one another 
in the former, in course of five months. Mix., Col. Ley. y Dec. y 1840, 786, 829, 
etc.; Mex., Exped., 1-G0; Pap. Var., lxxx. pt 5. 

01 Even the printer was arrested. Besides the Carta directed to the presi- 
dent, 90 pp., which contains the main scheme, Estrada issued A Igunas Re' 


lie and seize the first opportunity to escape from the 

flexiones, 80 pp., to the same end; Doc. sobre Mix. Similar advocacy in 
Santa Maria, Expos. Protest., iv. 1-80. Comments in Estrada, Lettre, 1-33. 
Denunciations appeared in most journals and in Estrada, Impug., 1-37; Bus- 
tamante, El Presidente; Pap. Var., xxix. pts 18-19, cvi. pts 2-4, 8; Vallejo, 
Col. Doc. Mex., ii. 408, etc. Arrangoiz, Mcj., ii. 245-6, 254-5; Domenech, 
Hist. Mex., ii. 167-9; Otero, Obras, MS., i. 194, belong to later advocates. 
Estrada succeeded finally in his plan, as we shall see, and Almonte, now 
prominent in opposing it, became its firmest supporter. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 15 




More Taxes and Less Reform — Paredes Pronounces at Guadalajara — 
Valencia Seconds Him at the Capital — Santa Anna Steps Forward 
to Assume the Leadership — Bases of Tacubaya — Federalist Coun- 
ter-pronunciamiento by the President — Mexico again Besieged — 
Bustamante Resigns — His Character and Rule — Santa Anna 
Vaults into the Chair — Small Concessions to Cover Large En- 
croachments and Abuses — Yucatan Defeats the Centralist Troops 
and Obtains Practical Autonomy — Sentmanat's Invasion of Ta- 
basco — Movements along the Texan Border — Claims of the United 
States and Growing Bitterness. 

The secession of Yucatan, imitated by Tabasco, 
the growing hostility of Texas which had actually as- 
sumed the offensive against its late mistress, and the 
dire calamities attending the inroads of Indians in 
the north, were matters presented in stronger light 
now that the subsidence of the federalist movement 
gave the government a respite. Santa Anna had in- 
deed received orders, as guardian of the lower gulf 
coast, to prepare an expedition against the revolted 
provinces and fortify Vera Cruz against Texan cruis- 
ers ; but for this and the other equally pressing needs 
funds were required. Notwithstanding the cry of 
stagnation in trade and industries, the revenues had 
been increasing of late years, but also in greater pro- 
portion the expenditures; so that every budget pre- 
sented a large deficit, calling for extraordinary meas- 
ures in the shape of loans and fresh taxes. Among 
the latter figured an increase of fifteen per cent on the 



interior circulation of imports, decreed at the close of 
1839. Yet this afforded little relief, for more than 
half of the custom-house receipts, the main reliance 
of the central authority, had for years been assigned 
to repay advances, cover interest on debt, and so 
forth. 1 The only recourse was therefore to increase 
the already heavy burden of the people by adding a 
tax of three per mille on real estate, and a personal 
monthly contribution of from one rial to two pesos. 2 
A grumble was to be expected, and it came, but 
directed mainly against the former increase of fifteen 
per cent on imports. The representation came from 
merchants at the capital and from Jalisco, and the 
government finding it impossible to entertain the re- 
quest, Comandante General Paredes y Arrillaga of 
the latter department took the part of the petitioners, 
and declared to the governor, Escobedo, that troops 
as well as people manifested an irritation that could 
be allayed only by reducing taxes. The governor 
thought it best to yield, 3 but congress conceded only 
an abatement of three per cent on the consumption 
impost, and so the outcry grew. It found ever fresh 
ground for complaint, such as the exclusion in 1837 
of foreign cotton fabrics, and subsequently a partial 
exemption in favor of Matamoros, in order to pro- 
cure money for the northern army, which injured 
manufacturers while the trade remained unappeased. 
Further, there were the interminable discussions on the 

1 By arrangement of August 1830 the government could dispose only of 
33^ per cent of the Vera Cruz and Tampico receipts, the most important of 
all, and 50 per cent of the others. The budget of 1841 estimated the revenue 
at $12,874,100, less $4,800,009 of engaged custom-house receipts, and the ex- 
penditures at $21,836,781, whereof $17,116,878 for military department, leav- 
ing a deficit of $13,762,681. The cost of collection amounted to 18.49 per 
cent. Echeverria's report, M6x., Mem. Ifac, 1841, 3 et seq. ; Romero, Mem., 
187 et seq.; Testamento del Difunto 1840, 1-16; Pap. Var., xlii. pt 9. 

2 On all able-bodied persons over 18 years of age, and divided in quotas 
among five classes, according to their means. The respective tax decrees 
were issued March 11 and April 8, 1841, the latter regulated by ordinance of 
April 20th, in Pinart, Coll., no. 581. 

3 Decreeing that while the congress considered the question, a consump- 
tion tax of only seven per cent would be levied in the department, live at 
Guadalajara and Tepic and two elsewhere; with two per cent on exports. 
The personal tax was also lowered. Decree of August 4, 1841. 


proposed constitutional reforms, without any prospect 
of speedy result, although congress had been sitting 
from January till the close of June and met again 
in July. 4 The delay being due greatly to the double 
consideration required by two chambers, some de- 
partments began to urge a joint session, while others 
advocated a special convention for the task; but noth- 
ing was done, save to change two of the ministers. 5 

This naturally increased the irritation, and Paredes, 
who had been merely feeling the public pulse, came 
out boldly on August 8th with a manifesto, appealing 
to the nation against an incapable administration 
which had humiliated Mexico among the nations, im- 
perilled its integrity, allowed it to be ravaged with 
impunity by Indians, yet burdened it with debts, 
while the army stood neglected, the people oppressed 
with taxes, and industries paralyzed. It demanded 
the convocation of an extraordinary congress to re- 
form the constitution, the executive being meanwhile 
vested by the poder conservador in a citizen worthy of 
confidence, with extraordinary power. 6 The complaint 
and the demand were just enough, but the latter was 
but a mask, as usual. It implied a dictatorship in 
the hands of Santa Anna, for the l citizen worthy 
of confidence' could be none other than that arch- 
intriguer, who had of late been repeatedly lauded by 
the people. 

It must not be supposed, however, that Paredes 

4 For reforms agitated, consult Mex. , Col. Ley. y Dec, 1839, 238-9; 1840, 
621-747. Committee reports in Dictdmen Co?nis., 1-51; Pap. Var., clxxiv. 
pt 11; Mex., Proyecto, 1840, 1-107; Ramirez, Voto Partic, 109-138; Pap. 

Var., cxc. pt 2. Protests and comments in Tomel, Protest.; Mex., Observ., 
1841, 1-28; Discurso Sobre, 1841, 1-60; Mex. Pamphlets, i. pt 5; Pap. 

Var., xliii. pts 1-11, clii. pt xxv. Congress was prorogued on March 30th. 
Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1841, 23-4, 61. For president's address at its close on 
June 30th, see Pup. Var., lvi. pt 5. Another trouble was a partial drought 
in the valley of Mexico. 

5 For foreign affairs and finances. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1841, 54; Busta' 
mante, Gabinete Mex., MS., iv. 1-2, 12. 

6 The actual congress was to meet to aid in this appointment. The new 
president should summon the constitutional convention, prescribing its elec- 
tion and duration. Pinart, Coll., no. 590. Favorable comments on the plan 
in Otero, Ensayo, 7-19; Informe Estrad. S. Bias, 15; Pap. Var., civ. pt 5, 
clvi. pt 19. 


was wholly a tool of the maimed hero, although in 
secret understanding with him. He stood every- 
where esteemed so far as an honorable soldier, ener- 
getic, and with scientific tastes, who believed that 
the country needed a better administration, 7 and that 
the energetic Santa Anna could provide it. In order 
to insure the movement, he installed new ayuntaini- 
entos in different towns, left a reliable garrison at 
Guadalajara, and marched with 700 men by way of 
Lagos into Guanajuato, where Cortazar, the most in- 
fluential governor in the republic, stood prepared to 
cooperate, General J u vera of Queretaro following the 
example. The government at once sent a body of 
over 1,000 men against him, but they passed over al- 
most in a body. The far-seeing Santa Anna had ever 
taken the precaution to treat the soldiers well. Under 
Bustamante they had suffered comparative neglect, 
and were therefore readily won by the prospects now 
held forth. Although loyal assurances reached the 
government from different quarters, the revolution 
continued to spread. The citizens and garrison of 
Vera Cruz and Uliia pronounced for it on August 
25th, declaring for a large reduction in taxes. Other 
towns followed, 8 among them Mexico itself, or rather 
the garrison of the citadel, under Valencia, 9 who had 

7 Thompson, Recol. Mex., 84-6, and Lowenstern, Mex., 289-90, join in 
praising him. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga was born at Mexico in 1797, and 
figured till 1821 as a royalist officer, rising only to a captaincy. He then joined 
Iturbide and was rapidly promoted for brave and efficient action. In 1832 
he became a general, and in 1841, as a strong centralist, he received command 
of a division, with the control of Jalisco. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 2S7; 
Robinson's Mex., and her Mil. Chieftains, 243. In his own declaration to the 
nation, preceding the plan, with documents, he distinctly points to Santa 
Anna as the man. Esposition, 1-23; Pap. Var., cliv. pt 25. Doc. 5 herein 
shows that over 2,200 men belonged to Paredes' division, scattered in differ- 
ent places. 

8 Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 495-7, states that Jalapa presented at first a pro- 
test and petition rather than a pronunciamiento. Santa Anna "was staying 
here at the time, as comandante general of the province. In June took place 
a slight outbreak at Orizaba, which Bustamante connects with the present one. 
The people of San Luis Potosi had attempted to drive out Governor Sepulve- 
da shortly before. For Guanajuato pronunciamiento, see Vallejo, Col. Doc. 
Mex., MS., ii. 464. 

9 'De origen muy obscuro,' says Bustamante, Hist. Sta Anna, MS., i. 125, 
adding instances of his low brutality. Diario, MS., xlvi. 96-7. Charnay, 
Cites, 197-9, speaks of him as a bad debtor. 



so ably checked the late outbreak by Urrea and Fa- 
rias. Assisted by his brother-in-law, Colonel Lorn- 
bardini, he had no trouble in gaining more than 1,000 
men for his plan, who on August 31st declared in 
favor of Paredes' pronunciamiento, with slight varia- 
tion, 10 and he began at once to fortify himself at differ- 
ent points in the capital. This success was greatly due 

/ ? 4/ -. j — - o° Salinas 



GUAS ty^osV^ 



to the usual lack of energy and foresight on the part 
of Bustamante, who now too late took precautions for 
defence, declaring the capital in a state of siege, and 
conceding a few of the demanded tax reductions. A 
remonstrance against violence and strife was added by 
that nonentity, the poder conservador, whose opinions 

10 Valencia^ Manif., 1-16, with documents to prove his clear record during 
the movement. 


were generally asked, in accordance with law, but re- 
garded or followed only when convenient. 11 

Santa Anna had during this occurrence marched 
to Perote, where in the guise of a mediator he awaited 
the turn of events, and as such addressed the gov- 
ernment. The latter, which had so far affected to 
regard him as loyal, 12 sent a sharp reprimand for this 
unauthorized advance, to the neglect of the coast line 
intrusted to his care. Santa Anna pretended as- 
tonishment. He had actually calmed the revolution- 
ary excitement around him, but deemed it his duty 
to urge a consideration of an evidently wide-spread 
demand for reform, and would hold the present min- 
isters responsible for any blood spilled in opposing 
popular rights. 13 Such dictatorial language from an 
officer was properly met with dignified severity by 
Minister Almonte, who nevertheless concluded by 
accepting the meditation for the sake of the country, 
in so far as to exhort the risen leaders to submit "to 
the government, 14 promising that all complaints should 
receive due attention. Santa Anna's reply was to 
openly adhere, on September 9th, to the plan of Guada- 
jara as modified by Valencia, 15 and then to march to 

11 Bustamante indicates two revolutionary manifestations at Mexico in 
the preceding December and January, Gabinete Mex., ii. 9G-7, 100; Id., MS., 
1-17, 2G-32, 39-41, which should have warned the government. The elec- 
tion of Tornel as mayor had been opposed by the authorities and created dis- 
content. See also Tornel, Varios E*p., 1-22; Pap. Var., cxciii. pt 2. 

12 On the ground of certain letters wherein he had lately censured the de- 
mand for reduced taxes. The Diario Gob., no. 2276, denies the rumors 
against his plotting. 

13 And for any violence against General Paredes 'liotros gefes benementos 
que se presentan a sostener como aquel, los derechos imprescriptibles de los 
pueblos.' Letters in Gabinete Mex., ii. 145 et seq. 

11 If the pronounced leaders submitted they would be treated with indul- 
gence, although a military mutiny at a time when the republic stood threat- 
ened in the north and south-east merited severe chastisement. 

15 Bustamante must not govern despotically at thy head of troops, regard- 
less of law; nor has the poder conservador the right to authorize such attitude. 
The president, having decided to assume command of the troops in person and 
decide the question by force, has violated the constitution, and must not re- 
sume executive power. No other means of salvation remains for the republic 
than to sanction the bases proclaimed by Valencia. In transmitting this act 
to the government, Santa Anna stated that if other chiefs had not already 
risen in behalf of national rights, the despotic order of the president in de- 
claring Mexico in a state of siege and assuming command of the army would 


Puebla, where he entered nine days later, Governor 
Codallos having withdrawn to assist Bustamante at 
Mexico. Before the arrival of the reenforcement the 
increasing desertion and news from the interior had 
so intimidated the government that it submitted to 
the poder conservador a plan for peaceable arrange- 
ment, in convoking an extraordinary congress of one 
chamber, specially elected for January 1, 1842, to re- 
form the political organization and choose a ruler; 
meanwhile the actual congress and all constitutional 
authorities should subsist, the president accepting as 
associates Nicolas Bravo and Santa Anna. The poder 
regarded the project as unconstitutional, but deferred 
its decision till the aspect of affairs should become 
more defined. 

One reason for the delay was the confidence in- 
fused by the arrival of 1,200 loyal troops. Believing 
that he could now face the enemy, Bustamante, on 
September 22d, intrusted the presidency to Javier 
Echeverria, vice-president of the council, 16 left a 
strong force in the city under Codallos, and moved 
with the remainder, assisted bv General Canalizo, 
from one point to another in the vicinity, fortifying 
them, but making no efforts to oppose the hostile forces 
now marching up from the north and east, although 
the attempt could well have been made in detail. 
He probably doubted his soldiers, and the hesitation 
was not groundless, for the defection continued, Ga- 
lindo among others passing over to Valencia with 

justify any uprising to overthrow an impolitic, arbitrary, and unworthy ad- 
ministration. Comments on Santa Anna's attitude by Alvarez, in Pap. Var. , 
cxxii. pt 2. 

16 During the absence of Bravo, the president. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., 
]841, 81-2; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 32. F co J. Echeverria was 
born at Jalapa in 1797, and followed the vocation of his father as trader. 
Later he came to Mexico, after serving in the legislature of his state. In 
1834, and again in 1838 and 1839, he was called to the ministry of finance. 
Rivera, Gob. de M6x., ii. 238. All this time he retained his interest in the 
trading firm, and influenced in its favor a number of government contracts. 
He gained little credit by his public career, but stands prominent as a patron 
of arts and useful institutions. L. G. Vieyra was governor of Mexico at this 
time. Pap. Var., xliv. pt 30. The prior claim to the presidency appears to 
have been held by the absent J. A. Romero. 

A NEW PLAN. 233 

600 horsemen sent from Morelia to sustain the presi- 
dent. Within the citv, however, the fight had begun, 
and bombs and shells were once more spreading dev- 

Santa Anna occupied Tacubaya on September 25th, 
and there as general-in-chief reviewed the army, 
swelled by the forces of Paredes, Cortazar, and others. 
Three days later was issued the revised political plan 
known as the Bases of Tacuba}^a, by which the su- 
preme powers established by the constitution of 183G 
w T ere declared removed, except the judiciary. A 
council composed of two deputies from each depart- 
ment, selected by the general-in-chief from those at 
Mexico, should choose a provisional president, and 
summon a congress, to meet within eight months, 17 
for the sole purpose of framing a new constitution. 
The president was to have all the power necessary to 
reorganize the public administration, assisted by four 
ministers 18 and a council composed of two persons 
selected by each department. 19 For this virtual self- 
election by Santa Anna as dictator he possessed both 
the influence and power, and under the circumstances 
a strong rule concentrated in one hand was undoubt- 
edly necessary. The only question was its abuse. 

The plan granted the government two days for de- 
ciding upon its course, 20 during which several schemes 
were considered, among them the resignation of Busta- 
mante; but this was opposed by the senate. 21 Al- 

17 The convocation to be issued within two months, and the reunion to fol- 
low within the next six months. 

18 For foreign and interior affairs, public instruction and industries, 
finance, and army and navy. 

1<J Till this meets the junta above mentioned should act. The provincial 
authorities continued in office if in accord with national opinions. This docu- 
ment, in 13 articles or bases, dated September 28, 1841, is signed by a long 
list of army men, headed by Santa Anna and by Valencia, Paredes, and 
Gutierrez, generals of the 3d, 1st, and 2d army divisions respectively. Mix., 
Col. Ley. Fund., 219-26; BoletinOfic.,^t. 29, Oct. 1, 1841; Mex., Col Ley. 
y Dec, 1841, 82-6, 92-4; Ramirez, Tehuan. Mem., 1-3; English text in Mex. 
in 1842, 25-8; Robinson 's Mex. and her Mil. Chieftains, 184-7. Otero, Ensayo, 
22-3, while in favor of Santa Anna shows opposition to the dictatorship. 

20 Bustamante and others say three, but not so the documents on the point, 
in Santa Anna, Apunt., 1842, 1-24. 

21 The deputies agreeing, however. 


monte, the minister of war and virtual ruler, now 
conceived the idea of declaring in favor of the federal 
system as a means for preventing the objectionable 
dictatorship, and above all for circumventing the am- 
bitious Santa Anna. It was believed that the de- 
partments would support it with an overwhelming 
vote, and the capital was known to be strongly in its 
favor. To this end the minister negotiated for a pro- 
longation of the armistice, and issued commissions to 
several persons of influence to collect and arm the 
former militia of the city. Early on the morning of 
September 30th Bustamante and Canalizo, heading 
the cavalry and infantry respectively, proclaimed the 
federation in the great square before a vast crowd, 
.whose jubilant shouts were reechoed in salvos and 
pealing of bells; 22 but the act, as might have been 
expected, was not properly sustained by efficient move- 
ments; Valencia had besides won over many liberals, 
and the formidable army at Tacubaya had not been 
duly taken into account. 

Indignant at the counter manoeuvre, Santa Anna 
prepared to renew hostilities, and once again the city 
was exposed to all the horrors of the Urrea-Farias 
episode, with destruction of buildings and slaughter 
of innocent citizens, with robbery and outrages by out- 
laws, midst the lament of terrified and bereaved fami- 
lies. The fire was sustained not alone by the garrison 
under Valencia and Bustamante, which occupied dif- 
ferent positions within the city, the latter with head- 
quarters at the palace, but by the allied forces now 
investing the suburbs. 23 Charges, sorties, and skir- 

w Account and text in Boletin Ofic, Oct. 2, 1841. The constitution of 
1824 was declared restored, subject to revision, together with the congress, 
legislatures, and authorities of 1832, including the then provisional president, 
General Muzquiz. This was signed by the new governor, Ortiz de Zarate, among 
others. A junta patriotica of the following day added complementary clauses 
on election and reforms, and Canalizo confirmed them. Santa Anna now 
sought to win over the poder conservador by pointing out this overthrow of 
the constitution of 183(5, but obtained no reply. Bustamante., Gabinct?. Mex., 
MS., iv. 87 et seq.; Id., Diario, xliii. 1-147; Rivero, Mcx. en 1842, 86-94. 

28 And numbering about 8,000. At the opening of the struggle with 
Valencia, Bustamante had about 2,000 men, with a large proportion of cav- 


mishes had been the rule, and on October 3d Busta- 
mante made a formidable though ineffectual attack on a 
position at Puente de Jamaica, which cost a number 
of lives. This added to the discouragement imparted 
by the growing strength of the besiegers, and deser- 
tion increased, many believing that any revolution 
headed by Santa Anna must succeed. Echeverria 
and two of the ministers had disappeared, leaving 
Almonte to act for the government, for Bustamante 
hesitated to resume the control, although widely called 
upon, and Muzquiz, the summoned federal president, 
held back. Under such circumstances, Bustamante 
resolved to spare the city from further useless suffer- 
ing by evacuating it, which he did on the morning of 
the 5th, in the direction of Guadalupe. The allies 
followed, and both sides formed in battle array. Al- 
though stronger than his adversary, Santa Anna by 
no means relished the prospect of a battle. Busta- 
mante on his side doubted the resolution of his men, 
additionally demoralized by retreat, and so an amicable 
arrangement was effected, by which the government 
troops passed over to the allies, all past differences 
being buried. 24 

Bustamante departed for Europe, attended by the 
respect of all parties for his frank and kind-hearted 
character and his unselfish and honorable record as a 
public man. He was a brave soldier, however, rather 
than a statesman, somewhat slow of reflection, vacil- 
lating, and devoid of moral energy, and as such unfit 
above all to assume the administration under the try- 
ing circumstances opening before him in 1837, along 
a new path, under a new constitution forced upon the 

airy, while the other had 1,200, and most of the artillery. Madame Cal- 
deron de la Barca, Life in Mex., ii. 224 et seq., gives some interesting expe- 
rience during this period. 

24 The proposed constitutional congress should alone pass judgment on the 
acts of the late and the future administrations. Dublan and Lozano, Ley. 
Mex., iv. 32-4; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 4G4. The act is dated 
at Estanzuela, Oct. 6th. On the day Santa Anna approached Tacubaya, 
Bustamante had sought in vain to effect an arrangement with Paredes and 


country by a party with which the people at large 
were not in sympathy. With undefined ideas and 
scanty means he had started upon the experimental 
course, trusting to fortune and bad advisers, and 
neglecting the lessons taught by experience. Active 
and passive opposition encountered him on every side, 
based partly on stagnated resources, and breaking out 
in pronunciamientos, which, added to the French fiasco, 
the secession of Yucatan, the insolence of Texas, and 
Indian border raids, left his administration in no en- 
viable plight. 25 

On October 7th Santa Anna made his triumphal 
entry into Mexico, and was declared provisional pres- 
ident. 26 Two days later he assumed control of affairs, 
forming a new cabinet, composed of Gomez Pedraza, 
Crispiniano del Castillo, Ignacio Trigueros, and Gen- 
eral Tornel. 27 Popular approval naturally followed 
the winning side, but any change was now welcomed 
as an improvement, and the hero of Vera Cruz seemed 
the most promising man for the occasion. A specta- 

25 He returned after the fall of Santa Anna in 1844, and we shall again 
meet him in public life. He had been decorated while president, and received 
the coveted title beneme'rito de la patria. A. Bustamante, Decretos, 1-4; Id., 
Iniciativa, 1-13; Pap. Var., lvi. pt 5, clxxx. pt 14, cxci. pt 1. Madame Cal- 
deron comments on his frank, honest, unheroic face, and his qualities as sub- 
ordinate, rather than leader. Life in Mex., i. 9G-7. Lowenstern attributes 
his errors to frank reliance on friends. Mex., 284-5. Thompson lauds the 
unselfishness shown in his poverty. Recoil. Mex., 87. ' De manos puras y de 
corazon inocente,' adds Bustamante. Apuntes Hist. Santa-Anna, 28. 

26 Tornel signs the decree as president of the body. M6x., Col. Ley. y Dec., 
1841, 93-4. 

27 For interior and foreign relations, public instruction and industries, 
finance, and army and navy, respectively. Pedraza had figured in 1838 as 
minister for foreign affairs, and Tornel, the well known supporter of his chief, 
had been repeatedly war minister, and also in charge of the finances. Garcia, 
ex-governor of Zacatecas, had been selected for finances, but declined, and 
Duf6o took charge till Trigueros, a Vera Cruz merchant, entered in November. 
About the same time the able Bocanegra left the supreme court and took 
Pedraza 's place, Castillo assuming control of the judicial and ecclesiastic 
branch. The latter was replaced by Pedro Velez in February 1842. Thomp- 
son, Recoil. Mex., 82-4, speaks highly of Bocanegra, Trigueros, and Tornel, 
the latter known as a patron of learning. Pedraza is alluded to as a haughty, 
disagreeable man, with whom Santa Anna quarrelled on a slight pretext. 
Bustamante, Diario, MS., xliii. 258-9; Id., Mem. Hist. M6x., MS., ii. 153, 
concerning Trigueros' career. Almonte was quieted with the mission to the 
United States. 


tor could not fail to be impressed by his tall, graceful 
figure, with its small oval face stamped by thought 
and energy, and with the closely set eyes, brilliantly 
reflecting an impulsive nature and a talented mind. 
A sprinkling of gray in the black hair added dignity, 
and the dark, bilious complexion, with its striking ex- 
pression of anxious melancholy hovering round the 
mouth when in repose, generally brightened during 
conversation into sympathizing affability and winning 
smiles. When giving command the voice assumed a 
well balanced, dictatorial tone, which was effectively 
imposing, and when roused his face changed into re- 
pelling fierceness. The arbitrary power accorded to 
him by the bases of Tacubaya in self-election, 28 control 
of convocation for a congress, and subordination of 
the council of state, opened the eyes of opponents still 
doubtful as to the drift of the revolution, and protests 
began to flow in, notably from Jalisco, Aguascalientes, 
Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi, and from Bravo, 29 "in 
the name of the southern provinces, supplemented by 
a federal pronunciamiento in Guadalajara and Durango, 
here by Urrea. But Santa Anna was prepared. He 
had foreseen some such difficulty, and hastened to de- 
spatch Paredes against the federalists, with an army 
greatly swelled by impressment, while sending com- 
missioners to win others by promises and intrigues. 
The mere news of Bustamante's overthrow, his own 
successful assumption of power, and the prompt ad- 
vance of a strong force sufficed to bring about a pru- 
dent reaction. Guadalajara announced its submission, 
the central protesting body at Queretaro dissolved, 
Alvarez yielded on the condition of being left in charge 

28 He was elected by 39 out of 44 votes, the departments being by no means 
fully or properly represented. 

29 His proclamation in Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 464, 15-17. 
Notices were sent to deny it, as in Voto de Son., Dec. 20, 1841. General Al- 
varez sustained him. Maw/., 57, etc.; Pap. Var., clxxxvi. pt 2. Argument 
against, in Quejas de los Mex., 1-8; Mex. Pamphlets, i. pt 9. The protesting 
provinces demanded that a junta, convoked at Queretaro by Paredes, should 
choose the provisional president and define hi? power, and that a congress, 
to be immediately summoned, should elect a proprietory executive and frame 
a constitution. 


of the southern coast, Bravo had to acquiesce, and 
Urrea was bribed with the comandancia general of 
Sonora, whereupon Santa Anna, now firmer than ever 
in power, generously issued a general amnesty. 30 

Reforms became now the order of the day, from 
the nature of the energetic man in control as well as 
from a politic desire to conciliate parties and remedy 
glaring defects. The first step was naturally to grat- 
ify the army, and so bind closer to the administration 
its main support, while preparing also a necessary 
check on the movements of Yucatan and Texas, the 
latter marked this time by an invasion of New Mex- 
ico under McLeod and Cooke, but promptly defeated 
by General Armijo. 31 Several new regiments were 
formed, notably the grenadier guard, under stringent 
drafting resolutions, and with determined efforts to 
dress, arm, and maintain them. 32 For this and other 
purposes a depleted treasury had to be filled, and 
with fresh taxes. But it was not deemed prudent to 
startle the people by any sudden or heavy contribu- 
tions from the fondled vision of lighter burdens and 
rising prosperity. They were still lulled by the re- 
moval of the fifteen per cent consumption tax, and a 
modification of the three per mille impost on estates, 
while a parade was made of economy by reducing the 
assignment to home creditors 33 by putting off the 

30 Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 466. Aguascalientes was made a 
comandancia general. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 89. Alvarez was 
promoted to a division. 

31 The Texans, including many U. S. men, being sent to languish in cap- 
tivity at Perote and other places. A full account of this interesting episode 
is given in Hist. Arizona and New Mexico, this series, based on original 
sources, as well as on works like Kendall's Narr. Santa Fe Exped., i.-ii. 

32 Mex., Col. Leu. V Dec, 1S41, 159-61, 1SS-9. The movements of the 
officers were subjected to closer control. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 
4G8; Bastamante, Diario, MS., xliv. 3. Charges arose against Arista and 
others in connection with army contracts. La Minerva, Mar. 25, 1845. 
During 1840 several decrees appeared for organizing the militia. Me'x., Decrcto 
Militia, 1-4; Pap. Var., liv. pt 12, clii. pt 5, 11, clxxx. pt 11; Mex., Mem. 
Guerra, 1841, 1842. 

33 Of the 8, 10, 12, 15, and 17 per cent assigned on custom-house receipts. 
The holders raised such an outcry against a contemplated total suspension 
that half the amount was allowed, and subsequently the arrangement of 
1836, with different modifications. 


English bondholders, who were finally appeased with 
a small concession, 34 by resuming the management of 
the tobacco department, and by other measures. In 
April of the following year, however, several direct 
contributions were imposed on industries, on articles 
of luxury, and on incomes, together with a capitation 
tax. 35 Meanwhile, to cover immediate and additional 
needs, the archbishop was obliged to provide $200,000, 
surrender the inquisition building, and witness the 
sale of a fine estate formerly belonging to the Jesuits, 36 
and subsequently the seizure of the California pious 
fund. 37 And so the clergy had to pay for their share 
in the revolution. 

A part of the sums thus obtained were appropri- 
ated for redeeming the copper money, about fourteen 
millions, mostly false, which circulated at half its 
face value, to the prejudice especially of the poor. 
The new coin, worth an eighth of a rial and weighing 
half an ounce, 38 proved a great relief; but the abrupt 
manner of calling in the old money caused great mis- 
chief. 39 Santa Anna took special pains to •remove 

34 Lizardi & Co. arranged at first for allowing them one fifth of the 
receipts at Vera Cruz and Tampico custom-houses, they surrendering half of 
the four years' interest due; but this not being allowed by the government, 
the latter, on October 10, 1842, assigned 3^ per cent added to the duties 
at these ports. 

35 The latter one rial per month, the income tax from | to \ per cent. 
Also 15 per cent on legacies to corporations. Mex., Mem. Hac., 1841, 1842; 
Romero, Mem., 215 et seq. 

36 That known as La Compania, near Chalco. The $200,000 were in 
response to $500,000 demanded. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 122-5; 
Apuntes, Santa-Anna, 15-17, at this time made a vain appeal for restoring 
the Jesuits. Other petitions in Mendizabal, Repres., 1-26; Pap. Var., clxxi. 
pt 14; Mex., Doc. y Obras sobre Jesuitas, 1-8, on a proposed issue of Jesuit 

37 Serving to sustain its missionary and clergy. The government for 
a while allowed an equivalent. See Hist. Gal., iv., this series. A decree of 
October 13th forbade the sale of mortmain property without government per- 
mission. Dvblan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 35-6. The bishops and orders 
were besides obliged to accept drafts for different amounts. Bustamante, 
Apuntes Santa- A nn a, 47-8. Valencia was rewarded by the grant of seized 
property and the management of the pious fund. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 245. 

38 Bearing on the face a figure of liberty and on the reverse a civic crown 
with the value mark in the centre and round it the words Republica Mejicana. 

39 The decree, dated Nov. 4, 1841, forbade the circulation of the old 
money after 30 days in the department of Mexico, and after 60 days elsewhere, 
yet offered the new coin only six months after the surrender of the other. Le- 


vestiges of the late conflicts in the city, rebuilding 
the plaza Volador, and causing the erection of a 
new theatre to bear his name. He must also be 
credited with having fostered education, trade, and 
industries in several directions, establishing mercan- 
tile tribunals and juntas de fomento for general devel- 
opment in departmental capitals and ports, 40 reinstall- 
ing the old mining tribunal and forming a legislative 
junta to edit the code. A contract was entered into 
to open the Tehuantepec Isthmus for interoceanic 
traffic, although nothing came of it; 41 steps were taken 
to plant European colonies in Tamaulipas, with little 
success; 42 and Mexican territory was swelled by the 
incorporation of Soconusco, a province formerly be- 
longing to Chiapas, but which, refusing to join her 
when she separated from Guatemala to become part 
of the newly formed Mexican republic, had main- 
tained independence of both neighbors. Aggressive 

brija y Barrera, Cobre Tabac. Prest., several pamphlets. Pap. Var., cliv. pts 

40 Supported by one eighth per cent on consumption duties and other 
contributions. Regulations of Nov. 15th, in Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1841, 
119-25. Otero, Obras, MS., ii. 7-12, has some excellent observations on 
efforts for development in Mexico. A proposed bribe by merchants of $700,- 
000 for the free introduction of spun thread, though tempting to a poor gov- 
ernment, was rejected in the interest of manufactures. Comments in Ver- 
dadera d la Falsa Opinion, 1-15; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., MS., iv. 16-17. 
Information on schools of agriculture, mining, etc., in Baranda, Dec. Escuelas, 
1-12; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 514-31; Mex., Junta Mineria, 1-12. 
On the Volador rebuilding, in Mex., Ayunt. Expos. Plaza Volador; Pap. 
Var., civ. pt 14. In course of 1843 the famous Parian bazaar, chiefly occu- 
pied by mercers, at an annual rental to the municipality of $30,000, was 
demolished for the sake of embellishing the plaza. Petition against the 
decree in Mex., Expos., 1-16; Pap. Var., lxxxiii. pt 11. Losses to mer- 
chants specified in Lista de Danos del Parian, 1845, MS., 1-7; Doc. Hist. 
Mex., pt 12. 

41 With Garay, agent for Englishmen, who again transferred the charter 
to Americans. Contract in Diario Gob., March 4, 1842. Details of plan, 
survey, etc., in Garay, Jsth. Tehuan., 1-188. The later claims of the grantees 
were ignored. Tehuan., Dictdmen Comis., 1851, 1-51; Tehuan., Mem. Dere- 
chos, 1852, 1-28; Garay, Privileg., 1-28; Mancro, Not. Hist. Com., 51-6; 
Ramirez, Mem. Diferenc, 1-108. The interoceanic question will be treated in 
another place. 

42 Which brought about also the permission for foreigners to hold real 
estate, although not without protests. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 
465, 620-1. Outlines of colonization plans in Willie, Not. 11 ox., 53-7, ap. 
14-28. Bustamante objects. Dhtrio, MS., xliv. 51. Pdvero compares the 
value of different nationalities for Mexico, and finds all lacking in sympathy, 
Mex. en 1842, 240-1. 


acts on the part of Guatemala roused the agitation 
of a party, which encouraged Mexican troops to enter 
and take possession in August 1842. 43 

On the other hand appeared a series of unfortunate 
events and despotic acts that far outweighed the bene- 
fits conferred. Early spring frosts inflicted great in- 
jury on the crops round the capital, and the flight of 
laborers before the severe conscription law added to 
the scarcity. The usual indulgence in pronunciami- 
entos and outbreaks rippled the political surface and 
spread their evil in different sections. Sonora was 
stirred by civil war, waged against Comandante Gen- 
eral Urrea by Gandara, a native aspirant for power. 44 
Lower California had a similar lighter experience, and 
the provinces eastward suffered from the usual bloody 
raids of wild Indians; 45 while the mountaineers of the 
Chilapa region rose against the government, and en- 
couraged by the sheltering ranges and several military 
successes, they promoted an extensive if not very 
strong movement all alonof the Mescala into Puebla 
and Oajaca, which continued throughout this and the 
following years. 46 

43 And by decree of Sept. 11th the territory was attached to Chiapas. 
Dvhlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 2G2-3; Diario Gob., Aug. 31, 1842, Feb. 
8, 1843. Larrainzar, Soconusco, Mex., 1843, 1-194, reviews the question at 
length in favor of Mexico; also in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 124-G8, 392, 
etc., while more or less contrary arguments may be found in Bustamante, 
Diario, MS., xlv. 119, 205; Que. Oic., Oct. lS/Dec. 24, 1842; Mex., Mem. 
Bel, 1844, 3. 

44 As will be related in Hist. North Mex. States, ii. , this series. 

45 A treaty was celebrated with the (Jomanches on January 31, 1843, to be 
broken by the Indians at the first promising opportunity, as so many previ- 
ous arrangements had been. Siglo XIX., Mar. 6, 1842, etc. 

46 The cause lay in certain acts of injustice by proprietors and judges. 
Diario Gob., ap. 26, 1842, etc. In Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1844, 54-9, the 
government course is naturally upheld and victories spoken of involving as 
many as 250 Indians killed; yet the war continued. The comandante general 
Alvarez was known to be hostile to Santa Anna, who dared not do aught than 
dissimulate; and he was supposed to be secretly in sympathy with the rebels. 
His elaborate Manifesto of 1845, 1-180, djes not wholly clear him. There 
was an agitation at this time to erect this region, the former Tecpan, into a 
separate department, Bravo and Alvarez, Ma /if., 1-35; Pap. Var,, lxxxii. 
pt 7, exxii. pt 2, and to establish two presidios, at Chilpancingo and Cuerna- 
vaca, to protect the route from Acapulco against robbers. Mix. , Col. L?y. , 
May 1854, 14-20. 

Hisx. Mex., Vol. V. 16 


A more serious affair was the now pronounced 
segregation of Yucatan. She had in March 1841 
adopted a new constitution, a revision of the federal 
law of 1825, a newly elected congress had been in- 
stalled, and a declaration of independence had actually 
passed the lower chamber, although the governor in- 
duced the senate to table it. 47 Santa Anna was de- 
termined to continue the preparations for reconquest 
which he had diverted for the overthrow of Busta- 
mante. Meanwhile he commissioned the Yucatec 
lawyer, Quintana Roo/ s to seek a peaceful settlement; 
but relying on its late successes, the peninsula would 
yield only in so far as to remain nominally a part of 
Mexico, with her own present laws and management 
of finances and custom-houses, subject to her own civil 
and military rulers, and contributing to the republic 
only a fair sum based on true resources and require- 
ments. Any disposition encroaching hereupon could 
be entertained only from a free and popularly elected 
congress. 49 These terms roused the indignation of 
the Mexican government, which declared that the 
bases of Tacubaya must be admitted as a primary 
condition, and that all Yucatecs who failed to submit 
to the laws of the republic would be treated as foes. 53 

The peninsular authorities proving equally obdu- 
rate, a part of the projected expedition, 1,500 strong, 
left Vera Cruz in August under Morales, and after a 
slight skirmish took possession of the Isla del Carmen 
presidio and the entire Yucatec navy of three ves- 
sels. With the aid of 2,700 additional men, under 

47 Barbachano and Peraza were the main promoters of independence. A 
flag was designed with four vertical stripes of green, red, white, and red, the 
former bearing five stars, representing the departments of the new state; the 
red stripes were narrower than the others. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 244. 

48 Famed as a writer, and whose wife achieved celebrity by eloping to 
share his hardships during the war of independence. 

49 To which representatives would go from Yucatan. This was signed on 
Dec. 28, 1841. Yuc, Manif. Gob., 1841, 18 et seq.; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, 
iii. ap. 38 et seq.; Yuc, Expos. Gob., 1841, 4-5. 

50 Yet offering to leave undisturbed its officials and troops, and also the tariff 
till it could be revised for the whole republic. Mex., Mem. Bel., 1844, 47-8; 
Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. Cong., pts 52-5, 153 et seq. The new commissioner 
arrived with these proposals in May 1842. 



Minon, Champoton and Lerma were occupied, and 
siege was laid to Campeche. This proved ineffectual 
against the able resistance offered, and Santa Anna, 
in January 1843, intrusted the management of the 
campaign to Pena y Barragan with forces now 
amounting to 4,500 men. He sought to divert the 
attention of Llergo, his chief opponent, by carrying 
the war into the region of Merida, but displayed such 
lack of energy and skill that Ampudia was sent with 
800 additional men to assume the control. He arrived 
off Campeche in April, just in time to hear that Peila 


had capitulated with the flower of the army, and was 
about to embark for Vera Cruz and Tampico. The 
Mexicans had suffered greatly from the climate on 
this low and heated coast, and Ampudia recognized 
that he could achieve nothing with the reduced force 
at his command. Nevertheless he made so efficient 
a demonstration before the still besieged Campeche, 
as to impress the Yucatecs with the danger and cost 
of rejecting peace proposals now again tendered. An 
armistice was agreed upon, and commissioners pro- 


ceecled to Mexico to arrange the terms. After con- 
siderable trouble, involving temporary suspension of 
negotiations, a treaty was framed on December 14, 
1843, whereby Yucatan recognized the government 
and constitution of the republic, with representa- 
tion in congress, but was allowed to administer its 
own affairs, retain its officials and actual military 
force, exempt from furnishing any contingent of men, 
save for the fleet, 51 manage its finances, and dispose of 
the revenue, forming its own tariffs. 5 ' 2 And so the 
costly efforts of Mexico were in vain; for Yucatan 
achieved all she had really aimed at, chiefly with the 
aid of her climate and Mexican military blunders. 
Santa Anna sought in the following year to encroach 
on the tariff clause of the treaty, and remonstrances 
proving vain, the province again resolved to ignore 
the supreme government; but the latter becoming 
involved with the United States, it had to yield and 
confirm the treaty. 53 

51 The Mexicans keeping a force only at the naval arsenal of Carmen and 
in case of foreign war. The president has the prerogative in episcopal patron- 
age, and in selecting the superior financial oiiicer from the trio nominated by 

5 - So that foreign goods sent from Yucatan to Mexico had to be subjected 
to the tariffs of the republic. Trade between the two was subject to the re- 
spective tariffs. Favors to any department to be shared by Yucatan, unless 
purely local. This treaty was signed at Mexico by Tornel, minister of war, 
and commissioners Pinelo, Rejon, and Castillo. Text in Yuc, Tratado, 1845, 
1-8; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, iii. G4. The latter provides, indeed, the most 
acceptable account of the campaign, followed in the main by Ancona, Hist. 
Yuc, iii. 383 et seq., and others. The version in Bcirbacheno, Mem. Camp., 
59-67, touches mainly Campeche. The original decrees, reports, etc., there- 
on are given in Yuc, Expos., 1, etc.; Yuc, Manif. Gob. Provls., 1-70; Vallejo, 
Col. Doc. Alex., MS., ii. pt454; Buenrostro, Hint. Prim. Con;/., pts lii.-v. 153- 
255; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1844, 4, 11-30; hi.. Mem. Bel.,4'6-9; Diario Gob., 
Mar. 19, Nov. 9, Dec. 21, 1842; Jan. 1, Mar. 16, 31, Apr. 20, 1843, etc.; 
Duende, Apr. 11, 1843, etc.; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 406, 505-7, 
675-8. Account of damage caused by the invasion is commented upon in Yuc, 
Mem.., 1846, Apr. 26. Carmen Island presidio is described in Soc Mex. Geog., 
Bolet., iii. 455-69. The Mexican version of the war is given in Buslamante, 
Diario, MS., xliii. 291-2; xliv. 109, xlv. 119, 213, 277; xlvi. 37,211-13, 231, 
235; Id., Apuntes, Hist. Santa Anna, 80, 155-97, 230-5, etc. He rebukes Santa 
Anna for having sacrificed nearly two million pesos and 4,000 men. The tone 
is softer in Bivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 487-600, passim. In Niles] Beg., lxiv. 
passim, and adjoining volumes, the Texan share in the *>aval combat at 
Campeche is given prominence. Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 326-33, comments 
on the complex tariffs which arise. See also Suarez, Informe, 8-9, 18, 108-9; 
Pap. Var., xlix. pt 17, lxxxvi. pt 3, exciii. pt 8. 

53 Yuc, Expos. Gob.; Pap. Var., xlix. pt 16; Yuc, Mem., 1845, p. iii.— iv., 


While negotiations were yet going on in 1843 Am- 
pudia had been ordered to retire to Tabasco, on sani- 
tary grounds as well as to prevent revolutionary infec- 
tion from spreading in this sympathizing department. 
The measure was prudent, for Sentmanat, the gov- 
ernor, objected to the intrusion, and marched forth to 
resist it; but in a battle on July 11th, near the cap- 
ital, he was routed 54 and fled to the United States, 
there to form an expedition for recovering his lost 
ground. Ampudia soon reduced the province, as- 
sisted by the fleet, and was rewarded with the com- 
mand. 55 In June the following year Sentmanat re- 
appeared with about fifty adventurers whom he had 
enlisted at New Orleans. The government had re- 
ceived ample warning, and his small vessel was chased 
aground by cruisers, while Ampudia followed so close 
upon the heels of the band as to capture it within a 
few days, ere a junction with native forces could be 
effected. The prisoners were promptly shot, including 
Sentmanat, whose head remained impaled in warning 
to others. 56 

These operations proved a heavy drain on the treas- 
ury, and the taxes continued to increase in every direc- 
tion, 57 among: them those on house drains and coach 

1846, p. 4; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 184G, 10; Id., Mem. Bel., 48-66; 1847, 45- 
66. After Santa Anna's fall congress also proposed to repudiate the treaty, 
but the question with the U. S. prevented a rupture. Yuc., Mem. Hist., Feb. 
5, 1846. 

54 Ampudia claims that Sentmanat held a strong position with 800 men 
and 11 guns, and that he engaged him with only 900. Siglo XIX., July 24, 
1843, etc. 

5b Diario Gob., Feb. 19, Aug. 4, 1843, etc.; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1844, 31; 
Busiamante, Diario, MS., xlvi. 69; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 209-16. The 
shelling process taught by the French at Ulua come here into good use. 

56 After having been boiled in oil, it is said. 'La pusieron en una jaula,' 
according to Rivera, Hint. Jala-pa, iii. 023. See Minerva, May 13, 1845; Pa- 
bel. JSTac., Oct. 5, 1S44; Defens. Inter/. Nac, Aug. 10, 14, 17, 1844; Abeja, 
Oct. 31, 1844; Movimiento, Nov. 10, 1844. The vessel which brought them, 
the Wm A. Turner, left New Orleans May 27th. Of the captured 43, 39 were 
shot. Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1845, 5, including several French and Spanish 
adventurers, regarding whom their ministers raised several protests. See 
correspondence in Siglo XIX., Mar. 21, 23, etc., 1845; Conrrier, French jour- 
nal of Mexico, Mar. 20, Apr. 19, etc., 1845; Masson, Olla Podrida, 6.2-73; Bus- 
tamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 53-6. Certain persons sought to purge 
themselves of complicity. Tabasco, Rejpres. Guardacostas, 1-8. 

57 The list forming a thick book 'que se vendia. . .por un peso.' 


wheels. Several measures were besides taken to ob- 
tain immediate large sums, such as encroaching still 
more on benevolent and trust funds, 58 leasing the 
Zacatecas mint to Englishmen, 59 levying forced loans 
and selling property to collect them, and finally by 
permitting a large importation of spun thread, so 
vigorously assailed on former occasions as ruinous, 
and by adding twenty per cent to the import duty, 
thus increasing by far the burdens which had been 
used as pretext for overthrowing the former adminis- 
tration. 60 

While the means thus collected were chiefly sunk 
in the fruitless Yucatan campaign, they were osten- 
sibly to be used for defensive and offensive operations 
against Texas. Over six years had elapsed since the 
last serious effort to recover the province, a period 
broken only by petty inroads on either side, occa- 
sionally by Mexico to sustain her claims, and oftener 
by Texas to retaliate and distract her plans. The 
most notable of these expeditions was the disastrous 
march against Santa Fe in 1841, the defeat of which 
the Mexicans followed up by a descent into the state 
in March the following year. 61 After this the utter- 
ance and preparations in the lone-star region grow so 
ominous as to maintain the Mexicans in constant ap- 
prehension of a strong reprisal. A prompt counter- 
manoeuvre was deemed necessary, in a manner to 
fully impress the hostile districts with the power of 
the republic, and the danger of being made the battle- 
ground. General Woll was intrusted with the task, 
and proceeded so cautiously that his appearance be- 
fore Bejar, in the middle of September 1842, proved 

58 From the sodality del Rosario $20,000 were taken. In April 1843 the 
property of the Mercy order, valued at $80,000, was seized, and the colegio de 
Santos was closed to the same end. Rivera, Mex. Pint., i. 157-61. 

59 For 14 years, $100,000 being paid at once. The ayuntamiento of Zaca- 
tecas was dissolved for venturing to protest. Siglo XIX., Oct. 15, 1842, etc. 

c0 Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlvi. no. 230. 

61 Under General Vasquez, who occupied the evacuated San Antonio de 
Bepr for two days only, behaving with great consideration. Hays had re- 
tired with his ranker garrison. 


wholly unexpected. After a slight skirmish, there- 
fore, he took possession of the town, and two days 
later engaged in an undecisive conflict with a relief 
party, whereupon he retired unmolested beyond the 
river, his main object having been attained. 02 The 
incursion had led to a large gathering of defenders, 
for none knew Woll's intentions, and it was decided 
to make some use of the movement for a reprisal. 
Several hundred accordingly crossed the Rio Grande 
in December and occupied Laredo and Guerrero. 
Discord broke up the party, and most of the men 
turned back. About one third resolved to continue 
the campaign and made a descent on Mier; but here 
the portion of the northern army, under Ampudia 
and Canales, about 2,000 strong, came up and turned 
the tables, obliging them to capitulate. 63 

It was evident that Texan expeditions by land were 
not to be feared, save by exposed settlements, and the 
little republic was regarded by Mexico rather as the 
work of the United States and an index to their atti- 
tude. Whatever might be undertaken against Texas, 
this formidable power behind must be studied and 
humored to a great extent, lest occasion be given for 
the quarrel which a great party within her borders 
were endeavoring to precipitate. After long negoti- 
ations, commissioners had been appointed, under a 
convention of April 1839, for examining the gradually 
accumulated claims of American citizens against the 
republic, amounting to more than eleven millions of 
dollars, out of which, two thirds being investigated, 
two millions were allowed. 64 By a later arrange- 
ment, 65 the interest so far due on the sum was to be 

62 A number of prominent residents were captured. Woll's reports may- 
be consulted in Tejas, Exjped. , 1-60. Woll was a French officer who had 
come over with Mina. A mutiny occurring soon after this, Woll resigned 
the command of the northern army and Ampudia took charge. 

63 For particulars, including the attempted escape of the prisoners, I refer 
to my Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series, wherein original and published 
reports, including Green's Journal of the Mier Ex peel., receive due attention. 

64 Or $2,020, 139.68. U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 27, Ses. 2, Sen. 320, Vol. iv. 
420, Vol. v.; H. Ex. Doc. 291. Vol. v.; H. Com. Kept., 1,096, Vol. v. 

65 Of Jan. 30, 1843. 


paid in April 1843, and the principal with later in- 
terest in the course of five years. 66 The first payments 
were made, although forced loans had to be levied for 
the purpose under the most grievous circumstances. 67 
One reason for this promptness was apprehensions 
roused by the agitation at different places in the 
northern republic in favor of Texas, with actual enrol- 
ment of men for aiding her. When the Mexican 
minister remonstrated, the government at Washing- 
ton professed to be ignorant of any such movement, 
although belied at the very moment by an aggres- 
sive act on the part of its Pacific squadron, which, 
in October 1842, took possession of Monterey in 
California. Ample apology was tendered, but the 
fact remained patent that at Washington affairs had 
matured to the very point of war, in apparent sym- 
pathy with the popular feeling. To this, moreover, 
was directly due the justifiably strong language from 
Mexico which was claimed to have roused the United 
States. Then, in the spring of 1843, came another 
invasion of New Mexico from Texas, although pre- 
pared mainly in the provinces to the north. The 
States now pleaded inability to restrain such attempts, 
but it was evident that sufficient efforts had not been 
exerted to check them. It cannot be denied that the 
Texan question, a turning-point for strife, was an out- 
growth of Mexico's past errors, and that the sympathy 
of the Anglo-Americans was natural; but this by no 
means justified its different manifestations, which 
could not fail to provoke the somewhat over-sensitive 
national honor of the Mexicans. 68 Their relations 

66 This was effected by Minister Thompson, who takes credit for having 
arranged a settlement on a metallic basis, in view of the depreciated treasury 
notes, which were worth only 30 per cent. Recoil. Mex. , 222-9, 279, etc. ; U. 
S. Govt Doc, Cong. 28, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 158; Mex. Treaties, ii. pt 6. By 
convention of Nov. 1843, the claims not yet examined, and Mexican claims 
against the United States, were to be adjusted by a new commission. Santa 
Anna deferred ratifying this arrangement in order to gain the much needed 
time for deferring unpleasant settlements. 

07 The April payment amounted to $270,000. 

68 The development of the question will be comprehensively considered in 
a later chapter, and the different acts of aggression in the Hist. North Mex. 
States, ii., and Hist. Arizona and New Mexico, this series. 


with France and England were not on a much better 
footing; for both had offended them by acknowledging 
the independence of Texas, and assisting her with 
means, the latter making herself besides obnoxious by 
pressing for the fulfilment of pecuniary obligations. 69 

69 Fresh claims for injury to English residents were accumulating. At a 
public ball an English flag, taken from the Texans, had been exhibited as a 
trophy, notwithstanding the protest of the minister, and the latter had also 
offended by transmitting a letter from Texas, unwittingly it was claimed, 
containing an offer of five millions for the recognition of that state, with a 
bribe for the minister who could manage to pass the project. Santa Anna's 
virtuous indignation at the proposal was manifested in Diario Gob., xxii. no. 
2433; Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 41-2, 240. Thompson justly scouts 
the supposed influence of England in Mexico. Recoil. Max., 23G-8. The 
Belize boundary was also a cause for trouble. The commission appointed in 
1839 for determining the line had been unable to attend to the task, owing to 
the Yucatan war. Mcx., Mem. Bel., 1840, 2; Soc. Mex.Geog., Bolet., iii. 239. 
The French had been offended by steps taken against their consul at Vera 
Cruz for corresponding with Yucatec rebels. A treaty of commerce with the 
Hanseatic towns was effected on June 27, 1842. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. 
Mex., iv. 227. 

The following authorities have also been consulted in the preparation of 
the three preceding chapters: Mex., Col. Leyes Fund., 219-27; Id., Col. Ley. 
y Dec., 1839, passim; 1S40, 250-G1, 37G-439, 4S8-7SG, 829; 1841, 22-4, 54, 
61, 81-93, 119-61, 188-9; 1844-6, 552-4, 577-92; Id., Mem. Relac, MS., 1839, 
1-1G; Id., Mem. Minist. Int., 1838, 2-G; Id., Mem. Hacienda, 1838, 1-2; 1845, 
1-77; 1870, 31, 1035-7; Id., Mem. Guerra, 1839, 27; 1840, 28, 4G-7; 1811, 1- 
48, annexes nos 1-18; Estado Mayor Gral. Ejer., 2-7, 33-29G; Arrillaga, Re- 
cop., 1838, 47, 92, 138, 214-17, 273-92, 400, 533-54; 1839, 3-11, 32-7, '70, 86, 
94-105, 15G, 170-4, 189, 204-5, 233, 258, 2G7-9, 307; May 1849-April 1850, 
13; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 54-216, ii. 5-7, 39-248; Id., MS., i. 1G1, 
21G, 225, 349-51, 386, 444-9, 494-6, 554, ii. 243, 343-7, 355, 378, iii. 119-21, 
143-9, 243-57, iv. 1-86; Id., Diario Mex., MS., xliii. 1-348, xliv. 3, xlv. 215- 
17, xlvi. 35, 96; Id., Hist. Sta Anna, 1-34; Id., MS., i. 89-91, 115-25; Id., 
Marilrol., 8; Id., Cuad. Hist., viii. 163-4, 174; Id., Voz de la Patria, MS., 
xiv. 203-51, 296; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 1-12; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. 
Mex., iii. 482, 512-34, 564-82, 617-31, 675, 692-5, 727-30, iv. 6, 24, 29-36, 
66-7, 76, 89, 227-33, 363; Informe Estrada- Empl. S. Bias, 15; Contreras, 
Garant. Individ., 1-36; El Tiempo, May 6, 1846, 1; Martin, Precis, 97-100; 
Bolet. Extraord. Ciudadela; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 240-55; Dubois. Le Mexique, 
115-18; Filisola, Defensa, 1-28; Leon, Contest., 1-10S; Canseco, Justa Repre- 
salia, 1-32; Fossey, Mex., 166-71, 253, 284-5, 507-20; Haro, Mem. Justify 3- 
17; Caballero, Hist. Aim., 14-15; Quejas de los Mex., 1-8; Mi'dler, Reisenhi 
Mex., iii. 319-20; Micheltorena, Discurso; Lempriere's Notes in Mex., 428; 
Anal. Minist. Fom., ii. 462-70; Escalera y Liana, Mex. Hist.-descript., 55-68; 
Kennedies Tex., ii. 307-10, 352; Nouv. Annales Voy., lxxxvi. 119, Ixxxvii. 
137-8, ixxxix. 122, cv. 198-9; Mosaico Mex., i. 81-5, iii. 113-15; Barbarhano, 
Mem. Camp., 54-67; Norman's Rambles in Yuc, 224-35; Arista, Of do, 1-46; 
Id., Manif., 1-16; Hunt's Merchants' Mag., xlv. 607; Nota del Minist. Boni- 
lla sobre Patronato, MS., 1-20; Notic. del Editor sobre Establec. Oficio Escri- 
banos, pp. i.-xxxiv. ; Ober, Mexico, 427-$', Mendizabal, Represent, que al Con- 
greso, 1-26; Alvarez, Manif., 5-23, 57-107, 124-32, 142-59; Diario Ofic, May 
14, 15, 16, 22, 1879; Pena, Revdquese esta Sancion, 1 1.; Mcx., Proy. de Re- 
forma, 1840, 1-107; Ramirez, Voto Particul., 109-38; Estrada, Carta, 1-96; 
Id., Alg. Reflex., 1-80; Id., Impugn., 1-37; Gutierrez Estrada, Lettrede, 1-33; 
Ortega, Represent, que Dirige, 2 11.; Vistazo Rdpido, 5-10; San Miguel, Pan- 
dectas Hispano-Mej.; Amador, Las Garant. Individ., 3-36; Didlogo Ocurrido, 


1-4; Alatorre, Manif del Gob r Aguascal., 1-16; Escalada, Manif., 3-51; Mon- 
toro, Contest, al Itinerario, 3-24; Abuso del Poder Judic; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 
ii. 201; Ya es Tiempo, 1-4; Urrea, Proiesta, 1-19; Tres Dias de Minist., Ver- 
dadera Notic., 1-32; Sierra y Rosso, Discurso; Id., Discurso Colocac, 1-8; 
Salv., Diario Ofic, Jan. 26, 1875, Sept. 10, 11, 18, 1879; Posada y Gardufio, 
Pastoral, 1-13; Barrio, Acusacion; Pacheco, Oration Civ.; Zozaya, Apelac, 
28, 40; Id., Oration Civ.; Paredes y Arrillaga, Esposic, 1-28; McShemfs 
Essays and Lectures, 50-63; Calderon's Life in Mex., i. 96-7, 275-81, 336-80, 
403, ii. 7, 121-3; El Constituc, Jan. 19, 1844, 2; Santa Anna, Biog., 19-21; 
Id., Apuntam., 1-24; Abbot's Mex. and U. S., 278; Charnay, Cites et Ruines, 
197-9; Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 170-8; El Amigo de la Relig.; Larenaudi 
Mex. et Gnat., 242-52; Nuevo Viaj. Univ., iii. 518-19; Wilhelm's Eight U. S. 
Inf., i. 173-4; Cuevas, Espos. Dif. Francia, 15-18, 40-9; Pavon, Satisfac., 1- 
12; Id., Manifest., 1-24; Id., Contest, que dan los Gen., 1-20; Young's Hist. 
Mex., 266-84; Chevalier, Des Mines; Mex., Escalafon que Comprende, 4211.; 
Osborne's Guide to W. hid., 110-12; Suarez, Informe, 8-9; Blanchard, S. Juan 
de Ulua, 1-20, 64-81, 195, 217-407, 447-521; Parada, Seg. Esposic, 1-18; 
Apuntador Semanario, no. 21, 323-4; Domenech, Hist, du Mex., ii. 159-75; 
Aim. Calend., 1839, 19-24; 1840, iii. 3-23; Aim. Amer., 1840, 280; Aim. 
Calend. Lopez, 1843, 3-28; Aim. Calend. Galvan, 57-66; Disposic. Varias, v. 
36-39, 41; Monit. Constit. hid., April 9, 1845, 3; Pesado, Doc. Relat. Conferenc. 
Jalapa. 1-56; Yuc, Exposic. del Gob., 3-4; Ripley's War Mex., i. 42; La Mi- 
nerva, March 25, May 15, 1845; Democratic Rev., v. 92-4, vi. 287-307, 413-24; 
Santa Maria, Esposic. Protest., no. iv. 1-80, no. v. 1-16; Gomez, Vindic, 1— IS; 
Villa- Amor, Biog. Gen. Sta Anna, 17-18; S. L. Potosi, Gar ant. Individ., 1- 
36; McGregor's Progress Amer., 332-43; Id., Commerc. Statistics, iii. 1172; 
Ahrens, Mex. und Mex. Zustdnde, 70-1; Wilson's Mex., 120; Gregory's Hist. 
Mex., 47; Testam. del Alio 1839, 1-46; Testam. del Dif unto, 1-23; Testam. 
del Dif unto, 1840, 1-16; Discurso sobre el Derecho, 1-60; France and Mex., 3- 
24; Lafond, Voy. autour du Monde, i. bk i. 351-66; Orta, Refutac., 1-24; 
Andrade, Manif., pp. i.-xii. ; Id., Revol. S. L. Potosi, 16; Hansard's Pari. 
Deb., xliv. 722, xlvi. 891-940; Bazancourt, Mexique, 118-3S; Voy. to Mex. 
and Havana, 1-139; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 321-5, ii. 165-6; Id., Mex. as It 
Was, 34-6, 73-5, 81-2, 322-5, 340, 346-52; Robinson's Mex. and Her Mil. Chief- 
tains, 175-86, 222-50; Tornel. Exped.; Id., Manif; Id., Varios Espafioles, 1- 
22; Id., Protesta; Id., Carta d sus Amigos, 1-25; Maillard's Hist. Tex., 132-48; 
Gregg's Scenes and Incidents, ii. 122-5; Dur., Iniciativa, 1-10; Exposic. al 
Congr. Supr., 1-12; La Verdaderadla Falsa Opin. Publ., 1-15; Mex., Doc. 
Ofic. que se Publican, 1840, 1-90; Id., Informe Comis. Pesquis., 1S74, 63, 82; 
Id., Observ. sobre Reformas, 1-28; Id., Doc. y Obras sobre Jesuitas, 1-8; Id., 
Deer. Comandante; Id., Deer. Premios; Id., Esped., 1-60; Id., Cddigo Re- 
forma. 123-6; Id., Esposic. sobre Condic, 263-6; Id., Plana Mayor Ejcr., 
1838, 1-8; Id., Cuaderno de Formid., 1-81; Id., Reglam. Ramo Contabil., 1-8, 
25 11.; Id., Deer. Uniform.; Id., Apuntam. Hist.; Id., Laws and Courts, MS., 
7; Id., Deer. Mil. Actio.; Pay no, Cuentas Gastos, 923-4; Hay's Sa*aps, Col. 
Notes, iii. 194; Pinart Coll., Doc. nos 528, 537, 557, 581, 590; El Voto de Son., 
Dec. 20, 1841, 2; Ortiz, Esposic, 12-13; Valencia, Manif, 9-16; Lanuza, Vin- 
dic. Gen. Rincon, 1-77; Rincon, Manif, pp. i.-lxxviii. 1-140; Arroniz, Hist, 
y Crdn., 28; El Constituc, March 12, May 10, 1844; Malte-Brun, Precis Geog. 
Univ., vi. 430-68; Gagern, Discurso Patridt., 1-16; Thompson's Recoil. Mex. y 
3, 63-4, 82, 84-6; Gerard, Excursion, 10-13; Mata, Discurso Civ., 1-8; Ferrer, 
Discurso Pronunc en Mej., 1-15; Coah., Gac del Gob., March 17, 1838, 2-4; 
Lowenstern, Le Mexique, 284-5, 288-90; Gallaga, Discurso, 1-10; Fisher and 
Colby's Am. States Ann.., 1854, 438; Cuevas, Discurso, 1-7; Frisch, Staatenvon 
Mex., 29-31; Antunano, Eronomia Polit. en Mex., 1-10; Mercado, Discurso, 
1-18; Opusculo dela Verdad, pp. i.-iv. 1-56; Farragut, Life of, 128-36; Rami- 
rez, Tehuan., Memorias, 1-3; Payne's Hist. Europ. Colonies, 311-12; Beau- 
mont, Re'sumc, 1-40; Perez, Dice. Geogr., i. 22; Col. Itin. Rep. Mex., 3-17; 
Jenkins' Mex. War, 22; Farnham's Mex., 56, 64: El Voto Nac, Sept. 25, 
1838; Mex., Esposic que la Supr. Corte, 19-20; Id., Doc Impresos por Acu- 


erdo, 6-49; Id., Did. Comis. Sup. Poder Conserv., 1-51; Estrada, M6x. y el 
Archiduque, 1-20; Mex., Ordenanzas Municip., 1840; Cuevas, Esposic. del Ex- 
Ministro, 5-G; M&x., Seg. Parte de Vaya Algo, 12-13; Id., Discursos Pronunc, 
]-12; Id., Esposic. que los Ministros; Alcance al Num. Temis; Ecs&men de la 
Esposic. Dirigida por el Gen. Arista, 24, 34; Bustamante (A.), Iniciativa, 3- 
13; Id., Deer. Congr. Gen., 1-4; Id., Manif. que el Ciwladano; Papeles Varios, 
xvi. pt 12, xix. pt 4, xxvi. pt 4, xxix. pts 1-26, xxxvii. pts 1, 2, 8, 13, 14, 15, 
xxxviii. 1, 6, 7, 9, xxxix. pt 9, xlii. pts 4, 9, 9i, 9f, xliii. pts 1-11, xliv. pt 
30, liv. pts 6, 8, 12, lvii pts 5, 6, 7, 10, 13, lxxvii. pts 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, lxxix. pt 

2, lxxx. pts 5, 17 b, 20, cvi. pts 2, 3, 4, 8, exxii. pt 2, exxvi. pts 3, 4, 5, cl. 
pts 2, 3, 21, 23, 24, 34, clii. pts 5, 8, 10, 11, 14, 18, 25, cliv. pts 18, 24, 25, 26, 
clvi. pt 19, clxv. pt 14, clxxi. pts 14, 16, clxxiv. pts 7, 11, clxxx. pts 7, 11, 
14, clxxxv. pt 1, clxxxvi. pt 2, clxxxix. pts 1, 10, cxc. pts 1, 2, 6, exci. pts 1, 

3, 13, exciii. pts 1, 2, exevi. pt 2, ccxii. pt 5, ccxix. pts 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, cexxv. 
pt 1; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. nos 121-3, 126, 129, 133-4, 151, 154, 157, 164, 
169-70, 179, ii. nos 200, 330, 382, 384, 408; Id., MS., i. nos 81, 85, 89, 90, 92, 
166, 168, 173, 176, 182, 206, 209, 220, 255, 257, 265, ii. 183-7, 203, 287, 293, 
356-9, 360-5, 368, 389, 422, 435, 437, 464, 466, 468; Alaman, Apuntes Biog., 
36; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, i. 16-53, iii. ap. 12-19; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bol., i. 
136-7, iii. 332, vii. 293, 321; Otero, Ensayo, 3-30; Id., Obras, MS., i. 194, 
312-17, ii. 1-4, 7-12; Rivera, Hist. Jala-pa, iii. passim, iv. 171; Id., Gob. de 
Mex., ii. 238-40; Id., Mtx. Pint., i. 20-22; Rivero, Mexico en 1842, 25-8, 86- 
94, 251-3; Niks' Register, liii. 386-7, liv. 48, 128-9, 147, 161-4, 177, 194, 226, 
239, 336, 355, 385-7, 407-8, lv.-lix. passim, lx. 65-6, 83, lxviii. 146. 




A Prospective Liberal Constitution — Santa Anna Withdraws behind 
the Arras — Intrigues against Congress — The Chambers Forcible 
Dissolved — Installation of the Junta de Notables — New Or- 
ganic Bases — Further Political Juggling — A Dummy President- 
Reelection of Santa Anna — His Ridiculous Vanity and Peculiab 
Mode of Life — Administrative Corruption and Abuse — Paredes 
Again Pronounces at Guadalajara — Santa Anna Promptly Takes 
the Field — The Hall of Congress Closed — The Capital Joins the 
Spreading Movement — Herrera Proclaimed President — Bluster 
and Vacillation of Santa Anna — His Flight, Capture, Impeach- 
ment, and Exile — Efforts at Reform Hampered by Factions. 

Mexico's internal afflictions kept pace with those 
arising from foreign and border relations. In accord- 
ance with the bases of Tacubaya, the convocation for 
a congress to frame a constitution had been issued on 
December 10, 1841, to meet at Mexico. The election 
of deputies, by indirect vote, through electoral colleges, 
was calculated for the 24 departments at one member 
for every 70,000 inhabitants, the population being 
estimated at 7,044,1 40. x The result was a pronounced 

1 The exclusion of Texas reduced the departments to 23. The federalists 
sought to exclude the clergy from being representatives, and to assign Ceiaya 
or Queretaro as meeting-place; but Santa Anna prevailed. The congress had 
to open on June 10, 1842, and sit not over one year. The departments had to 
pay $250 per month to their deputies, with $4 per league for travelling expenses. 
For convocation and rules, see Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 184-1, 161-85; Archivo 
Mex., Col. Ley., i. 147-63; Mdx., Manif. y Convoc, 1-22. Discussion on 
rules in Mex., JJictdmen sobre Convoc, 1-20; Pap. Var., Ixxxii. pts 8-9. By 
decree of 1838 the country was divided into two sections, by a line drawn 
from north of Queretaro to south of Michoacan, the northern departments re« 
newing their deputies for the first biennial term, the southern for the next. 
Pinart, Coll., no. 525. 



federalist victory, greatly to the disappointment of 
Santa Anna, who had striven hard bv intimidation 
and other unfair practices to modify the issue, 2 and 
who from the very day the congress w T as installed, on 
June 10, 1842, sought to influence the discussions, 
although with little success. 3 The deputies exerted 
themselves only the more to produce a constitution 
that should meet the evidently liberal feelings of the 
country and cut short a despotism that threatened 
even the nation's representatives. Several projects 
had been presented and rejected, including an elaborate 
plan partaking of both central and federal systems. 4 
This was referred back to the committee, which in 
November presented a revised outline that received 
greater favor and promised to pass, for the depart- 
ments were left to administer their affairs with almost 
the same freedom as under the federal system, elect- 
ing their own legislatures and governors. 5 

Foreseeing what was coming, Santa Anna had 
recourse to his now well understood manoeuvre of re- 
tiring to his estate in Vera Cruz, and thence watch- 
ing and directing operations, leaving the brunt of 
the contest to be borne by a proxy, with perhaps the 
humiliation of defeat, while in case of success he 
could step forward to reap the fruit. He withdrew 

2 As even Bustamante admits. Hist. Santa Anna, 49. See later influence 
exerted in Dlario Gob., Siglo XIX., etc., April 5, 184-2, et seq. 

3 Thompson, Recoil. Mex., 167-S, pays a tribute to the independent atti- 
tude of Mexican deputies toward despots like Santa Anna. 

4 This was rejected by a vote of 41 against 36. The minority of the com- 
mittee urged a revised issue of the constitution of 1824, which Minister Tornel 
attacked with great heat. Text in Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlv. 105-6, 207, 
211. For text and comments on projects, see M6x., Proyecto Conntitut. Ma- 
yor., 1842, 1-119; Id., Minor., 1-42; Mex , Constitution®!, i. pta 1-2; Pap. 

Var., civ. pt 12; Zarco, Hist. Cong., i. 50-5, 62. Also Plan Proyect. sobre 
Dlctadura, 1842. The northern army had been conspicuous in demanding a 
plan partaking of those issued in 1824 and 1836. 

5 They still remained 24 in number, including Texas, but Aguascalientes 
was merged into Zacatecas, and the department of Acapulco took its place. 
Election was indirect, with franchise based on property. Two senators were 
allowed for every department. The president held office for five years, 
assisted by five ministers. Text in Const ituciones, i. pt iii. 1-44. Tornel 
characterized the project as anarchical, and the clergy took alarm at the pros- 
pect of tolerance being carried. CabUde de Gua/lal., Observ., 1-19; Diario 
Gob., Nov. 9, 1842, etc.; Sigh XIX., Jan. 14, 1843, etc. 


amidst the somewhat doubtful eclat attending the 
reburial, with imposing public ceremonies, of the leg 
he had lost four years before. 6 Bravo, as president 
of the council, once more assumed nominal charge of 
the administration on October 26, 1842, with some 
repugnance, however, for while a strong centralist, he 
was not in accord with the personal ambition here 
seeking to thwart the national will. Tornel, the 
minister of war/ was the real executive for the ruler 
at Manga de Clavo, w T ho, with a view to strengthen 
his control, had already taken steps to disband the 
auxiliary and rural forces of the towns and haciendas, 
which naturally belonged to and sympathized with 
the people, to strengthen the garrison at the capital, 
and to ordain that army officers must be educated at 
the military college, under government control. 8 He 
had the control and intended to keep it; for there 
were soldiers and centralists enough at his command. 
The proposed constitution, aimed against him and his 
party, could not therefore be allowed to pass into 
law. Pains had been taken to circulate several of 
its least favorable clauses, together with the startling 
discussion on the religious feature, which could not 
fail to prejudice a large class. Tolerance, indeed, was 
admitted; the army was to be placed under greater 
restraint, and during the heat of argument ultra- 
democratic sentiments had found free expression. 9 

6 He had the weakness to attend the ceremony and inspect the magnificent 
tomb, and was covered with no little ridicule by certain journals. Another 
monument was founded in the same month of September in commemoration 
of the defeat of the Spaniards under Barradas. Santa Anna having shared 
in this also, a medal was struck with a laudatory inscription of the dictator. 
Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 84, 240. A pretence for his retirement was 
found in the illness of his wife. 

7 Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 223, 284. The presidio of Tlatelulco 
was reestablished in July. 

8 General Jos6 Maria Tornel was the son of a Frenchman by the name of 
Tournelle, a form changed by the son to obliterate the connection with for- 
eigners, whom he had learned to detest. He belonged to the independent 
bands and joined Santa Anna in 1820, remaining ever his firm supporter, 
rising from a position in the war ministry to private secretary of Victoria, 
governor of Mexico district, deputy, minister to Washington, and cabinet 
minister. Fossey, Mex., 535-6; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 602-3. 

9 Tornel issued a special circular, wherein he condemned the constitution 
as anarchical, aiming at the destruction of sacred institutions. 


On December 11th a pronunciamiento was started 
at the obscure town of Huejotzingo against the con- 
gress, as unworthy of confidence, and demanding the 
installation of a council of notables to revise the 
constitution. 10 This movement was duly seconded 
throughout the central provinces by the manipula- 
tions of the cabinet and the clergy, and on the 18th, at 
Mexico, by the garrison. The deputies, who had nearly 
concluded the discussion on the constitution, could ob- 
tain no assurances of protection from the government. 11 
Finding the hall of congress closed against them, they 
recognized the futility of resistance, and dissolved of 
their own accord on the 19th, announcing the act in a 
manifest wherein they avowed their loyalty to the 
people whom they represented and the purity of their 
motives in framing the proposed organic law. 12 It was 
not long ere protests appeared against the arbitrary 
procedures of a faction that prevented the people from 
deciding in a matter belonging to them and of such 
vital interest. Of this no notice was taken, however, 
and as the semi-voluntary dissolution left Bravo at 
greater liberty, he joined the cabinet 13 in proclaiming 
that as the public interest demanded the formation of 
the organic law, the government would appoint a coun- 
cil of patriotic and intelligent men to frame it, assisted 
by the ministry. 14 

10 Meanwhile the bases of Tacubaya should remain in force. The congress 
should be dissolved, and the deputies for Puebla, to which Huejotzingo be- 
longed, recalled. Siglo XIX., Dec. 13, 1842; Dlario Gob., Dec. 13, 19, 1842. 
Many attributed the movement chiefly to clerical influence. For sympa- 
thetic pronunciamientos elsewhere, see Id., Dec. 20th; Si'jlo XIX., Jan. 1, 8, 
10-11, 14, 1843, etc.;& L. Potosi, Plan, 1842, 3-10; Pinart, Coll.; La Cruz, 
v. 633. Bincon of Ulua fame succeeded Gutierrez as governor of S. Luis Po- 

11 Bravo and Comandante General Andrade alone assuring them that they 
had not joined in the pronunciamiento, and would issue no order to dissolve 
the congress. 

12 It was essentially a protest and a defence against the abusive comments 
on some of the articles passed by them. Text in Uustamanle, Diario, MS., 
xlv. no. 261. Comments in Mex. Concj., 1842, 1-6; Paj). Far., clxv. pt 16. 

13 Bocanegra, Velez, and Tornel, Trigueros of the finance department hav- 
ing resigned on Dec. 12th. 

14 The council to complete the task within six months. Political attitude 
during this crisis was to be overlooked. All officials and authorities were 
obliged to adopt the resolution. 


The result was the installation on January 6, 1843, 
of a body of eighty prominent centralists, 15 who 
proceeded energetically to work and produced bases 
for the political organization of the republic, which 
was formally sanctioned by the government on June 
12th, and adopted with imposing ceremonies — the 
sugar coating of the pill. It declared for a popular 
representative system, yet the franchise, limited to 
an income of not less than $200, excluded a great 
part of the population; 16 the election was subjected 
to a triple filtering process, during which the govern- 
ment could find ample opportunity to influence it, and 
the departments continued to be left almost wholly at 
the mercy of a central government, which appointed 
the governors and indirectly the subordinate officials, 
the departmental assemblies being merely councils 
with the power of a municipal police. 17 Deputies for 
congress were required to possess an income of §1,200 
and senators $2,000. Of the senate, one third was 
chosen by the three supreme powers and the rest by 
the departmental assemblies, which also elected the 

15 Termed the junta nacional legislative, with Valencia for president and 
Quintana Roo for vice-president. Decree with list of names in Dublan and 
Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 352-6L Rules for internal government in Mex. t 
Reglam., 1843, 1-20; Pap. Var., lxxxiii. pt 4. The proceedings of the body 
are reported in Slglo XIX., Diario Gob., and other journals. The prelimi- 
nary meetings began on Jan. 2d. 

1(5 Together with domestic servants, and, after 1850, those unable to read 
and write. 

17 Deputies to the lower house were elected for 4 years at the rate of one for 
70,000 inhabitants; the senate was composed of G3 members, one third from 
the industrial classes, including merchants, the rest from distinguished men. 
The congress sessions began on Jan. 1st and July 1st; during the recess sat a 
deputation of 4 senators and 5 deputies. Four ministers and a perpetual 
council of 17, appointed by the president, assisted the government. Laws 
required the sanction of two thirds of the congressional members. The de- 
partmental assemblies consisted of from 7 to 11 members, also limited by 
the clauses affecting deputies. Governors were appointed by the president 
from at least 5 nominees presented by the assemblies. The supreme judges 
were, like the president, elected by the assemblies. For full text, see Mex., 
Bases Orgdn. 3 18-13, 1-45. Signed by over GO members, headed by Baranda 
as president, and sanctioned by Santa Anna and the four ministers. Also in 
Mex., Col. Leyes Fund., 228-03; Constituciones, i. pt 4; ValUjo, Col. Dor. 
Mex., ii. no. 472. Preliminary projects in Mex., Proyecto Bases, 1-51; Pap. 
Var., clvi. pts 1, 3. Reports and comments in Id., lxxxiv. pts 1-3; M4 
Observ. sobre Progecto, 1-10; Ramirez, Mem. Hist. Tehuan., 13-15; Guada!., 
Observ. Bases. Liberty of the press was declared, but subject to enough re- 
strictions to prevent despotic interference. 


supreme judges and the president, the latter for five 
years. The Roman catholic religion was exclusively 
sustained; the special privileges, fueros, of clergy, 
army, and other bodies were confirmed, and the gov- 
ernment obtained release from the annoying interfer- 
ence of a poder conservador, with sufficient loop-holes 
in the complex text of the bases to intrude its power 
and influence in numerous directions. The new con- 
stitution was, therefore, in several respects more ob- 
noxious and anti-liberal than that of 1836. 18 

The inauguration of the system received the per- 
sonal supervision of Santa Anna, who in March 
already had emerged from his retreat to secure the 
acquired victory. He procured for himself a fine re- 
ception at the capital by reinstating the ayuntamiento 
and removing Governor Vieyra for having dissolved it 
on rather trivial grounds, 19 and gained credit with a 
large class by subsequently forbidding retail trade 
to foreigners, and authorizing the restoration of the 
Jesuits in the northern departments to assist in con- 
trolling the wild Indians with whom the troops were 
unable to cope. 20 The momentary impression was soon 
effaced, however, by a fresh dose of taxes and forced 
loans, 21 and by the arrest of Gomez Pedraza and other 
liberal men, whose firm attitude and utterances through 
the press proved distasteful. 22 The political aspect 
assumed a less encouraging tone, and the dictator soon 
again thought it prudent to seek the retirement of his 

18 March 5th. Coronal, Doc, 80. 

™Ayuntam. Mix. Doc, 1343, 1-20, 5-1G; Pap. Var., clvi. pts 21-2. 
Vieyra was succeeded by General Paredes. Dispos. Varias, v. 42. 

20 This was mainly due to the efforts of Carlos M. Bustamante, the his- 
torian and zealous churchman. Diario Exact. Max., M.S., 3. The decree is 
dated June 21, 1843. The sisters of charity were established later in the 

21 This was especially to meet the payment to the United States, already 
spoken of, and the continued preparations against Texas and Yucatan. 

23 On the proclamation of the new organic law they were included in the 
amnesty then issued. Their protests appear in Concjo, Acusacion, 1-24, with 
defence also in Otero, Obras, MS., iv. 129-9G; Pap. Var., clxxv. pt 9. In 
Villa- Amor, Dior/. Santa Anna, 19 et seq., the vanity, immorality, and other 
bad traits of the dictator arc freely exposed. There had even been signs of 
defection on the part of Valencia, and, in the north, of discontent, involving 
a change of army commanders. Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 173-5. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 17 


estate. The strongest reason for the withdrawal was 
undoubtedly the approaching reunion of the new con- 
gress, 23 with which was connected the election of a 
proprietary president. He preferred to play his game 
for that tempting prize in the background, where also 
a defeat would be less felt, under cove*r of an appar- 
ently voluntary surrender of power. For a first move 
he issued a plausible manifesto, explaining the manner 
in which he had used the extraordinary power con- 
ferred upon him in 1841, taking pains to place in the 
most favorable and absorbing light the several pro- 
gressive measures of his rule and covering the rest 
with pleas for public necessity, national honor, the 
safety of religion, and so forth. 2i A second move 
was to include among the stanch members selected 
for the government council a proportion of men whose 
appointment would please the people and conciliate 
cliques. A third was to appoint, not a lukewarm ad- 
herent like Bravo, nor a strong man whose ambition 
might prove dangerous, but one who could be relied 
upon to act wholly and faithfully as a machine of the 
hidden ruler. The choice fell on Canalizo, coman- 
dante general of Mexico, formerly the loyal supporter 
of Bustamante, and therefore a less apparent partisan 
of Santa Anna, although now wholly devoted to 
him. 25 In addition all the vast political machinery 

23 Rules for election issued on June 19th, in Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., 
iv. 461-4, 486. 

21 When the council of notables dissolved at the close of the year, its 
president replied sneeringly to the thanks of the government for its aid by 
saying, 'Aquella corporacion no habia sido la luz que guiara el gobierno, pues 
£ste habia hecho cuanto le habia venido en gana.' Bustamante, Hist. Santa 
Anna, 247. 

25 ' Un maniqui 6 titere,' puppet, etc., is the term applied to him. Id., 
245. ' Tonto 6 ignorante,' adds Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 257. The decree of 
Oct. 2d appointing him cautiously divided the power between him and the 
four ministers, the latter removable by Santa Anna. Dublan and Lozano, 
Leg. Mex., iv. 609-10. A ridiculous position for a president, observes Rivera, 
Gob. de Mex., ii. 259. Valentin Canalizo, born at Monterey about 1797, be- 
came a cadet in the Celaya regiment in 1811, joined the independents under 
Iturbide in 1820, and after this served with credit in different engagements 
on the conservative or centralist side. For his share in the death of Guer- 
rero he received the rank of general and the command of Oajaca. In 1S41 he 
was promoted to a division, and subsequently he played a conspicuous part 
in the pronunciamiento against congress. lb.; Perez, Dice. Geog. Estad., iii. 


controlled by the dictator was put in motion to sup- 
port him with intrigue and pressure. 

The people, on the other hand, had had enough of 
such autocracy as Santa Anna's, and looked with ex- 
pectant hope to the now uniting congress for its ter- 
mination. So well was this feeling understood that 
a wide-spread surprise arose when, on January 2, 
1844, the national representatives in their opening 
session 26 announced the presidential vote of the de- 
partmental assemblies to be nineteen for Santa Anna, 
and one each for Francisco Elorriaga and General 
Muzquiz. 27 Congress shared in the disappointment, 
and sought to make the situation as bearable as 
possible b} r restricting the presidential power, and 
forbidding the further exercise of the legislative fac- 
ulty. Minister Tornel stood up in warm defence of 
his assailed patron, and the latter paid little heed to 
the injunction, confident in the subservient adhesion 
of the majority among the senators, creatures of his, 
partly by election, partly by influence. A test of this 
control was furnished by the failure of a motion to 
remove the acting president, Canalizo, who had become 
extremely unpopular as the blind tool of the dictator, 
and his reelection to the position by a large majority. 23 
Santa Anna naturally objected to a substitute who 
might prove less tractable, and this requisite he also 
bore in mind when selecting governors for the depart- 

For six months longer Santa Anna chose to remain 
in the seclusion of his country estate, under the plea 
that the winter air of the capital did not agree with 
his broken health. Finally the warm weather pro- 

26 The junta de notables closed theirs on Dec. 31st, issuing a farewell ad- 
dress to the public to explain their attitude and work. 

27 The former a prominent legislator from Durango, the latter well known 
as acting president in 1832. Muzquiz died in Dec. 1844, and was in 1845 ac- 
corded the title benem^rito. 

28 By 24 votes against 13 for Muzquiz, and 2 for Tornel and Rincon respect- 
ively. Constitutional, Jan. 30, 1844; Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 18 41 4 6, 6-8, 
The election took place in the senate on Jan. 27th. 


duced a change, and on June 3d he made his formal 
entry with the pomp suggested by fawning adherents 
and subordinates, who had gone so far as to erect a 
gilt bronze statue to him in the Plaza del Volador. 29 
The fears roused by his arrival among the oppressed 
tax-payers were only too speedily to be realized, and 
this time he came with cogent reasons. The United 
States were freely entertaining the proposal to annex 
Texas, their troops were gathering along its border, 
and a squadron of their fleet had just appeared off 
Vera Cruz. While the foreign office demanded an 
explanation of these threatening movements, Santa 
Anna seized the opportunity to obtain an extraordi- 
nary forced contribution of four million pesos for war 
preparations. 30 His efforts to have the amount in- 
creased, and obtain special power to raise it, were 
thwarted in a manner that provoked his deep indig- 
nation. He had become so used to carry his points, 
or at least to a deferential attitude, that snappish 
resistance proved most irritating. As a relief to his 
feelings, he directed a bitter attack on the deputies 
through the government organs, including the official 
Diario, with a suggestion from one side of a dictator- 
ship. The chambers demanded an explanation in 
order to make the ministry responsible, but could ob- 
tain no satisfaction. One result, however, w T as that 
the foreign portfolio changed from the hands of Bo- 
canegra to Rejon, a talented but young and impulsive 

29 It rose on a high column and presented him in a general's uniform, stand- 
ing with the right hand extended northward to indicate his resolution to re- 
cover Texas. The unveiling was performed on June loth by Canalizo and 
Oropeza, the latter having paid for the erection $S,000. Bastamanie, Hist. 
Santa Anna, 265-0. Among eulogies is one by the governor of Pucbla. 
DiscarsOy Pap. Var., xxxix. pt 11. In unveiling, the coed became entangled 
round the neck, and not long after a cord round its neck brought it low, as 
we shall see. The administration took care to order the different corporations 
into procession to give eclat to the reception, which otherwise might have 
proved chilling. Fire- works and feasting followed. 

ao After long discussion, the decree was passed by 37 votes against 35, and 
issued on August 21st, levying two per mille on country estates, city properly 
eight per cent of rcnta s, and so on for industries, rents, etc. Mex., Co!. Ley. 
y Dec, 1844-46, 50-60. Sec comments in Defensa Integ. Nac, Aug. 7, 24, 
1844, devoted above all to uphold the integrity of the national territory. 


man, while the war department had, fortunately for 
the impulsive Tornel, passed shortly before to Gen- 
eral Reyes. 31 

Santa Anna began to find the situation somewhat 
uncomfortable, and to loiii* again for the freer atmos- 
phere of his estates. The death of his wife 32 gave 
him the necessary excuse. Such it evidently appeared 
to him, for five weeks later he outraged public senti- 
ment by the ceremonious espousal of a young lady. 33 
Not that the people were surprised. His character 
was too well known, with his undignified indulgence 
in dissipations of all kinds, from Lotharian intrigues 
and free association with low and doubtful- persons in 
the common cock-pit, to the most imposing and ex- 
travagant entertainments, with glittering guards of 
honor sustained by means drawn from sources not 
only suspected but known to be dishonest, from the 
funds extorted by forced contributions and loans, from 
infringement of industrial protection, from gifts of 
favor-seekers, from bribes and fraudulent contracts. 
It may readily be supposed that the subordinate 
officials did not fail to profit by the example, and the 
result was the most wide-spread corruption in all 

31 Lately commanding in the north-east. He was appointed on June 10th. 
Tornel's separation was forced upon him by Santa Anna, who had become 
jealous of his assumption, it is said. Constitutional, Feb. 2, 9, 1844. Bocane- 
gra had held office since Nov. 1841, with a brief interval, during which 
Monasterio iigured. Rejon was an able and energetic Yucatec, with strong 
Indian traits. The interior department was managed by Baranda, who suc- 
ceeded Velez in July 1843, and had a warm defender in Defensa Integ. Ndc. % 
Sept. 14, 1844. Trigueros continued, since Nov. 1841, as finance minister, 
save during the beginning of 1843, when Gorostiza relieved him. 

32 Inos Garcia de Santa Anna, on Aug. 23d, at Pucbla, after a marriage 
of 19 years. She was buried on the 2Gth with the pomp of a sovereign, the 
archbishop officiating at Mexico, and in other cities and towns officials and 
citizens joined in demonstrating their respect. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. G30- 
1. Among the stinging insinuations concerning the real motives for Santa 
Anna's retirement was one in pamphlet form, Ya el Presidente se Va para 
Volver Coronado, a title which indicates its purport. 

33 Maria Dolores Tosta, a girl of 15 years, married in the palace at Mexico 
on Oct. 3d, by proxy, in the person of Licenciate Cahedo, who is said also to 
have actod as godfather at her baptism. Canalizo figured as one of the 
padrinos at the marriage. An illumination of the public edifices and other 
demonstrations followed, during which the bride appeared to receive an ova- 
tion. Cahedo thereupon conducted her to Jalapa, to Santa Anna. Account 
of ceremonies in Diarlo Gob., PabeL Nac, etc., Oct. 5, 1844, and following 


branches. Commanders of forces and districts com- 
mitted the most outrageous abuse of trust a ad power 
with a view to enrichment, either dividing the gains 
with those above them or reiving on their knowledge 
of defects elsewhere to escape accusation. 34 Incited 
by the spoil, those in authority, from the president 
down, sought to increase their share by appoint- 
ing creatures of their own to positions of responsibil- 
ity, irrespective of merit, and frequently under the 
most unjust circumstances, dismissing or retiring be- 
fore the proper time able and experienced adminis- 
trators, swelling the already disproportionate ranks of 
officers with improvised captains and colonels, and 
granting sinecures and allowances, while worthy ser- 
vants and deserving widows cried aloud for the reduced 
or withheld pay and pensions due them. Under such 
mismanagement the country could not possibly ad- 
vance, w T eighed as it already was with taxes in every 
conceivable form, and menaced at every moment with 
fresh forced loans. Capital sought to hide itself; 
trade languished; industries broke down under the 
additional infringement of protection by special de- 
crees or patronized smuggling; agriculture suffered 
from the flight of laborers before the harsh enlist- 
ment and impressing regulations; and while in the 
north wild Indians spread desolation unhindered, the 
depressed state of affairs in the central and southern 
provinces added to the hordes of bandits infesting the 
roads. 35 

Canalizo was again forced upon the senate for re- 
election as acting president, 36 and relieved himself 

34 The commanders in the north-east, Arista, Canales, and others, openly 
dealt in contraband, or favored others for a consideration, as revealed also iu 
the documents published in journals like Amigo del Pueblo, Nov. 25, 18-45, 
by Domenech, Ilist. Mex., ii. 177 et seq., and others. Instance cases as 
recorded in Salinas del Penon Blanco; Pap. Var., xxxix. pt 16. The finance 
minister opened. the treasury to the mercantile firm with which he was con- 

[,:> It needs but a glance at the journals of the day, Dlario Gob., Constitu- 
tional, Defens. Intey. JS"ac, Pabel. Nac, Abeja, etc., to realize the extent of 
the corruption and misery. 

**Mex., Col. Ley., 1S44-40, Gl-2; Defens. Intey. Xac, Sept. 11, 25, Oct. 


somewhat by a commendable activity in organizing 
troops for the impending Texan campaign, for which 
he had been designated as commander-in-chief. The 
most striking measures were the organization of the 
presidial companies and the demand from the depart- 
ments of 30,000 men in addition to the contingent of 
15,000 required at the close of 1843, 37 made the more 
urgent since General Woll had received instructions 
in June to declare at an end the armistice with Texas, 33 
agreed upon in the early part of the year with a view 
to bring about a peaceful settlement. Mexico then 
offered her practical self-government, if she would 
recognize the sovereignty of the republic, with repre- 
sentation in congress; 33 but this was not entertained. 
No hostile movement was undertaken by Mexico, 
however, for want of money, and in the following 
spring the chambers permitted the government to 
listen to proposals from the other side, based on the 
recognition of Texan independence, with the stipula- 
tion that the state should not annex herself to any 
other country. 40 Negotiations never took place owing 
to the infringement of the latter bases, leading to re- 
sults the most memorable in modern Mexican history, 
as will be seen in due time. 

The funds so far collected by acting President 
Canalizo had melted away as if by magic, during the 

1G, 1844. Canalizo being absent when Santa Anna departed, Herrera, presi- 
dent of the council, took charge till he arrived, from Sept. 12th till 21st. 
Allusions to the changes in Mala y Reyes, Oration, 1-8. 

37 On Dec. 29th; all to be tendered in successive detachments. Those 
from Chihuahua and Durango were to be retained there. The assembly had 
to issue the necessary orders within a fortnight. Decree of July 2, 1844. 
Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 7o9. The presidio reorganization was, by 
decree of Mar. 29th, to be given ' toda preferencia. ' Mex., Col. Ley., 1844-46, 
19. Comments on, in Constitutional, Apr. 9, 19, etc., 1844; Bustamante, Mem. 
Hid. Mex., MS., i. 10-43; Voto de Son., Aug. 22, 1844. 

38 President Houston remonstrated at receiving such an announcement 
from a subordinate, but the government at Mexico deemed it undignified to 
treat with him. 

39 0ne of Woll's prisoners, I. W. Robinson, formerly lieutenant-governor 
of Texas, was sent with the proposal in 1843, and commissioners met at Sa- 
linas. ThralVs Hist. Texas, 337-8. 

40 Boundaries and other questions should if necessary be settled by arbi- 
tration. The Mexican government agreed on May 19th to treat on this basis. 
Santa Anna, Apel. al bueu Crlterio, 15, ap. 2-3. 



process of passing through so many hands, 41 and 
in September the ministry astonished the chambers 
by pressing anew for more means, this time in the 
shape of a loan for ten millions, pleading as addi- 
tional motives the invasion of California by adven- 
turers, and the intimation that England and France 
would side with the Texans in case of a protracted 
struggle. The demand was refused, to the general 
delight of the people, who had been striving to 
avoid the last contribution. In the districts of the 
present Guerrero the appearance of the collectors only 


tended to give fresh impulse to the rising started at 
Chilapa two years before. This town was captured 
by the Indians and desolated with fire and pillage; and 
although troops marched against them and obtained 
several advantages, the struggle continued with its 
attendant inflictions. 42 In Michoacan also the feeble 

41 The ministerial statement disposed of $800,000 under the vague term of 
secret expenses. 

uPabel. Nae. t Oct. 29, 1844; Defem. Integ. Nac., Oct. 30, 1844; La Mi- 
nerva, June 3, 1845. The lack of energetic interference by General Alvarez 
roused an outcry from the sufferers, who began to petition for his removal, 
and elicited a warm defence of his conduct. Chilapa, Repres. Emiyrados, 1- 
12; Pap. Var., exxii. pts 1-2; Mex. y Mem. Guer., 1845, 0-9. 


remnant of federalist bands found encouragement in 
the spreading discontent, and elsewhere ravages of 
storms and floods assisted to foster it. 43 

Several departmental assemblies raised their voice 
in protest against the contribution, notably those of 
Jalisco and Queretaro. The former had, moreover, 
been roused from its passive attitude by a demand on 
the part of the executive for a loan of §150,000 toward 
certain contracts, and on October 26th, it addressed a 
formal representation to the congress supported by 
leading citizens, the governor, and the comandante 
general, wherein the demand was made for the repeal 
of the obnoxious tax decree, the exacting of an ac- 
count from the government for its administration and 
its disposal of funds, 44 and the reform of the constitu- 
tion so as to promote the prosperity of the depart- 
ments. 45 Aware how little a mere protest would be 
considered under so independent an executive as Santa 
Anna, the authorities took advantage of the strongly 
manifested sympathies of the people to procure an 
armed indorsement of their course. Galindo, the 
comandante general, accordingly headed the garrison 
in support of the resolutions, and then appealed to 
General Paredes, who had so successfully initiated 
the former revolution to assume the leadership. 46 

It may be readily understood that Paredes was a 
leading, if not the chief, promoter of the movement. 
He had several motives for taking the step. His 
former uprising, to which he naturally ascribed the 
restoration of Santa Anna to power, had not in his 
opinion been recognized as fully as it deserved ; hence 

i3 Abeja, Oct. 9-10, 1844. The floods at Durango in the early part of the 
year were most disastrous, as will be related in Hist. North Mex. States, ii., 
this series. 

44 As required also under the bases of Tacubaya from the provisional gov- 

45 This was followed on the 30th by an Exposition signed by the assembly 
president Barajas setting forth the grounds for the representations in admin- 
istrative abuses and sad condition of affairs. Jed., Initiative/,, 1-10. Governor 
Escobedo, successor of Caiiedo, issued an address confirming the hopes of the 
people for relief. 

40 Brig. Romero joined his to the 37 signatures of officers. Id., 11 et seq. 


his manifest discontent. In order to keep him under 
supervision, as well as to appease and win him back, 
Santa Anna gave him a seat in the council of no- 
tables, made him comandante general of Mexico, and 
subsequently senator; but Paredes evidently expected 
at least the position of acting president, for which the 
other party considered him unfit, as lacking in admin- 
istrative talent. 47 Propitiation came too late. He 
saw in the increasing popular ferment fully as good an 
opportunity as before for directing it to his own ends, 
for midst the many claims on its attention, the govern- 
ment had been obliged to neglect several of the more 
remote army corps, notably that of Jalisco, 4S and the 
clergy, already estranged by the many heavy and 
arbitrary inroads on its property, looked with alarm 
on the prospective contributions to be levied for the 
costly war now looming in the north. 

It is related that he had for som»e time been sound- 
ing different military leaders for this project. Some 
of these hastened to curry favor with the dictator by 
transmitting the correspondence. Santa Anna was 
hardly surprised at so common a feature of political 
intrigue, but it served to remind him that an oppo- 
nent so influential, especially with the army, must not 
be disregarded. He had studied the life of Napoleon, 
and recalled among other incidents his magnanimous 
reply to the woman who pleaded for the life of her 
conspiring husband. He looked upon himself as the 
Napoleon of America, and resolved to act in imitation 
of his great prototype, always, however, with a pru- 
dent regard for what seemed most expedient. He 
called Paredes, recited the French story, and added: 
"I also have letters, proof of crime on your part, but 
I shall ignore them. Behold!" saying which he tore 
the documents into fragments. 49 Be this as it may, 

47 This, indeed, is claimed to have been the main reason for consigning 
him back to the comandancia general of Jalisco. He refused the senatorship, 
mainly because his plans had already taken shape. 

48 Which, among its grievances, complained loudly of the discounts cut- 
ting into the pay. Abeja, Oct. 19, 1844; Ami;/o del Pueblo, Nov. 29, 1845. 

49 Bustamante, who relates this incident, adds that further proof appeared 


Paredes was not to be moved by so flimsy a display 
of generosity, for his prominence secured his life, at 
least under actual circumstances. It is certain, how- 
ever, that he was placed under momentary arrest and 
exiled to Toluca for refusing to fall in with the views 
of a government which sought to remove him to a 
safe distance, by charging him with the expedition to 

Paredes wished to be with his friends and near the 
scene of action; and leave of absence having been 
granted, he found himself at Guadalajara to manoeuvre 
the pronunciamiento now bursting upon the country. 
Accepting the proffered leadership, he on November 
2d issued a manifesto, charging the government in 
the most scathing terms with violation of pledges and 
abuse of trust, especially during the dictatorship, and 
declaring Santa Anna suspended from office pending 
an examination of his acts by the congress. 50 The 
government, now thoroughly startled, sought to con- 
ceal the importance of the movement, and came for- 
ward with exaggerated reports of some petty victories 
over the Indians on the south coast. Finding this 
useless,' it openly hastened to take precautions, includ- 
ing a reenforcement of the garrison at Mexico, which 
revealed its doubts regarding the capital itself. In a 
flaming proclamation it thereupon stamped the pro- 
nunciados as enemies of the country, and Paredes as 

of Paredes' perseverance in his course. ' Santa- Anna obr6 comoun caballero,' 
but he was treated as he had treated Bustamante. Hist. Santa Anna, 30G. 
As additional propitiation, Paredes was offered the well-paid and almost sin- 
ecure office of administrator of mails at Mexico. 

50 The power intrusted under the bases of Tacubaya was probably exces- 
sive, but only provisional. Santa Anna's protestations had been accepted 
and proved false. Instead of carrying out the great reforms to which he stood 
pledged, he had abandoned himself to a course the most mean and selfish. The 
manifesto enumerates the proposed reforms in army, public offices, etc., and 
proceeds to paint the work effected in the most abusive terms. The ayunta- 
miento of the city on the same day signed approval of the act. JaL, Iniciativa, 
19-34. The abuse herein poured upon his late patron by Paredes was hardly 
consistent with the language and acts used not long before in his support. 
Indeed, Santa Anna caused to be inserted in the Dlario Gob. of Nov. 11, 
1844, a number of letters from Paredes, written at the very time the revolu- 
tion was planning, wherein he addresses him in the most affectionate terms. 
See also Paid. Nac. t Nov. 12, 1844. 


doubly a traitor, who, instead of carrying out his in- 
structions for defending the country against a threat- 
ening invasion, had increased the peril by stirring 
civil war for ambitious aims. 51 Such a charge from 
an unpopular and intriguing administration obtained 
no weight. The people remembered Paredes' former 
able stand in favor of reform, and ascribed its misdirec- 
tion entirely to the holders of the spoils, against whom 
his charges appeared only too true. As for defend- 
ing the country against invasion, the government had 
shown its incapacity by squandering the vast means 
destined for the purpose, and could not be trusted 
even with that task, however imminent. 

Energetic as ever, Santa Anna resolved to place 
himself at the head of the army and crush the revolu- 
tion in its cradle. He entered Mexico on the 18th, 
midst the customary artificial pomp and demonstra- 
tion, and after an unsatisfactory meeting with a body 
of deputies and senators, he caused the acting presi- 
dent to formally invest him with the command of the 
army, whereupon he set out for Queretaro to enforce 
his will with the sword. 52 His assumption of the 
military control was at once challenged by the cham- 
bers as unauthorized by them and therefore illegal. 
War minister Reyes explained that Santa Anna had 
not reassuined the presidential office and could there- 
fore be regarded only as a general. 53 His further ob- 
servations proved so weak and defiant that he was 
hooted out of the house and formally accused. He 
himself thought it best # to resign, probably to the re- 
lief of his colleagues, for no objection was made, and 

b }Dlario Gob., Nov. 9, 1S44; Abcja, id. 

52 His address and manifesto issued on Nov. 2 1st and previous^ may 
be consulted in PabeJ. Nac, Nov. 12, 26, 1S44; Defensa Interj. Nac, Nov. 
23, 1844; also in separate form. Manifiesto, 1-11; Pap. Var., xxxix. pt 13. 
The strongest point in it is to recommend a peaceful aud deliberate reform of 
the constitution. 

53 Further, the clause of the constitution forbade the president from com- 
manding in person the army and navy of the republic, but Santa Anna had 
headed only a division. This argument was received with jeers both by 
house and galleries. The question is discussed in Coitio, Defensa; Pap. Far., 
xiv. pt G. 


General Basadre took his place. 64 The cabinet con- 
tinued to maintain a firm attitude, relying on Santa 
Anna's promptness and strength and the expressions 
of loyalty from different quarters, although influenced 
by subservient officials and dictated mostly by fear. 55 
Congress received still more assuring notices, thanks 
to the energy of Paredes. Aware of the necessity 
for obtaining a wide indorsement of his plan before 
the imposing appearance of a strong army should 
spread dismay and silence the outbreak, he had lost 
no time in sending circulars to the departmental 
authorities, and scattering inspiring proclamations 
throughout the country, with effective allusions to 
the precarious position of the government and the 
strength of his own just cause. Aguascalientes, Za- 
catecas, and Queretaro at once signified their adhesion, 
Tamaulipas followed, Michoacan, San Luis Potosi, and. 
other provinces were preparing to overcome the still 
hesitating garrisons, and Guanajuato was certainly 
not friendly to the central authorities. 56 

Santa Anna reached Queretaro on November 25th, 
without meeting any resistance, for the garrison had 
stood aloof during the late agitation, but so chillmof 

54 On Nov. 23d. Trigueros, the finance minister, had on Oct. 29th been 
replaced by Haro y Tamariz, an intimate friend of Santa Anna. Lombardo 
had been suggested for the post. See Pap. Var., lxxvi. pt iii. 10; Bolet'm 
Notic, Nov. 12, 1844, etc. Deputy Llaca of Queretaro and Gomez Pedraza took 
the leading part against the cabinet. 

^Instances in Defensa Intc<j. Nac, Nov. 23, 1844, etc.; Pabel. iVac, 
Nov. 12th, 21st, 30th, etc.; even from Jalisco, Abeja, Nov. 11th, loth. 

53 Prosperous Aguascalientes had long aspired to become the capital of the 
country, and stood generally ready to conspire against it. Concerning its 
condition, see Gonzalez, Hist. Agua*cal., 132 et seq. Esparza was governor 
of Zacatecas. The garrison of .Santa Anna de Tamaulipas seconded the revo- 
lution already on Nov. loth, the other districts following gradually. Busta- 
mante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 220-6, ii. 13. Colimahad long been agitating 
to become a territory, Colima, Repres., 3-18, independent of Michoacan. 
Mich., Informes, 1845, 28. Opposing arguments in Colima, Reflex, al In- 
forme, 1-8; Pap. Var., clxxxv. pt 3, exciii. pt 7; Monit. Constit., Mar. 20, 
1845, etc. For Guanajuato, see Cos, Silao, in Soc. Mex. Geon., Bold., £p. 
2a, iv. 746; Boletin Nolic, Dec. 24, 1844. In San Luis Potosi, several tu- 
mults were required to prevail on the authorities. Tlascala joined on Nov. 
24th. Vera Cruz at first sided strongly with its favorite hero and resident, 
in a petition to the congress against the Iniciativa from Jalisco, but causes 
soon appeared to change its tone. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 6-18 et seq. 
Remonstrance of Guadalajara in Jal., Espos., 3-12; Pinarl, Coll. Among 
Paredes' precautions had been to secure the revenue of the port of San Bias. 



was the reception that he sent a force to bring out 
the corporations for a reprimand. He insisted that 
the assembly should retract its indorsement of Pare- 
des' plan and tender obedience, and this being refused, 
he ordered the members to be arrested and consigned 
to the fortress of Perote. At the same time he re- 
placed Governor Dominguez by General J u vera for 
having undertaken to transmit the declaration of that 
body. 57 On receiving the news Deputy Llaca at once 


. S.Isi(Jro --...-^.v 

Bkdos u 


~ TiKrn 

SXuis de la Pa 


CfUviUo *Ax**|m r" % ^5E '"" ' 

Teocaltfche JM „ ZaZaS£TSl • J ^ ^"£ .« 

Jaramillo j9iiG48^ f* »€si>S? — --^"'Wes' 

' ^ a Casas Viejas 

| f Jalfran 

<r ^Miller 


/^Tepatitlan * 1 ^fH^V'C 

^» A^r ^'Sta.Rosa ^(212%'' % - — & 

o £yfa Tollman 
to, Garavatillos 

-%. i Qfe -Bustos %Y'"' oSta.P.osa ^aa 


^JOjo de Agua *J^ 

ra»>. V, 

*#c» ^ 



3£. V i-V: Irajjuato 
r ^§alajna£ 

' Sta.Cfira 

o ""' >«fe.Antqnio 

£3. Juan de la Vega? 

I loChamacuero ,. C 

A \iv 



V % 

Estancia 5» 

Celayao f "if 

\S. Juan del Rio 



\° ><?i^d^T^^ 7 '' , Valle/de Santiago 

> 7f 11 M \_# Sal 

»_ tt. A<Aneamaciuivii _ .i ^-?' u 

imacutiig. ip^w 




Saff Yuriridpun<!urqc 

Xoroneo A mealco 


*%! Pajr^uaro O^ oMolinos de Caballero 

PurSndiro j|fe>H^I *S^W °Jerecuaro /Tipuslepeo 

§ 1^^^^ ^^ ^^ °°Sjiid?o\ fPateo 

S.Jua2 Zina Pec^. ^a^ C ( J \ N" 

ISanta Anna's Movements. 

arose in behalf of his constituents, and caused the 
ministry to be summoned before the chambers to an- 
swer for the arbitrary proceedings of their self- 
appointed commander-in-chief. The message being 
disregarded, they were arraigned, like their former 
colleague. Among the charges was tampering with 

67 Quer., Rel. Hist., 1-66; Mined., iii. pt 4, giving the history of the pro- 
ceedings at Queretaro from Nov. 9. Also testimony in Santa Anna, Causa, 
ap. 133-80. 


the mails by opening private letters m quest of con- 
spirators. Minister Baranda now hastened to Quere- 
taro to confer with Santa Anna, and there it was 
decided to repeat the act which had proved so effect- 
ive at the close of 1842 in sustaining the dictator. 

The chambers met as usual on December 1st, but 
during a brief recess the doors were closed against 
the returning members by an armed force. They had 
no alternative but to submit, yet not without uniting 
to issue a solemn protest against the different arbi- 
trary acts committed against them and the country. 53 
The ministry sought to counteract it by a proclama- 
tion, wherein they cast odium on the representatives 
for unpatriotic opposition to the measures of the ad- 
ministration. The dissolution was required for the 
prompt reestablishment of order and the recovery of 
Texas, and would be maintained till these objects 
were accomplished. Under the direction of the con- 
stitutional president, Santa Anna, and his substitute, 
the government proposed to exercise all functions to 
this end, with particular attention to the financial, 
military, and foreign departments, yet without increas- 
ing the contributions, or encroaching upon life and 
property or upon the proletariat. Specious pretexts 
like these, from such a source, deceived no one. The 
hand of the despot was only too plainly seen 53 in the 
very resemblance to former acts and arguments. Dep- 
uties and senators exposed them in their protests, and 
the people manifested their indignation in tumultuous 
gatherings and loud denunciation, wherein the assem- 
bly and ayuntamiento of Mexico joined, the former 
voluntarily suspending its sessions till the constitu- 

58 That of the deputies was signed by all but ten members. The prefect 
sought to dissolve the senatorial meeting at the house of its president, but 
had to retire. Congress, after sitting during the first three months of the 
year, relieved the permanent deputation on June 1st in extra session. The 
usual session beginning July 1st was prorogued on Sept. 25th. References 
to and reports of proceedings in Constitucional, Pabel. Nac; Diario Gob., 
Dcfensa Integ. Nac. ; Mex. , Col. Ley., 1844-6, 19-22, 35-65, passim. 

59 Revealed besides by intercepted letters to Canalizo, his tool, and pub- 
lished in Santa Anna, Causa, to be referred to later. 


tion should again prevail, and the latter disbanding 
rather than take the oath of obedience now exacted 
hy the government from all officials and authorities. 69 
Every one of these acts added to the ferment at 
the capital. Pasquinades and threatening notices 
appeared against the executive, and the statue of 
Santa Anna was made an object of ridicule by means 
of a hangman's cap and other devices. Now came 
news that the garrison at Puebla. had pronounced 
against Santa Anna. The government fully under- 
stood the effect this would have at Mexico, and 
sought to create a diversion by fomenting a pronun- 
ciamiento in favor of the federal system, to be subse- 
quently directed to its own advantage, as on more 
than one previous occasion. The opponents saw the 
move, and recognizing the danger of a split, hastened 
to anticipate it. cl On the 5th of December the bat- 
talion of recruits under Cespedes caught the Puebla 
infection, and in course of the day other sections of 
troops at the capital also declared for the pl^n of 
Paredes, including the Pueblan corps at the palace, 
and called on General Jose Joaquin Ilerrera, presi- 
dent of the council, to assume direction of affairs 
in accordance with the constitution. 62 Without hesi- 
tation Herrera summoned the deputies to the con- 
vent of San Francisco, and thence issued on the 6th 
an appeal to Canalizo to assist in upholding the con- 
stitutional government and prevent bloodshed. Find- 
ing by this time that he could not rely even on 
the few troops still around him, the representative 

60 By decree of Dec. 3d. Pinart, Coll., no. 731. The proclamation con- 
cerning the suspension had been prepared already on Nov. 29th, Dispos. Vci- 
rias, v. 46, signed like other important acts by Canalizo, Rcjon, Baranda, 
Haro, and Basadre. It was evidently submitted to Santa Anna for revision. 
Alcalde Cafiedo, the proxy at Santa Anna's marriage, sought to intimidate 
the regidores, and when he returned with a posse for the purpose he found 
the body dissolved. The supreme court also refused to take the oath. Bas- 
tamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 337-G1, etc., considers the exacting of the oath 
the culminating motive for the revolution at Mexico. 

61 The federalist move was planned for Dec. 4th, but could not be per- 
fected in time and was deferred till the night of the .5th. lb. 

c - Which declared that the head of the council should fill the vacant 


of Santa Anna yielded a passive acquiescence. A 
series of salvos and a general ringing of bells an- 
nounced the triumph, taken up by the vivas of 
crowds surging toward the convent. The deputies 
now marched back in procession to their hall at 
the palace, many of them borne aloft on the shoul- 
ders of enthusiastic followers. At the same time 
a portion of the rabble broke open the tomb con- 
taining Santa Anna's leg, and dragged this mem- 
ber with a cord through the streets midst insults. 
Another entered the theatre recently erected in his 
honor, and smashed his large gypsum effigy in the 
vestibule. The bronze statue in the plaza would 
have fared a similar fate, but for the prompt action 
of the authorities to forestall the mob and hide it. 63 

That same evening the chambers reopened formally 
and joined in perfecting plans for the new government, 
whereof the senate confirmed Herrera as temporary 
president. 64 The ministry now installed was com- 
posed of Luis Cuevas, Riva Palacio, Pedro Echever- 
ria, and General Pedro Garcia Conde, 65 a selection that 
met with general approval. Before the grand jury 
formed by the two houses Santa Anna was arraigned 
in common with his subservient ministers, and orders 
were issued for the arrest of these as well as Cana- 
lizo. Basadre was captured on the way to Queretaro, 
disguised as a friar, 66 but Haro succeeded in gaining 
that place, and his two colleagues remained in hiding. 

The revolution at Mexico came most opportunely. 

63 The leg was also secured and rebiiried. On the preceding day Santa 
Anna had celebrated the sixth anniversary of the action wherein he lost the 
leg, and acquired the reputation of a hero. Allusions to the statue in the 
report of the theatre committee. Teatro Santa- Anna, Observ., 1844, 1-15. 

61 By decree issued on Dec. 7th. Dublan and Lozano, Ley. Mex., iv. 769. 

60 For relations, justice, finance, and war, respectively. 

66 ' Cierto que haria un fraile de bella figura,' observes Bustamante ironi- 
cally. Hist. Santa Anna, 35G; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 200, etc. 
Deputy Llaca, who had played so prominent a part in these changes with his 
eloquence and stanch attitude, died on the 10th of liver complaint, in the 
midst of hi triumphs. Constitutional, Dec. 17, 1844, etc.; La Minerva, Mar. 
25, 1845, etc As governors of Mexico department and capital districts dur- 
ing the year are named Juan Olmos, Juan Casaflores, General Rincon, and 
finally General Condelle. Dispos. Varias, v. 46. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 18 


Santa Anna, with a select army of nearly 14,000 men, 
was already at Silao, on the way to crush Paredes 
and reduce to obedience the adjoining provinces. 
The task seemed easy enough, for their forces were 
scattered, and the mere appearance of so imposing an 
opponent might suffice to restore order. Paredes 
himself felt so little confidence that he prepared to 
intrench himself in some strong position. The news 
from Mexico upset the whole plan. In a council of 
officers it was decided that Santa Anna should reas- 
sume the role of president in order to give legality to 
his acts, and march at once against the capital, as the 
present centre of the revolt. A preliminary measure 
was to seize all the funds he could lay hands upon at 
the mint and public offices of Guanajuato and other 
towns, 67 and to impress additional men at the settle- 
ments en route, all of which swelled the popular out- 
cry. A force was left at Guanajuato to check the 
speeding outbreak, and as a further precaution Gov- 
ernor Cortazar was inveigled and made a prisoner, 
after having rejected the different offers of Santa 
Anna for obtaining his adhesion, 65 while a partial 
concession was made at Queretaro by reinstalling the 
assembly and governor. 69 

Fully aware that the wrath of the suspended presi- 
dent would turn against them, the new authorities at 
Mexico took prompt steps for defence, authorizing a 
loan of half a million and the free introduction of sup- 

67 From the mint $135,000 were taken, $90,000 of which, belonging to the 
conde de Perez Galvez, were subsequently restored. The duties from the 
fair at Lagos yielded $50,000, and so forth, of which Minister Haro took 

6b Such as the war portfolio and the captaincy general of Guanajuato. 
Santa Anna wrote that he wished to confer with him about resigning the pres- 
idency. Cortazar set out, but was seized at Tula on Dec. 25th. Boletin Notic, 
Dec. 19, 1844. Correspondence between him and Paredes, in Pabel. Nac, 
Nov. 26, 28, 1844. 

69 He had no sooner passed the place, however, than they reasserted their 
adherence to the revolution. The garrison had thought it best to declare 
their loyalty to Santa Anna. The latter had turned back from Silao on Dec. 
13th, sending on the way a warning to Herrera. This and other documents 
may be found in the different journals of the day, including such remote 
issues as Meteoro de Sin., Jan 17, 1845. 


plies into the city, enrolling troops from among the 
ea^er crowd of volunteers, under the direction of Va- 
lencia, as second in command, and issuing a decree 
for similar enlistments throughout the departments 
of auxiliary forces to be maintained only during the 
present crisis. 70 In this task they were cheered by a 
continuous influx of recruits from all parts of the 
country, showing that the successful movement and 
decisive attitude of the capital had turned many 
departments. A most important accession was that 
of Bravo, who added greatly to the enthusiasm and 
strength by marching into Mexico with a considerable 
force and announcing that Alvarez was also coming. 
When Santa Anna, therefore, presented himself be- 
fore the city he found it strongly protected, with an 
enthusiastic garrison of fully 8,000 men, withParedes 
approaching at the head of 4,000, and other leaders, 
from different directions, while he himself stood pro- 
claimed by the congress as a rebel, divested of author- 
ity, and somewhat under the fear of being deserted 
by his men, to whom alluring baits were held out. 71 
To besiege the place seemed hopeless under the cir- 
cumstances; and so, after a vain exchange of demands 
with Herrera, together with a blustering challenge to 
decide the question in a pitched battle, he moved on- 
ward to Puebla, hoping by the capture of this less 
formidable point to check the spread of the revolu- 
tion eastward, and probably to turn the current. 
His overtures being firmly rejected by Commandant 
Inclan, he opened fire against the city on January 2, 
1845, and in course of the following days carried sev- 
eral outlying positions. But Inclan offered a stout 

70 They were to be known as Voluntarios Defensores de las Leyes, and 
raised by the respective assemblies. Mix., Col. Ley, 1844-46, 71. At Mexico 
all classes hastened to join. Martial law was soon after proclaimed. Boletin 
Notic, Dec. 26, 28, 1844. 

71 Decrees concerning deserters and destitution of Santa Anna, dated Dec. 
11th and 17th. Mix,, Col. Ley., 1844-46, 72-3; Pinart Coll., no. 829. Her- 
rera had offered to resign in favor of a more efficient man, but his tender 
was not accepted. Salas, later regent, displayed great activity in organiz- 
ing the garrison. 


resistance, yielding only step by step. This tenacity 
was wholly unexpected, for he had only a few hundred 
men, of whom less than 200 were regular troops, 
while the besiegers numbered more than 1 0,000. 72 
Still the place could not hold out much longer. Now 
came news, however, that Paredes and Alvarez had 
reached Mexico and were already on the way with 
relief, under the direction of Bravo, as commander-in- 
chief, further, that Arias had pronounced for the 
revolution with the northern army, arresting General 
Woll, one of the stanchest supporters of the late 
government. These blows, together with the de- 
moralizing effect of the retrograde march from Silao 
and the retreat before Mexico, proved decisive. Santa 
Anna had more bluster than resolution. Although 
the allied forces were little or not at all superior to his 
own in number, 73 and inferior in training, he no longer 
held out the challenge for a battle, but raised the 
siege, abandoned the several advantageous positions 
gained, and withdrew to an adjoining village, allowing 
the allies to enter Puebla on the 12th. 74 To this step 
contributed probably a doubt of his soldiers' loyalty. 
He nevertheless proposed to make use of them, if nob 
to fight, to back by their imposing number the nego- 
tiations which he now opened with Herrera for securing 
all the concessions possible. To this end he sent Minis- 
ter Haro, 75 supported by the now liberal Cortazar, to 

72 A plot was fostered to betray him for 200 ounces of gold, but failed. 
The flower of his small garrison had gone to Mexico. Bustamante, Hist. Santa 
Anna, 395; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 237-03; Mex:, Mem. Guer., 1845, 

73 The details of forces under Paredes and his companions, in Boletin No- 
tic. , Jan. 12, 1845, etc., show 11,688, of which 3,336 were cavalry. 

74 The names of Inclan and Governor Cabofranco were by decree of Sept. 
6, 1845, ordered inscribed in the assembty hall in commemoration of their 
valiant defence, and so at Quer^taro that of Governor Dominguez, and at 
Guadalajara those of Paredes and Governor Escobedo. All who joined in the 
revolt received certain privileges, such as exemption from militia service, and 
'llevani la Puebla el rcnombre de Invicta.' Mex., Decret. Min., 1845, no. 34. 
The siege was practically over on the 7th. 

75 Although provided with a free pass by Bravo, he narrowly escaped male- 
treatment from the people at Mexico. An informant of Bustamante declares 
that a council of war under Santa Anna had decided against firing on the 
people at Puebla, and even to submit to the new government. Hist. Santa 
Anna, 406-7. Haro's commission is dated Jan. 9th. 


demand the acceptance of his spontaneous resignation 
of the presidency, permission to retire to a foreign 
country of his own selection, with full pay and res- 
toration of his statues and portraits, and the retention 
of his officers in their position. 76 But under the 
changed aspect of affairs, with reinforcements in- 
creasing, Herrera refused to entertain any other terms 
than unconditional submission with surrender of the 
military command to Cortazar, and Santa Anna now 
directed his attention wholly to escape, even before a 
definite answer came. A large proportion of his 
men 77 urged him to make a bold stand, promising to 
sustain him to the last; but he had no faith in the 
prospect. He counselled them to submit, and then 
departed for the coast with a small force. 78 On ap- 
proaching Jalapa, he sent to ask General Rincon for 
a pass under which to embark at Vera Cruz. Instead 
of consenting, this officer took steps to secure his 
person; and bidding farewell to the escort, the alarmed 
Santa Anna hastened away by paths little known, 
attended only by two intimates. He was discov- 
ered near Jico, however, 79 and taken to Perote, there 
to await the sentence of congress. This solution of 
the trouble was celebrated with great demonstrations 
at Mexico and elsewhere. 80 

Santa Anna protested loudly against his imprison- 

76 The documents bearing on the case exist in separate form in Santa Anna, 
Corresp. entre el Sup. Gob., Mexico, 1845, 1-51; also in Pinart Coll., no. 
735; Boletin Nolle, Jan. 7, 1845, et seq. 

77 ' Todos le aconsejaron que siguiese la campaua,' says Zamacois, Hist. Mej., 
xii. 378; but this is wrong, for the retreat from Puebla had increased the de- 
moralization and desertions. 

78 Of 400 light cavalry under Avalos, and 300 dragoons, and some hussars 
under Torrejon, who left with him on the 11th. The former abandoned him 
at an early stage. Inclan, in Pinart Coll., no. 735. When Morales surren- 
dered the army on the 13th there were little over 5,000 men left in camp. 
Mex., Mem. Guer., 1845, 14. 

79 With 4 servants, on the 1 5th. The two intimates escaped. They are 
said to have been Torrejon and Badillo, but this is doubtful. No bribes pre- 
vailed with the Indian captors. According to Villa- Amor, Blog. Santa Anna, 
20-1, they would have made a tamale of him and burned him, but for the 
cura's interposition. Official despatches, in Boletin Notic, Jan. 6, 1845, et 

80 Already on the 13th, when the public announcement was made of his 
flight. Mex., Col. Ley., 1S44-6, 70-80. 



merit, and against the presumption, as he termed it, of 
bringing to trial the constitutional president of the 
country, guiltless as he was at least of treason. 81 
Nevertheless, he considered it best to present a de- 
fence of his late attitude. As virtual president, it 
was his duty to take steps to suppress the revolution 
of Jalisco, which threatened the peace of the country 
and stood arrayed against the constitution itself. If 
in so doing he had among other acts proceeded arbi- 

Fortress of Pkrote. 

trarily against the authorities at Queretaro, it was 
because they stood as the avowed accomplices of 
rebels. 82 The grand jury of congress nevertheless 

81 ' Contra la independencia, ni contra la forma de gobierno. ' Reply to 
interrogations, in Santa- Anna, Causa, 73, etc. 

82 He had approved the suspension of congress, bat this approval was 
merely an opinion expressed of an act already accomplished. He called 
attention to his many efforts for improving different departments of ad- 
ministration and fostering public institutions, and to his services for the 
republican cause, which he was the first to proclaim by rising against Itur- 
bide. He also seeks to influence his judges by explaining that his wealth is 
but the natural result of long and prudent management, assisted by the high 
pay from his offices. The argument is swelled by repetitions and pointless 


declared for his impeachment, on the ground that 
he had attacked the system of government estab- 
lished by the constitution, dissolving the depart- 
mental assembly of Queretaro, and so forth; that he 
had promoted the decree suspending congress, and 
that he had risen with armed force against the rees- 
tablished constitutional government. 83 Proceedings 
were also continued against Canalizo and the minis- 
ters, and a large number of the leading officers who 
had upheld them were suspended to answer for their 
course. 84 The late party was too influential, however, 
to be treated with great severity, and by decree of 
May 24th the past was consigned to oblivion in a gen- 
eral amnesty, yet this did not restore to the pardoned 
their offices, 83 and it included Santa Anna, Canalizo, 
and the four ministers only on condition that they 
should leave the country, the first-named forever, the 
others for ten years, giving bonds to answer pecuniary 
claims against them. 86 

verbiage, which add to its weakness. It exists in separate form under Santa 
Anna, Exposition, 1845, 1-43, also in Pap. Var., xxvi. pt 6, lxxxv. pt 2. 

83 This report was made on Feb. 24, 1845. As regards the first charge, he 
was declared liable under art. 90 of the organic law. His share in suspending 
congress was manifested in several official and intercepted private letters, 
as reproduced in the Causa. See Santa Anna, Dictdmen del Gran Jurado, 
1-24; Pap. Var., xxvi. pt 8. The dictamen was approved by a vote of 90 
against 7. The case thereupon passed to the supreme court, where it continued 
till May. The process with documents attached exists in Santa- Anna, Causa 
Criminal, Acusado del Delito de Traicion, Mex., 1846, 1-245, ap. 1-180. Por- 
tions of this appear in separate form under Mex., Causa Santa Anna, 1-180; 
Santa- Anna, Expediente, 1-176; Id., Proceso, 1-55; Pap. Var., xxvi. pts 7, 
10. With additional points and comments in Bustamante, Mem. Hist. 2lex. t 
MS., i. 202-84, ii. 2-140, passim; Diario, Exact. Mex., MS., 1-68; Santa 
Anna, Apel. al Criterio, 8-14; Escalera y Liana, Mex. Hist., 70, etc.; and 
in the journals of the day, as Monit. Constit., Mar. 4, 1845, etc., and others 
already quoted. Voz del Pueblo and Defensor Leyes defended him warmly. 

81 Over 60 in number, nearly all from the army abandoned by Santa Anna 
before Puebla. 

85 Although even these were conceded to most of them. Distinctions and 
life positions Avere recognized. Mex., Col. Ley., 1844-46, 111-12. The 
amnesty, so common a measure in Mexico, had been mooted since February, 
Algunas Observ., 1845, 1-20; Amnistia, 3, etc.; Pap. Var., lxxxv. pt 1, 
clxxiii. pt 19, and considered in congress, in Mex., Dictdmen sobre Amnistia, 
1-8; Id., De la Mayoria, 1-20, and practically conceded by May 12th, La 
Minerva, May 13, 1845. Ex-president Bustamante took advantage of it to 

86 They were to be allowed half of the pay granted them under the last life 
position held previous to Nov. 29, 1844, on condition of residing where the 
government indicates. They had to ask for a stay of proceedings against 


This termination was probably the best; for with 
the growing agitation in their party, the influence 
and obstacles brought to bear on the process, and 
the difficulties enveloping the new administration, 
a fresh revolution might come at any time to release 
the culprits. Some of them accepted the offer at 
once, including Santa Anna, who embarked with his 
young wife and a few adherents on June 3d for 
Habana. 87 Before leaving he issued one of those 
well studied appeals wherewith he had more than 
once touched the ready sympathies of his country- 
men. He begged them to forgive the unintentional 
errors of a man mutilated in defence of his country, and 
who now in his old age was seeking a refuge among 
strangers. He would ever, to his last breath, offer 
up his humble prayers to the eternal one for their 
prosperity so that they might rank among the fore- 
most and happiest of nations. 88 He knew well that a 
flourish of his severed limb could not fail to impress 
compassionate hero-worshippers, while an array of his 
' innocent children,' with a glimpse of his locks turning 
gray on a distant shore, must stir the tender heart of 
a people so filial and patriotic. 

At Habana he received a merited rebuke in meet- 
ing his illustrious predecessor, Bustainante, exiled by 
him and now on the way home from Europe. Juicios 
de Dios! 89 The new administration sought also to 

them, as a preliminary step. Rejon, Baranda, and Haro were in hiding. For 
the protracted suit against them, see Variedades Jurlsp., iii. 112-35, 157-93; 
Bustamante, Mem. Hist. 3Iex., i. 202-20, passim, ii. 6-9, 111-15; Basadrc, a 
sus Compat., 1-8, his defence; Miscel., iii. pt 1; also Monit. Gonstit., Mar. 9, 
1845; Amigo del Pueblo, July 29, 1845; Boletin Notic, Mar. 8, 1845, and 
other numbers and journals. With review by ministers, in 31 ex., 31em. ltd., 
1845, 12-120; Id., Guer., 1845, 3, etc. The predecessor of Basadre, Reyes, was 
actually sentenced, after a brilliant defence, to loss of honors, office, and pay, 
with ten years' imprisonment, for authorizing Santa Anna to take command 
of the army; but he was pardoned. Beion had escaped on board an English 
packet in April. Canalizo, although unwilling to accept the amnesty, was 
sent out of the country. Rivera, Gob. de 3Iex. , ii. 274. 

87 Not without a certain pomp, although a strong guard had been thought 
advisable to save him from popular insult. Diario Gob., June 4, 1S45. 

88 In Voz del Pueblo, and other journals of June 6, 1845, beginning: ' Meji- 
canos! en mi ultima edad y mutilado.' 

89 Exclaimed the later archbishop of Guatemala, then administering the 
see at Habana, when he related this meeting. Bustainante, Nuevo Bernal 


counteract the schemer by displaying in the worst 
light the evils he had brought upon the country by 
his despotic, dishonest, and extravagant measures. 
By seizure and illegal sale of national or corporation 
property, by outrageous contracts, suspended salaries 
and payments, by embezzlement of funds and other 
means, the nation had been defrauded during his last 
rule of fully thirty millions, and burdened with an 
enormous taxation that oppressed every industry and 
checked development. A large part of these extor- 
tions was held and displayed by his adherents in the 
most unblushing manner, partly in estates taken from 
the nation or from institutes and occupied as grants 
or under lease or trust, Santa Anna himself having 
increased his estates in Vera Cruz to princely propor- 
tions, and elsewhere by new accessions. 90 

The efforts of the new government were directed 
for a time wholly to reform, one feature of which con- 
sisted in replacing the many inefficient officials intro- 
duced in every department either by favor or with a 
view to serve as tools. Partisanship prevailed even 
now in many instances over merit, yet the change, 
involving a reduction of the excessive staffs, 91 proved 
most acceptable. At the same time the adminis- 
tration sought to secure itself by redistribution of 

Diaz, 20. Santa Anna's health had suffered somewhat during the long im- 
prisonment at Perote, and his life had even been conspired against by a party 
of jarochos, as the coast rancheros of Vera Cruz were called. Id., Hist. Santa 
Anna, 419-20. 

90 Notably the fine property of Encero, where he lately lived in regal 
pomp. ' Era sabido por todos que de Vera Cruz hasta cerca de Jalapa todo 
el territorio habia llegado a ser propiedad suya.' Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 
2G5, etc. From this Vera Cruz estate he derived a large income by using 
his influence to monopolize, at times exclusively, the market at the port. 
Nor did he scruple at smuggling and other illegal methods. See also the 
ministerial reports. M6x., Mem.. Eel., 1845, CO-2; Id., Mem. Ilac, 5 et seq. 
Others came forth in a sweeping invective against this ' Hombre f unesto ! Hom- 
bre de maldicion!' who has consumed the wealth of the country, corrupted 
its institutions, violated all laws, betrayed all parties. 'Fathers will teach 
their children to curse thee, and defrauded widows and orphans and impressed 
and betrayed soldiers and peasants will join in the outcry,' and so forth. An 
apostrophe issued as a letter in Slglo XIX., Dec. 28, 1844. 

91 Santa Anna had issued over 12,000 army commissions between 1841-44. 
Rivera, Gob. de M6x. } ii. 282. 


certain leading gubernatorial and other positions, 
although not always with prudence. Paredes, for 
instance, was disposed of with the comandancia gen- 
eral of Mexico, greatly to the discontent of this now 
popularized revolutionist. 92 Finances required special 
and delicate investigation, with a view to conform to 
the popular clamor for reduction of taxes and relief of 
industries, yet without hampering the treasury too 
much. One step in this direction was to check the 
enormous leakage in the shape of smuggling and the 
evasion of just tax payments. 93 Economy, however, 
was a difficult task under the involved state of affairs 
inherited from the late administration. Echever- 
ria abandoned the portfolio of finance in January, 
Palacio surrendered it in despair two months later, 
and Luis de la Rosa held it only till August. 94 A 
loan was indispensable for giving a semblance of im- 
pulse to national defences, but the chambers dared 
not yield readily to a demand which had so lately 
proved a main cause for revolution. Yet the mere 
prospect of fresh imposts was enough to raise a 
thoughtless outcry, in which joined lustily the horde 
of malecontents roused by official pruning operations, 
and the government was assailed for its very lack of 
power or means to put an immediate end to afflicting 
evils, such as the continued raid of Indians into the 
northern provinces. They even used against it, as an 
argument with the ignorant, such occurrences as the 
transit of Mercury, and an earthquake of great sever- 
ity which, on April 7th, did damage in different parts 

92 For appointments, see Boletin Notic, Jan. 20, 23, Feb. 17, etc., 1845; 
San Miguel, Rep. Mex., 71-2; Dispos. Varias, v. 47, etc.; Bustamante, Mem. 
Hist. Mex. t MS., ii. 13, iii. 74, 99; Monit. Constit., Ap. 19, 1845. The reor- 
ganization of the departments was considered in Mex., Dictdmen Puntos Con- 
stat., 1845, 1-8; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 4; Pap. Var., clxxii. pt 
7, clxxiii. pt 21, one point being the union of Aguascalientes with Zacatecas. 

9i To which end informers were lured by a premium of two per cent on 
confiscations. Mex., Legist. Mej., April 1853, 381-4. Protest against free 
importation of cotton. N. Leon, Dictdmen sob re Algodon, 1-8. 

91 lie was appointed on March 29th. Mex., Col. Ley., 1844-6, 98; Pap. 
Var., lxxxvi. pt iii. 14, 29-30. Thompson comments on Echeverria's hatred 
of foreigners. Recoil. Mex., 90; Payno, Mex. y Guest. Financ, 13. 


of the republic, especially in the central part border- 
ing on the southern range of the valley of Mexico. 
Xochimilco suffered extremely, and in the capital a 
number of buildings were ruined, involving also sev- 
eral lives. 95 

All these circumstances added fuel to party spirit, 
now stirred also by approaching elections. Feder- 
alists and Santanistas grew vociferous, and even 
the persecuted monarchists ventured to wag their 
tongues, 96 under the protecting folds of clerical gowns, 
and partly by virtue of the government's invitation 
to send in suggestions for constitutional reforms, a 
task which now mainly occupied the attention of the 
chambers, as required by the late revolution. 97 The 
chief projects were those from the assemblies, and as 
these existed in virtue of the actual centralist consti- 
tution, it may be seen that the demand for a federal 
organic law could not prove overwhelming. The pro- 
posal to change the system was therefore rejected, 
partly also on the ground that a new appeal to the 
nation might place the issue at the mercy of army 
and mob leaders, with perhaps another dictator. The 
Santanistas had been watching the progress of the 

95 The most severe shock here took place at 52 to 56 minutes past 3 p. m., 
with a marked recurrence on April 10th. The dome of the magnificent Santa 
Teresa chapel fell in; the San Lazaro hospital was ruined; the aqueduct was 
broken in several places, and so forth. 'En Xdchimilco no ha quedado una 
casa.' Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaz, 31; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 
40-54. The virgin image de los Remedios was carried round to calm the ter- 
rified people, and the authorities took several precautions, together with 
measures for relief. Consult Monit. Constit., April 8 to May 4, 1845; also La 
Minerva, Diario Gob., and other journals; Cortina, Carta; Pap. Var., cxciv. 

96 Comments on growth of this party in Amiga del Pueblo, July 5, 1845; 
Pap. Var., cvi. pt viii. 33-5. 

97 The invitation was issued on Dec. 10, 1844. As specimen of the con- 
flicting suggestions maybe noted: N. Leon, Dictdmen sobre Constit., 1-18; 
Coah., Inicialiva Reformas, 1-43; Dur., Id., 1-14; Oaj., Id., 1-38; Mich., 
Id., 1-14; Zac, Id., 1-34; Pap. Var., lxxxv. pts 4-5. Also in Monit. 
Constit., April 11, 13, May 13, 1845, Boletin Notic, Diario Gob., La Minerva, 
Amigo del Pueblo, and other journals. Comments in Bustamante, Mem. 
Hist. Mex., MS., iii. 158-9; Gutierrez, Contest., 24-32; Miranda, Espos. , 18- 
58. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 687-9, 703, takes a very impartial view, 
although a federalist. Otero advocates strongly federalism. Ensayo, 63-4, 
118-36. While Rosa upholds a middle course. Pap. Var., xlii. pt viii. 45- 
6, civ. pt 5, clxxi. pt 17. 


agitation. Their object was return to power at any 
price. They were too greatly in the minority at the 
moment to effect anything by themselves, but the 
federalists were stronger, and so they proposed a 
fusion, offering to sacrifice principles if their captive 
champion were adopted as joint leader. This was 
readily agreed to, as it had been substantially during 
the Urrea-Farias outbreak under Bustamante. 98 A 
positive declaration against the segregation of Texas 
was added to gain support from the hot-headed portion 
of the community, and emissaries were despatched in 
different directions to promote cooperation. In Puebla 
sympathetic manifestations became apparent; the still 
subsisting hostilities in the Mizteca region obtained a 
fresh impulse; the assemblies of Zacatecas and Yuca- 
can spoke firmly for a restoration of the constitution 
of 1824; the governor of Chihuahua was deposed by 
a bloodless uprising, and so also in Tabasco, although 
here the comandante mill tar Martinez prepared to 
assert with arms the supremacy of the federalists." 

Santa Anna, who had lent the aid of his purse to 
these manifestations, was daily waiting for an oppor- 
tunity to obtain his release in order to place himself 
at the head of forces, but the alarmed authorities 
hastened to send him out of the country. 100 This 
served greatly to disconcert the plans laid; neverthe- 
less, the factions at Mexico resolved to strike a blow, 
availing themselves of the well known federalist sym- 
pathy there, and the popularity of their chief among 
certain sections of the rabble and of the army, which 
had become discontented under the economic pressure 
of a distressed government. 101 On June 7th, accord- 

98 This president also enlisting the federalists just before his fall, as Santa 
Anna likewise attempted to do. 

"This the most pronounced of the provincial manifestations took place on 
June 14th. For details concerning them all, see Sir/lo XIX., Moult. Condlt., 
and other journals during June and July 1843. 

ioo < C re yo que con quince dias mas de existir en la Republiea recobraria 
su imperio.' Bustamante, Nacvo Bernal Diaz, i. 22. 

101 Among the promoters are named the reconciled Tomel, Bores, deputy 
for Yucatan, Lafragua, Farias, and Olaguibel, who is said to have written the 


ingly, General Kangel of the artillery 102 entered the 
palace with some of the seduced troops, and seized the 
president and three of his ministers. Fortunately 
Herrera had, in anticipation of an outbreak, taken pre- 
cautions ; and warned by the war minister who had 
eluded the rebels, Uraga, the colonel in command at 
the palace, hastened to the rescue with a strong force. 
A brief though sharp contest, involving a loss of 
twenty-three men, sufficed to reduce the intruders: 
and elsewhere similar prompt measures served to 
counteract the effort of conspirators, who with bell- 
ringing and shouts of Federation and Santa Anna! 
sought to rally the populace. 103 Rangel was captured 
in a hiding-place, yet let off by a sympathetic court- 
martial with ten years' confinement to Acapulco 
fortress/ 04 while the rebellious troops were distrib- 
uted in different directions to brood and brew fresh 
trouble. The Tabasco movement was also quelled, 
with the arrest of the leader. 105 

102 Seized in December as a leading Santanist officer. Boletin Notic. , Dec. 
29, 1844. 

103 Among the fallen was Captain Othon, the captain of the guard which 
joined Rangel. 

104 This court, one of Santa Anna's permanent institutions, was now dis- 
solved by the congress. The defence and judgment were based on technicali- 
ties, Requena, De/ensa del Gen. Rangel, 1-1G; Id., Segunda Defensa, 1-8, of 
so shallow an order that the court was assailed and obliged to defend itself. 
Rangel, Espos. por la Corte, 1-53. For additional details, see Pap. Var., 
xiv. pts 4-5, lxxxv. pts 10-12, lxxxvi. pt. 3, cxcviii. pts 1-2; Rivera, Mex. 
Pint., i. 23, with account of the palace movement; also Monit. Const it., 
June 1, 8 to 26, 1845, passim, and other journals. Bustamante, Mem. Hist. 
Mex., MS., ii. 123-73, 211, iii. 18-20, GG-7. Some of Rangel's fellow-officers 
were degraded. 

105 Tab., Manif. que hace el Com., 1-19; Amigo del Pueblo, July 19, 1845. 
The following additional authorities have been consulted for the foregoing 

chapter: Bustamante, Vo% de la Patria, MS., vi. 1; Id., Gabinete Mex., 98- 
104, 155-7, 205-12, ii. 55-7, 1G4-206; Id., Nuevo Bernal Diaz, i. 18-32, 67- 
70, 90-2; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 214, 291-3: Id., No hay Peor Cuna, 1-15; Id., 
Santa Anna, passim, MS., ii. 1-8, 17-20, 40, 46, 54-66, 81, 127-8, MS., iii. 
22-61; Id., Mem. para la Hist. Mex., MS., i.-iii. passim; Id., Diario Mex., 
MS., xliii. 291-2, 336, xliv.-xlvi. passim; Id., Diario Exact Mex., MS., nos 
3 and 5; Dublan and Lozano, Legisl. Mej., iii. 535-6, 709-10, 722, 731-3, 753, 
iv. passim, v. 10-11, 17-18; Cdrtes Diar. Congreso, iv. no. 91, 1751; Cong. 
Globe, 1842-3, 62; Willie, Noticias Hac da Publ., 30, 32, 53-7, 76-7, ap. 14-28; 
Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 204-6, May 1849- April 1850, 12-26; N lies' S. Am. 
and Mex,, i. 116-19; Id., Register, Hi. 97, 113, lviii. 354, lix. 17, lxi. G6, 196, 
241, 322, lxii. 51, G4, 96, 145, 1G3-4, 192, 210-11, 25S, 305, lxiii.-lxv. passim, 
lxvi. 211, 257, 292, 305-G, 321, 326, 337-8, 353, lxvii. 2, 178, 193, 25G-7, 


273, 304, 321, 343, 368, 385, lxviii. 129, lxix. 83, 91, 99, lxxiv. 310-12; 
Domenech, Hist, du Mex., ii. 158-201; Derecho Intern. Mex., 3d pt, 218-32; 
Mcx., Col. Ley. y 6rd., Jan.-May 1854, vi. 14-20; M6x., Col. Leyes Fund., 
227-65; M6x., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 493-4; 1850, 53-6; 1853, April-July, 381-4, 
531-4; Mex., Col. Leyes y Deer., 1840, 436-8, 507, 620-1, 771; 1841, 101-S5; 
1844-6, passim; 1848, 366-77, 465, 492-3; Cuevas, Espos. Dif Francia; Dis- 
posic. Varias, v. fol. 40-47; Archivo Mex., Col. Leyes, i. 147-63; Rivera, Hist. 
Jalapa, iii. passim; Id., Gob. de Mex., ii. 170, 227-75; Id., Mex. Pint., i. 22- 
3, 143-5, 157-61; Estado May. Gral. Ejir., 4-8; Novarro, Informe sobre free. 
RevoL, 108; Zarco, Hist. Congreso, i. 50-5, 62; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 132- 
65; Sierra y Rosso, Discurso en Sta Paida, 1-8; Jenkins' Hist. Mex., 22-3, 43, 
125; Cos, Estadist a Part. Silao; Pay no, Mix. y Guest. Financ., 13; Navarro 6 
Ibarra, Discurso, 1-15; Perez, Dice Gcogr 9 , etc., i. 335-7, ii. 415-36, iii. 173- 
80; Suarez, Informe, 8-9, 18-19, 108-9; Hunt's Merchants' Mag., ix. 281, xi. 
571, xiii. 376, xiv. 98-9; A 7 ". Am. Rev., xcviii. 1-47; Variedades Jurisp.. iii. 
112-35, 157-96; Ezeta, Man. de Alcaldes, i-252; Abusos de Poder Judic; 
Cobre, Tabaco y Prist.; Heller, Reisen in Mex., 53-7, 64-5; Stephens' Yuc, ii. 
245-7; Guerra entre Mix. y Est. Un., 22-3; Pena y Peiia, Prdctica For., iv. 
1-300; Almaraz, Memor. Metlalt., 14; Coronel, Doc. Hist. Col., no. 80; La 
Cruz, v. 633, 637; Anaya, Alocuc. Tabas., 1-14; Fossey, Mex., 172-3, 2SG-7, 
535-6; Cortina, Cartilla Moral Mil., 1-59; Id., Carta d los Edit.; Young's 
Hist. Mex., 265-328; Alvarez, Vindicacion, 1-24; Benton's Debates in Cougr., 
xiv. 454—5; Teatro de Sta Anna, Observ. Com., 1-15; N. Leon, Diet, sobre Ref. 
Consitt., 1-18; N. Leon, Diet, sobre Algodon, 1-8; Aim. Ccdend. Man. y Guia, 
1842, 5-31; South. Quart. Rev., xv. 98-101; Ramirez, Idem, para Hist. Tehuan., 
13-15, 18-19; Gilliam's Travels, 1, 56-78, 160-371; Bravo and Alvarez, Ma nif, 
1-35; El Voto deSon., 1843, 118-19, 179-80, 211, 235^240; 1844, 251; Conejo, 
Acusacion contra el Auditor, 1-24; Basadre, El Gral. a sus Compatr iotas, 1-S; 
Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 3-11, 32-98, 115, 124-31, 150, 167-200, 214-51, 
274-7^ Caballero, Hist. Aim., 15; Anales Minist. Fomento, ii. 771-90; Element, 
Geog. Civ., 17-31; Miranda, Esposic. Publ., 18-58; Couto, Defensa; Monitor 
Constit. Ind., 1845, March-June, passim; Diet. Corte Supr. Justit. sobre A sis- 
tencias, 1-11; Jay's Mex. War, 74-8; Algunas Observ., 1-20; Mex., Diet, sobre 
Convoc, 1-20; Mix., Manif. y Convoc, Dec. 1841, 1-22; Mex., Causa Crim. 
Sta Anna, 1-180; Mix., Decreto sobre Alcabalas, 1-23; Mex., Junta de Mineria, 
1-12; Mex., Decretos Min., 1845, no. 34; Mex., El Congreso de 184%, 1-6; Mex., 
Plana Mayor, 1842, 11. 34; Mex., Reglam. Junta Nac; Lacroix, Ann. des 
Voy., 4 9 Annee, 183-201; Busto, Estad. Rep. Mcx., iii. 1st pt, 215; El Razon- 
ador, March 1, 1848, 4; Santa Anna, Manif; Id., Causa Crim., 1-245, ap. 
133-80; Id., Espoc. d la Cdmara, 1-43; Id., Correspond, entre el Siqir. Gob. y, 
1-51; Id., Diet. Gran Jurado, 1-24; Id., Apel. al Buen Criterio, 8-14; /(/., 
Proceso, 1-55; Id., Exped. Formado, 1-176; Weichardt, Die Vereinigt. Staaten, 
1-447; Taylor's Spec. Press, 202, 612 b , 61 2 e ; Robinson's Mex. and Her Mil. 
Chieftains, 195-200, 245-63; Manifestac. Que hace el Comand. en Gefe, 1-19; 
Macgregor's Prog. Amer., i. 634-7; Colima, Reflex. 6 Notas, 1-8; El Presi- 
dente Provis. a las Tropas; Mayer's Hist. Mex. War, 32-5; Id., Mex. Azt., 
325-32; Id., Mex. as It Was, 157-8, 292-6, 326-54; Def. Integ. A T ac, 1844, 
Aug. -Nov., passim; Zamacois, Hist. Me'j., xii. 265-72, 305-33; Salv., Diario 
Oflc, Jan. 26, 1875, 6; Nouv. Annales Voy., xcv. 250, ci. 361-2, cix. 241; El 
Payo de N. M6x., Aug. 2-9, 1845; Masson, Olla Podrida, 61-118; Esleva, 
Santa Anna Esposic, 1-43; Marmier, Les Nouv. Voy., ii. 65-101; Semmes' 
Service Afloat, 23-32; Mata y Reyes, Oracion Civ., 1-S; Robertson's Visit to 
Mex.,\. 147-8; La Minerva, 1845, March-June, passim; Michoacan, Informes 
Dados, 1-28; Mix., Doc. Relativ. Ultimatum, 43-95, 112-25; Mex., Bases 
Orgdnicas, 1-45; Lista Dailos Demolic. Parian, MS., 1-7; Gutierrez, Carta y 
Opin., 1-96; Id., Contestacion, 1-17; Tornel, Nacion Mej., 73-7; S. L. Potosl, 
Plan que el Gobernador, 3-10; Muhlenpfordt, Versuch einer Getreuen, i. 358- 
400, ii. 241-95, 503-7; Pinart Coll., Print., nos 525, 729, 730, 731, 735; Long's 
Am. and West Ind., 186-7; Relacion Hist. Asamblea de Quer., 1-66; Ponton's 
Earthquakes, 73; Pabel. Nac, 1844, Oct. -Dec, passim; Colima, Represent., 


3-18; Larenaudiere, Mex. and Guat., 1; Buenrostro, Hist. Primer y Segund. 
Cong., Docs nos 52-5, 153-255; Peterson's Mil. Heroes, ii. 27; Septien y Villa- 
senor, Mem. Estad., 287-92; Amigo del Pueb., 1845, June-Dec, passim; 
Calderon's Life in Mex., ii. 126, 255; Mason's Pict. Life in Mex., ii. 171-7; 
Baranda, Deer, de Escuelas, 1-12; Puebla, Discurso; Requena, Defensa que 
hizo, 1-16; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 48-58; Otero, Obras, MS., iv. 129-96; Id., 
Orac Civ., 1-21; Id., Ensayo Cuest. Polit., 63-4, 100-1, 118-36; Frost's Pict. 
Hist. Mex., 176; Bangel, Esvosic hecha, 1-53; Id., Segunda Defensa, 1-8; 
Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., Print, i. no. 96, ii. nos 352, 472, MS., ii. 454, 471; 
Mex., Manif. y Convoc, 1-22; 31 ex., Continuac. Doc. Cesacion Ayunt., 1-16; 
Mex., Diet. Com. de Puntos Constit. sobre Amnistia, 1-8; Mex., Diet. Mayoria 
Com. sobre Amnistia, 1-20; Mex., Proyecto Constit.; Mex., Proyecto Constit. 
Mayoria, 1-119; Mex., Proyecto Constit. Minoria, 1-42; Mex., Proyecto Con- 
stit. Comis. Espec, 1-44; El Movimiento, Nov. 10, 1844; La Abeja, 1844, Oct.- 
Nov., passim; Carbajal, Vindicac, 1-53; San Miguel, Bepub. Mex. Direct., 
57-8, 71-170; Bichthofen, Bep. Mex., 326-33; Guadalajara, Observ. Bases 
Org.; Id., Esposic. hecha, 1-18; Observ. Judic. Legist., 549-51; Osborne's Guide 
W. Ind., 118-22; Castillo, Dice. Hist., 136; Oaf, Init. Feb. 1845 sobre Refor- 
mat, 1-38; Mex., Piezas Justific. , 55-6; M4x. t Bol. Ley., 1863, 27S-80; Mex., 
Decreto sobre Arreglo Trib., 1-16; Mex., Diet. Comis. Puntos Constit. Ctivi. 
Senad., 1-8; Manif. Gob. Provis. Yuc, 1-76; Green's Journal, 239, 450-87; 
Cutts' Conq. Cat. and N. Mex., 12-14; Jal., Esposic. que Dirige, 3-12; Id., 
Patridt. Iniciat., 1-34; Discurso Pronunc. por el Pi-esid. Provis.; Memor. 
Hist., 1846, Jan. 1-2, Feb. 5; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc, i. 46-108, ii. 448-54, 
iii. 455-75, ap. 36-56, 64-70; El Constit., 1844, Jan.-April, passim; Yuc, 
Piezas Justific. Conducta Polit., 10-36; Manif. Gral. Alvarez, 32-41, 57-08,, 
136-58; Yuc, Inf. sobre Causas free Cambios Polit., 8-11, 56-65; Supl. Diar. 
Gob. Meg., March 31, 1838, 74-83, 127-43, 197-219; Bosa, Discurso en la Ala- 
meda, 32-46; Salinas del Penon Blanco; Paredes y Arrillaga, Contestac. que 
d la Circular, 3-22; Mex., Ayunt. Expos. Plaza Vol.; Estrada, Mdx. y el 
Archiduque, 33-5; Tarn., Beglam. Gob. Municip., 28-9; Observ. sobre Pro- 
yecto Bases Org., 1-16; Mex., Exposic al Presid te Provis., 1-16; Mex., 
Beglam. p a Gob. Junta Nac Legist., 1-20; Mex., Diet, sobre Convoc; Gutierrez, 
Contest, al Libelo, 17-24; Pap. Var., xiv. pts 4, 5, 6, xvi. pt 12, xxvi. pts 0, 
7, 8, 10, xxxix. pts 11, 13, 16, 20, xli. pt 19, xlii. pts 5, 8, xlix. pts 16, 17, 
liii. pt 6, lvii. pt 6, lxxvii. pt 2, lxxxii. pts 7, 8, 9, Ixxxiii. pts 4, 11, Ixxxiv. 
pts 1, 2, 3, 6, lxxxv. pts 1, 2, 10, 11, 12, cvi. pt 8, exxi. pt 1, exxii. pt 2, 
exxx. pt 1, cl. pt 1, 2, cliv. pt 1-10, 13, civ. pts 5, 12, 14, clvi. pts 1, 2, 3, 21, 
22, clxv. pt 16, clxxi. pt 17, clxxii. pt 7, elxxiii. pts 19, 21, clxxv. pt 9, 
clxxxv. pt 3, exciii. pts 7, 8, exciv. pt 6; Escalera y Liana, Mex. Hist. 
Descript., 69-80; Museo Mex., ii. 39-40, iii. 438-40, iv. 400; Barbachano, 
Mem. Camp., 59-67; Boletin deNotic, Dec. 1844, Jan. -March 1845, passim; 
Coah., Inic Beformas, 1-43; Doc Belat. Junta Artesanos, MS., 1-17; Correo 
Nac, Dec. 2, 1847, Jan. 20, 1848; Villa- Amor, Biog. Gen. Sta Anna, 17-21; 
Dur., Inic Beformas, 14; Bivero, Mix. en 1842, 74-136, 240-1, 307; Yuc, 
Exposic del Gob.; Id., Tratado que Celebrd, 1-18; Id., Mem., 1846, 4, annex 
no. 26; Id., Mem. Leida, 1845, pp. iii.-v.; Id., Manif. Gob. Provis., 1-76; 
Soc Mex. Geog. Bol., iii. 455-69, 2 a 6p., iv. 740; Arrangoiz, Mdj., ii. 250-69; 
Ancona, Hist. Yuc, iii. 326-81; Mex., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 247, 255-6, 
1037-41; Id., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 40-1; 1844, 4, 11-30, 54-9, 90; 1845, l-5, # 
annexes nos 1-14 and B; 1846, 10; Id., Mem. Justicia, 1844, 3-26, 61-9, an-' 
nexes nos 1-7; 1845, 1-33, 63; Id., Mem. Belac, 1844, 1-86, annexes nos i.- 
exxxii. 1-20; 1845, 1-128; 1846, annex A, pp. 48-66; 1847, 45-6, annexes, pp. 
48-66; 1850, 10-34, annexes nos 1-10; Id., Minist. Belac Exier., 1 1.; U. S. 
Govt, cong. 27, ses, 2, H. Ex. Doc 269, vol. v. 




Jose Joaquin de Herrera as Constitutional President — Opposition 
to his Policy on the Texan Question — Preparations for War — 
Archbishop Posada's Course — Plan of San Luis Potosi — Herrera 
Deposed — Paredes as Provisional President — Dissatisfaction — 
Revolution at Guadalajara — Paredes Overthrown — Santa Anna 
Recalled — He is Elected President — Gomez FarIas as Vice-pres- 
ident Assumes the Executive Office — Santa Anna Supersedes Him. 

The provisional president and his cabinet favored 
the policy of settling the Texan and American ques- 
tions by compromise; 1 but they encountered violent 
opposition from the press, the people, and the army, 
all of whom clamored for war. Amid the confusion, 
it had been arranged that the presidential office should 
be filled by a president constitutionally chosen. Con- 
gress, on the 14th of September, 1845, counted the 
votes cast by the departments, and declared Jose Joa- 
quin de Herrera elected; 2 and on the 16th he was 
formally installed. In his inaugural address Presi- 
dent Herrera promised to abstain from partisanship 
and to look after the army and finances. Of the 
Texan question he spoke vaguely. 3 

1 The relations of the U. S. with Mexico on the Texan and other questions 
are fully treated elsewhere. 

2 Vera Cruz, Puebla, Oajaca, Guanajuato, Jalisco, San Luis Potosi, 
Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Durango, Chihuahua, 
Quer6taro, and Yucatan voted for him. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 
S5-6; Mix., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1844-6, 285; Bustamante, Mem. Jil-t. Mex., 
MS., iii. 20-2; Id., N vo Bernal Diaz, 4S; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 705. 
The other candidates had been Manuel Gomez Pedraza and Juan N. Almonte. 

3 Herrera, Discurso ante el Cong., 1-24. 



Jose Joaquin de Herrera was born in Jalapa in 
1792, and entered the Spanish army as a cadet of the 
Corona regiment in 1809. 4 He was amonsr the first 
to second Iturbide's plan de Iguala, entered Mexico 
with the trigarante army, and was then commissioned 
a brigadier. Herrera aided the downfall of the em- 
peror, and in March 1824 became secretary of war 
under President Victoria, proving himself a good 
republican, and an honorable man, a character which 
he sustained to the end of his life. It was his up- 
rightness that gave him a political standing, his 
talents being only mediocre. 

Herrera thought that now was the best time to 
bring about the settlement of the Texan question, and 
save his country from a sanguinary, compromising, 
and ruinous war. But the press kept up its clamor, 
and the opposition qualified as perfidy and treason all 
attempts to maintain peace with the American usurp- 
ers, war being deemed the only recourse to save the 
national honor. The administration, under that pres- 
sure, had then, though regretfully, to adopt the war 
policy, which at once unified the opinion that had 
been formed in July; many who had formerly favored 
compromise being now for war. Hence the errone- 
ous impression of the friends of the government that 
the division on the Texan question had ended. 

The departmental assemblies tendered all their re- 
sources, and private citizens vied with one another in 
pecuniary contributions and offers of service. Local 
authorities organized the militia, and prominent offi- 
cers asked to be employed against the Americans. 

Soon after Herrera's election, and before his inau- 
guration, the members of the cabinet, namely, Cuevas, 

4 He was in the battles of Aculco, Guanajuato, and Puente cle Calderon, 
during the revolutionary war, which won him a medal of honor. After an 
active service, he was, in Nov. 1814, promoted to captain. In 1816 he sig- 
nally defeated the insurgents, under Mariscal Avila at San Pedro, capturing 
all their artillery and other war material. He continued serving the crown 
till Oct. 1S20, when as a lieut-col he applied for and obtained his retirement. 
He then settled in Perote, and opened an apothecary's shop. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 19 


Riva Palacio, Garcia Conde, and La Rosa, resigned 
their offices, as if fearful of the situation in which they 
had placed themselves. The following were then 
called to succeed them: Manuel de la Pena y Pena, 
secretary of relations; Bernardo Couto, of justice; 
Pedro Fernandez del Castillo, of the treasury; and 
Pedro Maria Anaya, of war. 5 These ministers had 
to face the old evils, and also to meet much opposition 
by reason of supposed lukewarmness on the war ques- 

Several officers of the first division, stationed in 
Queretaro and San Luis Potosi, refused to obey the 
orders sent them to advance upon the frontier, and 
mutinied. 6 General Paredes asked leave to visit 
Mexico, where he could verbally arrange the plan for 
the campaign in Texas; but it was not granted, as he 
was suspected of an intent to revolt against the gov- 
ernment, as Alvarez had done in Guerrero. 7 

The army was discontented, owing to reforms the 
executive had desired to introduce, though he had 
abandoned his project in order to induce it to march 
with alacrity to the frontier. Paredes was finally 
summoned to Mexico, and ordered to surrender his 
command to Filisola, but his officers opposed the 
change of commanders, 8 and Paredes then detained 
the force that under Gaona was on the way to Saltillo. 

A plan was now favored by the friends of the gov- 
ernment to call on the clersfv to contribute to the 
support of the national honor with a loan of fifteen 
million dollars. It was seconded by both houses of 
congress, and it seemed as if the hour of trial for the 
church had come. It was saved this time, however, 

5 Couto was succeeded Oct. 20th by Demetrio Montes de Oca. Rivera, Hist. 
Jalapa, iii. 7*20. 

6 Alleging that they had not received the necessary supplies for a cam- 
paign. Bustamante, Mem. Hid. Mex., MS., ii. 216. iii. 8-10. 

7 He prevented the departure of an expedition for California, and liberated 
Gen. Rangel, who had been ordered as a prisoner to Acapulco. 

8 Bustamante has it that it was by Paredes' own suggestion; and even sur- 
mises that Texan gold influenced the movement. Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 


by its friends. The metropolitan of Mexico was now 
Doctor Manuel Posada y Gardurio, the first arch- 
bishop appointed after Mexico became a nation. 9 

It was rumored and believed that Paredes intended 
to set up a convention and a triumvirate; and it was 
also known that Santa Anna, then in Cuba, contem- 
plated a return to Mexico. 10 Affairs came to a climax 
when the army of the reserve, numbering about 5,000 
men, 11 made a pronunciamiento on the 14th of Decem- 
ber at San Luis Potosi, instead of marching to Texas 
as ordered by the government, the object of which 
movement was to depose the administration and to 
set up another better suited to their views. 12 The 
assembly of San Luis Potosi seconded the plan; and 

9 Dr Posada was born in San Felipe el Grande, or del Obraje, in the prov- 
ince of Mexico, on the 27th of Sept. 1780. He had, previous to his episco- 
pate, held high positions in the church, university, and government, and 
toward the end of 1824 was a senator in the national congress. In 1833, being . 
the chancellor of Mexico, he was exiled from his country and went to reside 
in the U. S., returning in 1834-. His consecration as archbishop was May 31, 
1840. He made himself very useful with his talents and experience, as well 
as his personal and pecuniary services, several times aiding the national 
treasury with large sums from both the ecclesiastical revenues and his own 
private fortune. The archbishop was remarkable for his kindness and affabil- 
ity, as well as for his learning, conversational powers, and fondness for liter- 
ature and the fine arts. March 31, 1846, he had a severe attach, of congestion, 
from which he rallied; but on the 21st of April it came on again with greater 
force, and he succumbed on the last day of the month. His funeral was on 
a magnificen- scale. Arroniz, Blog. Mex., 207, 270-1; Sosa, Ep/iscop. M 
220-3; Bustamonte, Gabinete Mex., i. 199, ii. 58-9, 95; Thompson's Recoil. 

10 It was likewise reported that Yucatan had resolved to organize herself 
as an independent republic under the constitution of 1824. Rivera, Hist. Ja- 
lapa, iii. 721. Nov. 29th, Paredes wrote the president that he was in daily 
receipt of revolutionary plans from all quarters. The people, he said, wanted 
a change of government by any means. As for himself, he saw that 'the gov- 
ernment has neither plan nor principles, and is wholly controlled by the whim 
of factions.' Mex., Contestac. habidas, 0, in Pi/tart Coll. 

11 Forming the first and second brigades, commanded respectively by Fi!i- 
sola and Gaona. They arrived at San Luis Potosi on the 28th of June. El 
Amirjo del Pueblo, 1845, July 8th and Sept. 2d, 27 and 124; Bustamante, Mem. 
Hist. Mex., iv. 98-105. 

12 Among the charges preferred against the government, was this: ifc had 
allowed to land on Mexican territory and to reside at the capital the plenipo- 
tentiary of the U. S., 'que, de acucrdo con el actual gabinete viene ii comprar 
nuestra independencia y nuestra nacionalidad. ' The resolutions adopted were 
ten. The main points were to discontinue the authority of the existing . '- 
ministration, and to convoke an extraordinary congress with ample powers to 
constitute the nation. In the mean time the executive authority to be held 
by Paredes. Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 205-70; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Me*;., 
MS. j iii. 192; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 721-8. 


on the 15th Parecles proclaimed that he had assumed 
the task of reorganizing the republic, and of uphold- 
ing the national rights which had been outraged by 
the United States. This pronunciamiento, it has 
been said, was promoted with the view of establishing 
a monarchical government. 13 Whether it was so or not, 
it met with the support or indifference of those who 
wanted Herrera's administration overthrown, and was 
soon seconded or tolerated throughout the republic. 14 

Amidst the confusion caused by these events, con- 
gress sat on the 28th of December, 1845, after a rev- 
olutionary movement initiated at the capital by the 
Celaya regiment had been quelled. 15 The govern- 
ment could no longer offer any resistance to the hostile 
elements concentrated at the capital. The revolution 
was proclaimed in the Ciudadela earty in the morning 
of the 30th by General Valencia. President Herrera 
surrendered the government on the same day, and re- 
tired to his house. 16 

The revolutionary chief and his army entered the 
capital on the 2d of January, 1846, and on the same 
day called a meeting of general officers. In a brief 
address he made known his resolution to uphold the 
national liberties and personal rights, and then laid 
before the meeting a plan that in his opinion would 
put an end to the evils the nation was undergoing, 

13 Parecles in his address glowingly depicted the happiness enjoyed by 
Mexico during the Spanish viceregal sway, comparing that condition with 
the present misery, which, it must be confessed, he did not exaggerate. 

14 Congress and the executive opposed the projects of the revolutionists in 
the decrees of Dec. 23d. The powers of the latter were also enlarged for the 
next six months; but all availed nothing. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Ilex., 
v. 9G-103; Alex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1844-6, 309-11, 317, 395; Bustamante, 
Mem. Hist. Mex., MS.,iii. 206-7, 220-1, iv. 1. Several departmental assem- 
blies at first refused to second the revolution, but afterward acquiesced. 
Others gave it their approval at once. La Pnidencia, ofH journ. of Guam, 
alcance al no. GS, Dec. 24 and 25, 1S45; Mex., Boletin OJic, no. 3, Dec. 27, 
1845; Mem. Jlisfor., Jan. 2-16, 1846, passim; La Cruz, v. 637; Rivera, Jlist. 
Jalapa, iii. 724-9. 

10 Parcdes had then his headquarters in Huehuetoca. 

10 Full particulars on events in Mexico from Sept. 16th to Dec. 30th are 
given in Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iii. 1-223 passim; Id., Kuevo 
Bcr)ial Diaz, i. 85-125; Dispos. Var., v. 48; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., 
v. 105-19. 


and requested that it should be discussed with free- 
dom. The plan, set forth in ten articles, was approved 
almost unanimously, the only dissentient votes being 
those of generals Jose Alcorta and Jose Maria Minon. 17 
The junta of representatives assembled on the 3d, 
elected Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga president ad in- 
interim, and on the next day placed him in office. 18 

Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga was born in the city of 
Mexico on the 6th of January, 1797. He entered the 
Spanish army as a cadet on the 6th of January, 1812. 
Though he saw much active service in that eventful 
period, having taken part in twenty-two actions, he be- 
came captain only in March 1821, at which time he 
joined Iturbide, and entered the capital with thetriga- 
rante army. With the marques de Vivanco he pro- 
claimed liberty at Puebla in February 1823. In 1831 
he w T as promoted to colonel, and the next year to briga- • 
dier-general. 19 After a campaign south of Morelia he 
was made a general of division. He aided Santa Anna 
to establish the Bases de Tacubaya, destroying the 

17 The ten propositions were as follows: 1. The citizens that were exer- 
cising the legislative and executive functions have ceased to act. 2. A junta 
of representatives of the departments — two for each department — appointed 
by the general-in-chief of the army, will at once choose the person that 
is to wield the supreme executive authority, until the extraordinary congress 
which is to constitute the nation shall assemble, pursuant to art. 3 of the 
plan adopted at San Luis Potosi, Dec. 14, 1845. 3. The junta aforesaid to 
dissolve immediately after choosing the acting president. 4. The powers of 
such president to be those prescribed by law; he will not go beyond them, 
except to provide for the defence of the national territory; but always respect- 
ing the guaranties prescribed by the laws. 5. The acts of the acting presi- 
dent's ministers to be amenable to the first constitutional congress. 6. The 
president, eight days after assuming his office, shall convoke the extraordinary 
congress, to meet in four months at the capital. 7, 8, and 9 continue in office 
the council, officials, and judiciary. 10. The person to be persecuted for po- 
litical opinions previously expressed. Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 271-3; Zama- 
cois, Hist. Mej., xii. 405-6. 

18 The junta then adjourned sine die. Its president was Archbishop Po- 
sada, and the secretaries Juan N. Almonte and Bernardo Guimbarda. Among 
its other prominent members were Lucas Alaman, Carlos M. Bustamante, 
generals Nicolas Bravo, Jos6 M. Tornel, and Pedro Ampudia, and Bishop 
Pardio of Yucatan. Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 271-6, 316, 372-3; Zamacois, Hist. 
Mej., xii. 409; Memor. Histdr., Jan. 5, 1846. 

19 His quarrelsome disposition had lost him the favor of the chief of the 
army, and he wa3 sent to serve in the western states. Paredes began to take 
part in political affairs in 1835, and from that time was an upholder of central- 
ism. Rivera, Gob. de M6x., ii. 192, 286-98. 


constitution of the Siete Leyes, and setting up the 
strongest dictatorship that was ever inflicted on Mex- 
ico. The government did not, however, reward him 
as he had expected, he being merely retained as 
comandante general of Jalisco, where his despotism 
made him hateful. Paredes possessed no qualifica- 
tion but that of brute courage. It is said of him, 
however, that he refused to accept the presidential 
salary during the time he held the executive office, 
contenting himself with the pay of a general. 

After promising in his inaugural address to devote 
his whole attention to the consolidation of order in 
the interior, and to the defence of the country's honor 
and rights in the impending trouble with the United 
States, President Paredes formed his cabinet with 
the following-named ministers: Luis Parres, of the 
treasury; Joaquin Castillo y Lanzas, of relations; 
Luciano Becerra, bishop of Chiapas, of justice and ec- 
clesiastical affairs; and Juan N. Almonte, of war. 20 

The new government endeavored to bring order out 

O ^ CD 

of the chaos existing in the treasury, and issued strin- 
gent measures to clear the country of highwaymen 
and gamblers. Other important decrees were also 
passed with the view of decreasing the number of pub- 
lic offices, and of bringing about an arrangement of 
business in the several departments. The press was 
allowed a certain freedom for the discussion of public 
affairs, with a warning not to abuse it. 21 

In the interval preceding the convocation of a con- 
stituent congress, the press and public warmly dis- 

20 Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 1-3, 18-22; Id., Nuevo Bernal 
Diaz, i. 107-10; El Tiempo, Jan. 25, 1846; Arnuvjoiz, Mej., ii. 270-1, 
27o-6. Changes soon occurred in the cabinet; Parres being succeeded by 
Manuel Eduardo Gorostiza, and the latter in May by the banker Francisco 
Ilurbe. The president having lost faith in Almonte superseded him with 
Jose Maria Tornel, which greatly displeased the monarchists; and to get rid 
of Almonte appointed him minister to France; but he remained in Habana at 
the side of Santa Anna. Bishop Becerra was replaced by Jos6 Maria Jimenez. 

21 The Diario del Gobierno of Jan. 8, 184G, said that the government was 
resolved to punish all abuses of the privilege granted citizens to publish their 


cussed the question of form of government. Some 
were of the opinion that the restoration of the consti- 
tution of 1824 was the only possible means of saving 
the country; others favored the central regime; and 
there was not wanting a number among the property 
owners and merchants who advocated the supposed 
advantages of a constitutional monarchy with a for- 
eign prince. 22 At last the expected convocation was 
decreed on the 26th of January, 1846, its authorship 
beiiw attributed to Lucas Alaman. This document 
conveyed the idea that the extraordinary congress 
would carry out the fifth proposition of the San Luis 
plan of December 14, 1845, and also take into consid- 
eration such measures as the executive should surest 
to save the rights and dignity of the nation. 23 

The law met with a strong opposition on the part of 
all republicans, who suspected in the government the 
project of carrying out Iturbide's plan of Iguala. , 
With powerful arguments they maintained that the 
idea of a monarchy in Mexico was not only contrary 
to the wishes of the Mexican people, but also one that 
was not at all feasible, there being no such thing as 
a nobility in the country. 

Meantime the government was convinced that a 
war with the United States was inevitable, and made 
strenuous efforts to create resources wherewith to sup- 
port an army in the field. The opposition press did 

22 The idea of a monarchical government found a freer expression in the fact 
that many, and perhaps the chief, persons appointed to draw up the convoca- 
tion were believed to have monarchic proclivities. The newspaper El Tiempo 
now appeared, boldly upholding those preferences, among whose chief con- 
tributors were Alaman, Diez de Bonilla, Tagle, Elguero, and other able 
writers. About this time there were rumors of a Spanish invasion to place a 
Spanish prince on a Mexican throne. Arrangoiz, M&j., ii. 271; El Tiempo, 
Ap. 4 and 17, 184G; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xii. 416-17; Bustamante, Nuevo 
Bernal Diaz, i. 127-62; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS.,iv. 21-8, 47-182, passim; 
Memor. Histdr., Feb. 7 and 23, 1846. 

23 Congress was to be composed of 160 deputies, representing the following 
nine classes, namely: real estate owners and agriculturists 38; merchants 20; 
miners 14; manufacturers 14; literary professions 14; magistracy 10; public 
functionaries 10; clergy and army, each 20. The deputies were to be chosen 
by the respective classes. The qualifications required of them may be seen 
in the decree. El Tiempo, Jan. 28, 1840; Memor. Hist., Jan. 28, 1846; Zama- 
cois, Hist. Mej., xii. 421-5; Mex., Col Ley. y Dec, 1844-6, 316-47. 


not fail to remind the rulers that the frontier was in 
imminent danger of invasion, demanding that the 
troops Paredes had diverted from its defence, and 
brought with him from San Luis Potosi, should be 
sent back at once, and not kept in idleness at the 
capital. These suggestions were soon carried out, 
after the government was apprised of the advance 
movements made by General Taylor. The utmost 
activity was then exercised to place a respectable 
army on the frontier. 2 * Troops, artillery, and money 
were also sent to Vera Cruz, where it was feared the 
enemy would land forces. Some provision was like- 
wise made for the defence of the ports on the Pacific. 
The position of the government was daily becoming 
more and more difficult, for it had not only to pro- 
vide means to meet the invaders wheresoever they 
might appear, but also to withstand the deadly at- 
tacks of the opposition press, which now openly ac- 
cused it of an intention to set up a monarchy in 
Mexico. Federalists, centralists, and the personal 
supporters of Santa Anna were now working in uni- 
son and threatening to upset the government. This 
decided aggression prompted the adoption of restrict- 
ive measures against the press, 25 which were virtually 
an attack against the republicans and tended to widen 
the breach. The president then, with the view of 
allaying if possible the hostility of parties at a time 
when he needed general cooperation, issued on the 
24th of April a manifesto, promising to sustain the 
republican form till the nation should resolve upon a 
change. This did not save him, however, from being 
set up by the opposition press as an enemy of the 
institutions of the country. He was also accused of 

24 A loan of $1,800,000 was raised to fit out the troops that were forwarded 
to Mier. 

25 The official journal on the 12th of March said that the freedom to dis- 
cuss the question of form of government must cease. Even that restriction 
being a little later deemed insufficient, another circular was issued to hold the 
authors, publishers, and printers of such articles amenable; and under its 
provisions several arrests were made in April. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1844-6} 
35G-8; Dublan and Lozauo, Leg. Mex., v. 121-2. 


neglecting to provide against Indian raids which had 
been frequent in Chihuahua, Durango, and Sonora. 
The situation was indeed critical; but amid so much 
trouble the government succeeded in placing the de- 
partmental revenues in such a good condition that 
even the opposition press found reason to eulogize the 
measures by which that improvement had been at- 

The first step taken by Minister Iturbe on his 
assuming the treasury portfolio, on the 2d of May, 
was to suspend payments, 26 with the view of applying 
all the receipts to the support of the army. The next 
step was to notify the metropolitan chapter that the 
Mexican clergy were required to contribute $2,400,000 
of the forced loan decreed by congress, in monthly in- 
stalments of $200,000, of which this chapter's share 
was $98,000. The archbishop finally agreed to con- 
tribute a smaller, though still heavy, sum. 27 

The Santanists had by this time come to an under- 
standing, and resolved to make Guadalajara the cen- 
tre of a revolutionary movement to set aside the 
existing government; and regardless of the difficul- 
ties the country was under, from the disasters sustained 
by her arms at the seat of war, which had caused 
the deepest pain to all patriotic citizens, a pronuncia- 
miento took place in that city on the 20th of May, 
under the leadership of General Jose Maria Yanez 
and other military officers, protesting against the law 
of the 26th of January. 28 All who opposed the re- 
publican system and the principles of the plan were 
declared to be traitors. By the 6th article Santa 
Anna was proclaimed the leader of the great enter- 
prise. 29 The government, fearing that the movement 

2e 3fdx., Col. Ley. y Dec,, 1844-6, 359-64. An exception was made in favor 
of the hospicio de pobres of Mexico. 

27 The vicar had notified the minister that the total revenue of the archdio- 
cese did not come up to $98,000. 

28 It had been preceded by one in Mazatlan under Col Rafael Tellez on the 
7th of May. 

29 The preamble set forth that none of the constitutions set up, since tho 
suppression of that of 1824, had benefited the country; that some vile Mex- 


would be seconded elsewhere, specially in the capital, 
redoubled its vigilance to avert it. Soon after, on 
the 6th of June, the extraordinary congress, sum- 
moned under the decree of January 26th, assembled, 
and on the same day began its labors. Paredes ap- 
peared before that body and made a solemn declara- 
tion in favor of the republican system. On the 12th 
of the same month congress met and chose Paredes 
president ad interim, and Nicolas Bravo vice-presi- 
dent. 30 On the 20th the former was authorized to 
assume personal command of the land forces. 31 The 
government was also empowered during six months 
to procure means to carry on the war and for other 
purposes, though without seizing or hypothecating 
the property of persons or corporations. Paredes 
sent large sums, 32 and constantly increased the forces 
in the north. He adopted every possible precaution 
to prevent the spread of revolution. 33 But his efforts 
were of little avail, and he then resolved to surrender 
the executive authority to Vice-president Bravo, who 
reluctantly, and only as a matter of duty, accepted 

icans had attempted the establishment of a throne occupied by a foreign 
prince; that the law of Jan. 26th to convoke an extraordinary congress was 
a mass of absurdities; and it was necessary to prevent the assembling of such 
a congress to avert foreign intervention with the consequent destruction of 
the Mexican army, and the dismissal of Mex. citizens from public offices; 
therefore, the national constitution should be founded on the will of the 
majority of the people. The plan embraced ten articles, seven of which 
only were of national import, involving the objects mentioned in the text. 
Of Santa Anna, it is said that he had been the founder of the republic, and, 
his errors notwithstanding, 'her strongest support, in spite of European 
policy, and of the instigations of some wicked Mexicans.' It was also stated 
that Santa Anna had ever opposed usurpations on the part of the northern 
republic. Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 276-80; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 759-6J; 
Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 247-8; El Restaurador, June 23, 
1846; Youiufs Hist. Mex., 373-6. 

30 See decrees of June 10th and 12th. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1844-6, 
370-4; D uhlan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 132-3. The republican form of 
government having been adopted, the monarchical organ, El Tiempo, retired 
from the field, after having scattered among a considerable part of the com- 
munity its pernicious ideas. 

31 Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1844-6, 375. 

32 Having secured the loan of one million dollars from the church. il/£r., 
Apuntes Hist. Guerra y 68-9, 76; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 218, 

33 He quartered troops in the capital, detached suspected officers, and 
arrested a number. 


the difficult position on the 28th of July. The cabi- 
net formed by Bravo consisted of the following min- 
isters, namely: Jose Joaquin Pesado, of relations; 
Jose M. Jimenez, of justice; Antonio Garay, of the 
treasury; and Ignacio Mora y Villamil, of war. This 
cabinet thought it was not the proper time now to 
frame a new constitution, and attempted to induce 
the congress to declare that the bases orgdnicas of 
1845 were the political constitution of the republic; 
with the view that after their acceptance, and the 
adoption of some regulations, that body should go 
into recess. But no project could now be developed, 
the republic having become the plaything of the mili- 
tary element. Anarchy reigned supreme. On the 
3d of August the garrisons of Vera Cruz and San 
Juan de Ulua revolted, proclaiming the plan of Guada- 
lajara; and early in the morning of the 4th General 
Salas, with upwards of 1,000 men that Paredes had* 
fitted out to go with him to the front, did the same 
in the citadel of Mexico. Paredes succeeded in es- 
caping that same night, and expected to join a force 
he had despatched some days before to the field of 
operations, but was captured with some other officers, 
by General Avalos, and brought back as a prisoner 
to the citadel. 34 At a conference, afterward held by 
the belligerents on the 6th, it was resolved that 
Bravo's power should cease, and the government 
troops accept the plan adopted at the citadel, 35 pursu- 

Si After an imprisonment in a convent, Paredes was exiled from the coun- 
try on the 2d of Oct. 1846, just 10 months after he became the executive by 
Herrera's overthrow. In the various actas adopted by the several towns as 
they accepted the revolution, he was called a traitor. It has been said 
against him that during his residence in France he intrigued to bring about 
European intervention in Mexican affairs. When the Americans had occu- 
pied Mexico he was residing in Tulancingo, having eluded the American 
blockade. Thence he was called by the government at Quer6taro, but did 
not go, alleging ill health. He rendered no service during the war. He 
afterward showed himself again in the revolutionary arena, opposed the 
treaties of peace with the U. S. , but was defeated by Bustamante. He was 
included in the general amnesty of April 1849. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 
290. Paredes died in September of that year, leaving his family in poverty. 
It is recorded to his credit that he was an honest man in money matters. 
His management of public funds was without peculation. Bustamante, Mem. 
Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 33; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 295. 

35 The plan consisted of a preamble in seven articles, and resolutions in 


ant to which Salas, as general-in-chief, in charge of 
the supreme executive authority by a decree of 
August 22d, suppressed the council of government 
and departmental assemblies, and authorized the res- 
toration of the states, reserving to himself the power 
provisionally of appointing the governors. Another 
decree of the same date declared that the con< t< 
that was to meet pursuant to the convocation of the 
4th should come duly empowered to enact laws on all 
branches of the public administration. 36 

Jose Mariano de Salas was at this time a general 
of brigade. He was born in the city of Mexico in 
1797, and entered the royal service as a cadet ia 
1813: he fought against the insurgents, obtaining his 
first promotions, till 1821, when he accepted Iturbide's 
plan, and for services rendered was made a captain. 
Afterward he cooperated with Santa Anna, in estab- 
lishing the republic. 37 In 1844 he was second chief of 
staff, and comandante general of Mexico, which offices 
he lost for his faithfulness to Santa Anna in Decem- 
ber 1844. Herrera employed him, however, in the 
supreme court-martial, and Paredes restored him the 
comandancia general of Mexico. 

The government remained for a time in charge 
of Salas, 33 all the states recognizing his authority. 

six more, embracing a project of regeneration under the federal system, to 
establish which a special congress was to assemble four months after the lib- 
erating forces should be in possession of the capital. Exiles for political 
causes were recalled, and the absent Santa Anna was made the general-in- 
<J"hief of the forces to combat for the nation's rights and liberties, including 
the privilege of self-government. Mex., CoL Lei/. Fund., 280-5; Ramirez, 
Tehuan. Mem. Hint., 32-4; Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaz, ii. 67-76; Id., 
Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., v. 66-84, 95. 

36 Both decrees in Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 2S5-6; Id., Mex. CoL Ley. // 
Dec., 1844-6, 395-408, 413-16; Dub km and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 143-56. 

37 From that time he was in almost constant service, sometimes sustaining 
the existing government, and at others helping to upset it. He also ca 
paigned in Texas toward the end of 1S36. 

38 His cabinet was most of the time composed of the chief clerks of de- 
partments. The portfolio of relations was held a while by Manuel C. Kcjon, 
to Oct. 20th, and by Jose' M. Lafragua to Dec. 23d. M6x., Mem. Hacienda, 
1870, 1042-3. 


He published many important decrees for estab- 
lishing economical reforms, and for other purposes, 
but few of which were carried out. 39 It is said that 
Salas had at his command, from the beginning of his 
transition rule, large pecuniary resources. 40 

No time had been lost in notifying Santa Anna, 
who was then in Habana much devoted to his favor- 
ite pastime of cock-fighting, of the changes that had 
occurred in Mexico, and of his presence in the repub- 
lic being urgently needed. He accordingly sailed for 
Vera Cruz upon a British steamer, on the 12th of 
August, 41 accompanied by his friends Almonte and 
Basadre, together with Rejon, Haro, and Boves. On 
approaching the port of destination, the steamer was 
visited from one of the blockading ships, whose com- 
mander allowed her freely to proceed, as Commodore 
David Conner, commanding the United States home 
squadron, had orders from his government not to ob- 
struct Santa Anna's landing. 42 Much has been said 
about this apparently strange course on the part of the 
United States authorities in allowing free entry into 
Mexico, under the present circumstances, to the ablest 
and most influential political and military chieftain 
that republic then had; and comments very unfavor- 
able to Santa Anna were accordingly made, the priv- 

39 Aug. 25th. Departmental assemblies to act as state legislatures. M6x. , 
Col. Ley. y Dec, 1844-6, 416. ■ Sept. 17th. Law to distribute the revenues 
between the general government and the states. Guan., Mem., 1852, 9. Sept. 
23th. Government council established. Oct. 10th. Suppression of the ex- 
cise tax; restored, however, in Nov. Farias, Opusc, 9. Oct. 10th. Contin- 
gent of the states abolished, and compensated for. Dimosic. Var., v. 50. 
Nov. 14th. Freedom of the press regulated. Dablan and Lozano, Leg. 
Mex., v. 171-2,189-95. Nov. 19th. Tax imposed on ecclesiastical proper- 
ty. Id., 211-17, 235-6; fiivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 809-12; Mex., Mem. Ha- 
cienda, 1870, 272; Bustamante, Mem. Hint. Mex., MS., v. 136-7, 149. 

40 He found in the treasury $700,000, out of the one million Paredes had 
got from the clergy for the Texas war. The money disappeared in about 15 
days. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xii. 504, 515. 

41 His departure was in the night, and he expected to run the blockade at 
Vera Cruz by favor of the night, in which he failed. Santa Anna, Apel. al 
buen criterio, 17. 

42 'U. S. Navy Department, May 13, 1846, Commodore: If Santa Anna 
endeavors to enter the Mexican ports, you will allow him to pass freely. 
Resp'y yours, George Bancroft.' The commodore, announcing Santa. Anna's 
arrival, added, 'I have allowed him to enter without molestation.' 


ileafe thus granted him being: attributed to a secret 
stipulation from which he was to derive large pecu- 
niary and other advantages, on condition of his con- 
cluding peace with the United States. 43 The fact is, 
there was no such stipulation, and President Polk ex- 
plicitly stated it in his message to congress of January 
12, 1848. 44 It was issued simultaneously with the 
order to blockade the Mexican ports, solely upon the 
views of policy which he communicated to congr< 
in his annual message/ 5 that is to say, that he believed 
him an element of discord. Santa Anna's recall to 
Mexico had been looked for long before it took place. 
The United States consul in Habana, Robert B. Camp- 
bell, probably by his government's instructions, called 
with an interpreter on Santa Anna and tried to obtain 
from him an explicit declaration that he would, if re- 
stored to power in Mexico, favor peace with the 
United States. Unwilling to return straightforward 
answers to the questions propounded to him, he asked 
permission to bring General Almonte into the confer- 
ence, after which the conversation was mostly carried 
on through him. Santa Anna repeatedly said, and 
in this he was not ingenuous, that he personally was 
in favor of peace, but would act according to the 
wishes of his countrymen; if they were for war, he 
would wage it with all the resources at his command. 48 
Santa Anna landed at Vera Cruz on the 16th 
of August, amidst demonstrations of respect; the 
chief of the cabinet, Valentin Gomez Farias, started 
on the 19th for Puebla to receive him. A procla- 

43 Zamacofc, Hist. Mej., xii. 505-6; Santa Anna, Apel. al buen criteria, 
being his reply to charges by Ramon Gamboa, 14-15. Jay, Rev. Mex. War, 
196, suggests that President Polk probably expected that Santa Anna, having 
wrongs to resent, and being indebted to him for an opportunity to -wreak 
vengeance, 'would foment an insurrection, kindle the flames of civil war, re- 
cover his former power, and exercise it in concluding a peace with the U. S. 
by the cession of California. ' Polk deceived himself. 

44 These are his words: 'Without any understanding on the subject, direct 
or indirect, with Santa Anna or any other person.' Am. Quart. l?ca., i. 532-4. 

43 Of Dec. S, 1846. IT. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. '1. H. Ex. 20. 

46 His own statement of that interview differs but little from the above. 
Santa Anna, Apel. al buen criteria, 18-19. 


mation was published on the 24th that the federa- 
tion and the most ample liberty were now restored. 
The celebration of Santa Anna's return and of the 
restoration of the federal system took place at the 
capital on the 14tb of September with much magnifi- 
cence. Both authorities and people were full of hope. 
Santa Anna had come back under favorable auspices; 
parties, setting aside old bickerings, grouped them- 
selves under the national standard that Santa Anna 
was to raise and carry in a succession of victories 
throughout the campaign against the foreign invader. 
He seemed to understand his position, 47 and in the 
retirement of Tacubaya affected unwillingness to 
meddle with government affairs, and devoted his at- 
tention to organizing the expedition he intended to 
lead to the north. He urged the government to for- 
ward troops to the frontier without delay, and a force 
of 3,000 men was accordingly started from the capital 
on the 28th of September, with Santa Anna at its 
head, for San Luis Potosi. 48 

47 He thought that the government was in the hands of men he could easily 
manage, and continued the semblance of disinterestedness and patriotism ex- 
hibited by him at Vera Cruz, in order that the people might forget his past 
errors and evil practices. Mex., Apuntes Hist. Guerra, 67. 

48 The force consisted of the 2d, 4th, and 5th hussars, and the light squad- 
ron of Puebla; 1st and 11th light infantry, and the 2d activo de Mejico; be- 
sides foot and light artillery. These were the remnants of the troops that 
had been stationed at the capital. It may be said that the organization of 
the Mexican army differed but very little from the European, namel} 7 , light 
and heavy infantry, light cavalry and dragoons, engineers, and field and 
siege artillery, with the corresponding staff, including the medical, pay, com- 
missary, and other necessary departments. Besides the regular army, the 
republic had active and reserve militia, and a number of companies intended 
specially for guarding against Indian raids. At the time the differences with 
the U. S. assumed a warlike aspect, Mexico had in service the forces in the 
north under Paredes and Arista, and those under Inclan stationed in Jalapa 
and Vera Cruz. Several bodies were also in Texas. According to an official 
letter, dated Dec. 2, 1845, from Minister of war Anaya, the existing force 
consisted of 14,770 foot, 7,050 cavalry, including 35 presidial companies and 
12 active companies of militia of the same class, and 1,731 artillerymen. He 
demanded a large increase to place the army on a war footing, and also called 
for the organization of the national guard to serve as an auxiliary force for de- 
fending coasts and preserving order in the interior. The total force required 
for active war according to that report would be G5,087 men. The cost was 
computed at $1,172,539 monthly, besides pensions, extra allowances, rations, 
and other unavoidable expenses. Pena y Peiia, Comimicacion , 3G-40. The 
Mexican officers and men thought themselves invincible; that opinion being 
not merely the result of national pride, but also of the supposition that they 


Salas' enemies tried to overthrow him, and Santa 
Anna then published a manifesto stating that the re- 
lations between him and the government were most 
cordial. The administration was making the most 
strenuous efforts to procure resources, and finally 
issued a decree, affecting the property of the clergy, 
to raise two million dollars, which created a great com- 
motion, and made still worse the horrible situation of 
the country. 

The installation of congress, which had a majority 
of more or less radical liberals, took place on the 6th 
of December; and on the 23d Santa Anna was chosen 
president ad interim, and Gomez Farias vice-presi- 
dent. 49 The latter took the oath of office at once, and 
assumed the executive authority in Santa Anna's ab- 
sence. 50 This statesman's accession to power implied 

had much military experience and toughness acquired in their many years of 
revolutionary strife. The cavalry, mostly lancers, had a factitious reputa- 
tion both at home and abroad. Many bodies were fairly disciplined, and ex- 
pert in horsemanship and the management of the lance. Their carbines were 
mostly useless for accurate aim. The artillery had several foreign officers, 
and most of the juniors had been educated in the military college at Chapul- 
tepec. They were quite proficient in the theory of their profession, and had 
besides some practical experience. The guns were fine,, but clumsily mounted. 
Of light artillery, such as modern troops used, there was but little. The in- 
fantry had some tolerably drilled regiments. The muskets were generally 
inferior, and by no means accurately made. The staff of the army was not 
what it should have been. In the engineers the country had some talented 
and skilful officers, who were quite perfect in the branch of field fortifica- 
tion. Of general officers there was a great disproportion. It was often said 
they had brigades of generals rather than generals of brigades. There were 
but few of them, if any, possessing the various qualifications of a general. 
Ripley's War Mex., 87-90. As for a naval force, Mexico had two steamers, 
one schooner of six guns, seven small vessels mounting one gun each, and two 
brigs with 10 carronades each. Most of the vessels were unserviceable. 
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 720, 722, 744-5. The fortifications of Vera Cruz 
and San Juan de Uliia, though repaired since the French bombardment, were 
yet weak. Matamoros and Tampico had no defences worth mentioning. The 
U. S. had on the gulf coasts a squadron with about 300 guns and 2,400 men, 
and on the Pacific several frigates and corvettes with 250 guns and about 
2,250 men. The American army on the Rio Grande was of about 4,000 men, 
and had reinforcements at easy distance. 

49 Mix., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1844-6, 595-7; Mix., Col Ley. Fund., 286; Du- 
blan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 238-9; Bustamante, Hist. Invasion, MS., 1-G; 
Id., Nuevo Bernal Diaz, ii. 143-7. Those elections greatly alarmed both the 
clergy and military. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 816-17. 

50 At New Orleans Gomez Farias heard of Santa Anna's overthrow in 1844; 
he immediately returned to Mexico, when Herrera, though of quite opposite 
opinions, made him a senator. He promoted Santa Anna's recall as a means 
of restoring the federal system, served for a time in Salas' cabinet, and waa 
uncompromisingly for war against the U. S. 


the reestablish merit of the principles he had sustained 
throughout his life. But he encountered so rauch 
difficulty that he never could form a stable cabinet. 51 
The new government endeavored to procure means for 
carrying on the war, and meeting with great obstruc- 
tions, threatened the wealthy classes with the seizure 
of their property if they would not voluntarily con- 
tribute to relieve the pressing needs of the nation. 
Congress authorized it to take fifteen million dol- 
lars from the clergy, 52 which, as it may well be con- 
ceived, caused the greatest excitement and opposi- 
tion. 53 Several state governments protested against 
the measure, and ere long revolutionary movements 
broke out in various places. At the capital on the 
15th of January occurred a serious one, proclaim- 
ing 'religion y fueros.' In Queretaro the effect of 
the publication of that law, which had been made 
the 17th of January, was still more dangerous. The 
government was kept in constant alarm by the hostile 
popular demonstrations, but persisted in the purpose 
of enforcing: the law. Affairs continued in an unset- 
tied state till the 26th of February, when demonstra- 
tions were made in Mexico to set aside Farias and the 
congress, and even Santa Anna, leaving the latter only 
with the command of the northern army. The scan- 
dal of a formal pronunciamiento took place in the 
morning of the 27th. Reenforcements were sent by 

51 During his occupancy of the executive chair the portfolios were generally 
in charge of the chief clerks of the several departments. Mex., Mem. Hacien- 
da, 1870, 1043-4. Amid the tribulations of Mexico at this period the state of 
Yucatan, which had seceded from the rest of the republic, and again united 
her fate with it in Dec. 1846, separated a second time, and in May 1847 
adopted a special flag to be used under the Mexican colors, to distinguish Yuca- 
tan vessels, and insure protection from capture by United States cruisers. 
Bustamanie, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 30-6, 85, v. 155, 252, vi. 27; Id., 
Nuevo Denial Diaz, i. 125-7; Suarez, Informe, 10, 57-9; El Tiem.po, Feb. 15, 
and June 3, 1846; Niks' Beg., lxx. 16, 273, 304, lxxi. 196, 307; YouwfsHist. 
Mex., 340-1; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 328, 830, 885; The Calif or nian, S. F., 
Dec. 1, 1S47. 

52 Santa Anna in a letter of Jan. 2, 1847, to Manuel Rejon, favored the 
levying of a forced loan from the clergy of twenty millions. The letter is 
given in full in Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xii. 551-2. 

53 Those financial decrees may be seen in Mex. t Col. Ley. y Dec. t Jan. 2 to 
Dec. 23, 1847, 5-24. 

IIibt. Mkx., Vol. V. 20 


the governors of the states of Mexico and Puebla to 
sustain the government. 54 

The revolutionists reformed their plan, accepting 
Santa Anna as president, and saying nothing about 
the congress. The latter became displeased with 
Gomez Farias because he had arrested a number of 
its members, and then adopted the plan of calling 
Santa Anna to come and occupy the presidency. 

Gomez Farias had to experience the pang of 
the Mexican army's defeat at Angostura or Buena- 
vista, though Santa Anna, on his retreat, tried to 
make it appear a victory. Santa Anna had heard on 
the 10th of March, at San Luis Potosi, that the bel- 
ligerents at Mexico recognized him as the president, 
and centred their hopes in him. 55 He then came 
rapidly toward Mexico, where he arrived on the 21st 
of March, and the revolution ended. Having as- 
sumecl the presidential office, Gomez Farias retired. 56 

54 On the last day of February efforts were made to bring about an arrange- 
ment, but it failed. Pena, the commander of the revolted, said that the trou- 
ble resulted from the obstinacy of a man who would retain power against 
public opinion. 

55 He then wrote to Farias and to Pena, requesting them to suspend hos- 
tilities till his arrival. However, ib is said that he was more than disposed 
to sustain Farias' authority. But a committee composed of Gen. Salas and 
others met him at Quer6taro, and turned his mind in favor of the revolution- 

53 The career of Farias did not end here. He was afterward a member of 
congress, and as such opposed at Quer6taro the concluding of peace with the 
U. S. In 1850 he was a candidate for president of the republic, though not 
elected. He lived to frame the liberal constitution of 1S57. The subsecpicnt 
successes of the reactionists imbictered the last days of his life, however. 
His death occurred at Mixcoac, July 5, 1858; and his remains were accom- 
panied to the grave by men of all political opinions, and many foreign resi- 
dents, who thus paid homage to his honesty of purpose and unswerving sup- 
port of the principles he had entertained from his youth. Rivera, Gob tie 
JIcx., ii. 320; Tribute* a la Verdad, 23. 




Coercive Diplomacy — Claims against Mexico — Their Remarkable In- 
crease — Demands for Adjustment — American Hostility and Mexi- 
can Forbearance — Diplomatic Relations Suspended and Renewed — ■ 
Arbitration and its Results — More American Claims and Mexican 
Counter-claims — Unfairness of the United States Government — 
Recognition of Texan Independence — Foreign Intrigues — Annex- 
ation of Texas — Means of Accomplishment — A Casds Belli — Rup- 
ture of Relations — Pressure on Mexico — Warlike Demonstrations 
— Slidell's Unsuccessful Mission. 

It was a premeditated and predetermined affair, 
the war of the United States on Mexico; it was the 
result of a deliberately calculated scheme on the part 
of certain politicians manipulating the superior power. 
The land of the Nahuas, since it was first seen by 
Europeans, had never been free from the tyrannies of 
Europe ; and now, having thrown off the yoke of Spain, 
having made a good start on the road to freedom and 
self-government, it was perhaps asking too much of a 
sister republic, which had lately undergone the same 
experience, to be regarded with some sort of sympathy, 
of charity, while passing through a long and most 
severe struggle. 

True, it was to some extent a question of money, 
and not of sentiment; republican institutions and Mon- 
roe doctrines are all very well in their way; but debts 
must be paid. In answer to this, the facts as we follow 
them will clearly show — without asking aught on the 

(307 ) 


ground of the natural improvidence of the Latin race, 
and the absence of any intention on the part of Mex- 
ico to defraud her neighbor, or even to ruffle her dig- 
nity — that the claims for money made on Mexico by 
men of the United States were not always just, were 
very few of them just, and that the primary object 
was not the collection of just debts so much as the 
further acquisition of territory. 

In a previous chapter, treating of the Texan revolt 
and secession, I explained the cause, which was the 
desire of its acquisition on the part of the southern 
states of the American union, whose government 
yielded to the pressure of slave-holding interests. 
After exhausting all legitimate means, it resorted to 
somewhat sinister devices, clearly indicating, by its 
policy in 1836 and subsequently, an intent to coerce 
Mexico into a cession of the coveted territory. 1 It 
is true that the United States had declined a pro- 
tectorate over Texas, which measure would have vio- 
lated a treaty. Mexico must be made to appear as 
the culpable party and aggressor. So a long list of 
claims was presented, for which the republic was 
held responsible, though a number of them hardly 
affected American interests at all. An unseemly 
diplomatic pressure was then employed. 

The American envoy, Powhatan Ellis, was in- 
structed to demand such reparation "as these accumu- 
lated wrongs may be found to require." If no satis- 
factory answer should be returned in three weeks, he 
must inform the Mexican government that unless re- 
dress was afforded without delay, his further resi- 
dence in Mexico would terminate. If this threat 
proved unavailing, he was to notify the Mexican 
cabinet that unless a satisfactory answer came to him 
in two weeks, he should ask for his passports and re- 

l J. Q. Adams said it was not only Texas the U. S. wanted, but the 
whole course of the Rio del Norte, and five degrees of latitude across the con- 
tinent to the Pacific. 


turn home. Secretary Forsyth was a fit agent and 
Ellis was a fit instrument for the occasion. The lat- 
ter was a Mississippian and a slave-holder. 2 He 
wanted war and he wanted Texas; and he fulfilled his 
instructions to the letter. 3 

Some of the acts complained of had been committed, 
before Mexico became an independent nation, by the 
Spanish authorities. Payment was demanded, on the 
mere assertions of claimants, for supplies said to have 
been furnished in furtherance of Mexican indepen- 
dence, and for goods confiscated in violation of the Mex- 
ican revenue laws. Events that never occurred were 
asserted to have taken place, for the purpose of 
trumping up claims. There appeared in the list com- 
plaints against acts of the national navy, and even 
against proceedings of the courts of justice, many of 
them unaccompanied with evidence to substantiate 
them. 4 The number of such claims accompanying 
the secretary's instructions was fifteen; and as im- 
portant issues grew out of them, I give the merits 
of each in a note. 5 

2 Jay's Rev. Mex. War, 37. 

3 A full copy of Secretary Forsyth's despatch, dated July 20, 1836, to 
Minister Ellis, appears in Niles' Reg., xi. 409-10. 

4 Forsyth, in the despatch above mentioned, uses these words: 'The de- 
partment is not in proof of all the circumstances of the wrong done in the 
above cases, as represented by the aggrieved parties.' The government 
deemed it expedient to prefer the complaints then, and to seek afterward for 
proof. The Mexican minister of foreign affairs said that the number, char- 
acter, and dates of the claims show that the U. S. govt was actuated by 
hostile sentiments, and assured congress that few of them were just. Mex., 
Mem. Min. Relaciones, 1838, 10, 11, 14. 

5 1. Doctor Baldwin, an American, had in 1832 some unjust judgments 
passed against him in the Mexican courts, and on one occasion, because of an 
altercation between him and a magistrate of Minatitlan, he was put in the 
stocks. Baldwin resisted and attempted to escape, fell, and injured his leg. 
He was seized, returned to the stocks, and afterward imprisoned. Bald- 
will's Claim, in Mex. Pamph., v. It does not appear that Baldwin was ever 
denied the right, which he probably used, of recourse to a superior court. 
2. The American vessel To'paz was chartered by the Mexican government 
in 1832 to convey troops. The master and mate were murdered by the sol- 
diers, the crew imprisoned, and the vessel seized and used in the Mexican 
service. The Mexican version of this affair was that the crew attempted to 
steal some money which was on board, to which effect they had planned to 
kill the Mexican force and then abandon the vessel. After throwing Captain 
Ryder overboard, and having the soldiers below under the hatches, they tried 
to murder the two Mexican officers. Their plan failed; their leader, the mate, 
was wounded, and they themselves were secured. The crew endeavored to palm 


No law or act of the supreme government is com- 
plained of; not one of the complaints in question af- 
forded a legitimate cause for war. The conclusion to 
be naturally drawn from the instructions given Ellis 
is that he was to establish the principle that, under 
the treaty of amity with Mexico, when the decisions 
of Mexican courts did not happen to meet the views 

off their crimes on the Mexicans. Two American shipmasters who afterward 
visited that coast, and investigated the case, decided it against the crew. 3. 
In 1832 the Mexican officers in Tabasco seized the steamboat Hidalgo and 
schooner Constitution, both the property of the American Leggett. U. S. Govt 
JJoc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 83. It appears, according to the Mexican 
account, that Leggett had special privileges from the government of Tabasco, 
burdened with the condition, willingly assumed by himself, to convey free of 
charge Mexican troops when such service should be needed. He was, how- 
ever, paid for one transportation $1,433. The steamboat afterward foun- 
dered when not in the government's service, owing to the bad state of her 
hull and excessive lading. This was decidedly a case for a court to adjudi- 
cate, and not for diplomatic interference. 4. The Brazoria was seized by 
John Austin, military commandant at Brazoria in Texas, and used for an ex- 
pedition against Anahuac. She was damaged and her owner received no com- 
pensation. The facts of the case were that Austin was a Texan rebel. The 
owner abandoned his vessel under protest; afterward the judicial authority 
declared her unseaworthy, and she was sold at auction. The government long 
before had ordered the proceeds to be paid to the owner, but he never applied 
for them. 5. Captain MacKeig6 was imprisoned and heavily fined in 1834. 
The government disapproved the proceedings, and ordered the revenue official 
and judge arrested for trial to compel them to pay MacKeige" the damages he 
sustained at their hands. 6, 7, 8, and 9 are cases of vessels engaged in carry- 
ing contraband of war, or accused of violating the revenue laws. 10. Two 
Americans were in 183G temporarily detained in Matamoros, on suspicion that 
they were on their way to join the Texan rebels; a mare and two mules were 
taken out of the yard of the house where they were arrested, which happened 
to be the American consul's. As soon as they produced their passports they 
were released, and the animals were returned to them. An apology was made 
to the consul for the ignorance of the soldiers in entering his house to make the 
arrest. 11, 12, 13, and 14 were complaints for acts of subordinates, unautho- 
rized by the supreme government, and which caused no injury, pecuniary or 
otherwise, to any one. 15. The American vessel Northampton was wrecked 
in 1836, near Tabasco, and being taken possession of by custom-house officers 
and soldiers, more than half her cargo was pillaged or lost by them. The 
attempt by Mexican local authorities to save the vessel and cargo was cer- 
tainly in order. If the wreckers committed crimes on board, the injured 
parties had free action to lay their complaints before the courts. Bustamante, 
Gabinete Alex., ii. 27-31; Jay's Rev. Mex. War, 30-9. 43-5. 

William Jay. A Review of the Causes and Consequences of the Mexican 
War. The author aimed — regardless of considerations prompted by so-called 
patriotism, and national glory and prosperity — to furnish all the facts connected 
with the acquisition, by the United States, of Texas and other Mexican terri- 
tory. He also endeavored to show the dishonest devices that were resorted 
to for the accomplishment of the preconcerted plan; and to excite abhorrence 
for that kind of statesmanship which, upholding the maxim that 'all is fair 
in politics,' seeks to aggrandize a country in defiance of the laws of justice 
and equity. Whatever differences of opinion there may be as to the author's 
conclusions, his facts are incontrovertible 


of citizens or denizens of the United States, the latter 
must be privileged to take action in the premises, de- 
manding that those courts be ignored and their deci- 
sions set aside, mulcting the Mexican government in 
sums to satisfy the claimants. It so happened that 
before Forsyth's despatch reached the legation at 
Mexico, two of the fifteen claims, namely, the elev- 
enth and fourteenth, had been settled by the Mexican 
government to the American minister's satisfaction. 

On the 26th of September the remaining thirteen 
grievances were laid in writing by Ellis before the 
government, together with five others that his zeal 
had discovered. 6 He was assured that the general 
government would have them investigated. But in 
loss than four weeks from the date of his first note 
Ellis announced to the foreign office that if the wrongs 
complained of were not redressed without unnecessary 
delay, "his further residence in Mexico would be user 
less." To this a reply was returned the next day that 
delay in answering a note calling for an investigation 
was not a sufficient cause for breaking off friendly re- 

6 1. The American consul at Tampico had been, on the 26th of May, 1836, 
summoned by the authorities to authenticate certain papers, and on his refusal 
had been threatened with imprisonment. To which the government had an- 
swered it was ignorant of the whole matter and would investigate it. 2. 
The American vessel Peter V. Vroom being wrecked on the coast in June 
1836, the American consul had the cargo brought to Vera Cruz, where the 
consignees abandoned it to the underwriters. There being no agent of the 
latter in the place, the court appointed one, who sold the cargo, and the de- 
mand of the consul to have the proceeds turned over to him was refused. 
The Mexican government said to this that the court had acted right, and that 
the American consul had no authority in the premises. 3. Certain judicial 
proceedings concerning the American brig Aurora had been denied the con- 
sul. The government answered that the consul could have had an authenti- 
cated copy of all the papers, but he had refused to pay the legal fees charged 
for making it. 4. The American vessel Bethlehem was seized by a Mexican 
armed vessel on the 2d of September, 1836, the crew detained 20 days, and 
then landed, the vessel being confiscated, and the master refused a copy of 
the proceedings. The government in Mexico had not heard of the affair, and 
promised to investigate. 5. The American vessel Fourth of July had been 
taken charge of by Mexican soldiers. The facts of this case, as the Mexicans 
represented them, were that the vessel was built for the Mexican government. 
The agent had contracted before a notary public for the sale, but a party of 
soldiers had been sent on board previous to the deliver}^ of the bill of sale. 
The owner had been paid for his vessel and made no complaint. Forsyth on 
hearing of this case directed Ellis, Dec. 9, 1836, not to insist, of course, on 
the restoration of the vessel, but 'only to demand satisfaction for the insult 
offered to the American flag.' 


lations; that in order to arrive at a decision on the 
claims preferred, documents had to be gathered from 
various parts of the country, and that the requisite 
instructions had been already issued to procure such 
documents, upon the receipt of which the govern- 
ment's decision on the several points would be made 
known to the American legation. 

This was exactly what neither the minister nor th<? 
state department at Washington wanted. Having 
assumed an arbitrary and insulting attitude in the 
matter, these officials were determined that the is- 
sue should be so forced upon Mexico that there 
should be no escape. The United States was the 
stronger power, and there were many among her fire- 
eaters in those days who delighted in playing the cow- 
ardly part of bully. On the 4th of November Ellis 
gave formal notice that unless his complaints were satis- 
factorily answered in two weeks he would go. Mexico 
felt her feebleness and the humiliation. Within the 
prescribed time her minister of foreign affairs, Mo- 
naster! o, replied that under the existing treaty the 
citizens of either country could bring their grievances 
before the courts of the other, and hence there was 
no need of government interference to procure that 
justice which the courts were ready to afford. 7 

" You say that Mexican armed vessels have fired 
upon and insulted the American flag," continues Mo- 
nasterio in his note of the 26th of September, "that 
American consuls have been maltreated, private citi- 
zens arrested and scourged like malefactors, some have 
been assassinated, and their property confiscated. But 
these charges are general, and the government de- 

7 Monasterio's words were fully borne out by the 14th article of the 
treaty. Forsyth himself had made avail of that article, in his reply of Jan. 
29, 1836, to a demand of the Mexican govt for the punishment of the com. 
officer of an American war ship for an outrage committed by him on a Mexican 
vessel. His words were: ' The courts of the U. S. are frecl}' open to all per- 
sons in their jurisdiction, who may consider themselves to have been aggrieved 
in contravention of our laws and treaties.' U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 24, Ses. 2, 
H. Ex. 139, vol. iii. But it was quite a different affair, my bull and your ox 
or your bull and my ox. Ellis on the loth of Nov. coolly declared Monasterio's 
opinion ' wholly indefensible. ' 


sires that they may be specified before taking them 
into consideration." 

It was well understood at Washington that these 
charges were pure trumpery, and by none better than 
those who made them. Said President Jackson — by 
no means averse to war and an enlargement of the 
national domain — to Governor Cannon of Tennessee, 
two weeks after the coercive instructions had been 
transmitted to Ellis, " Mexico has given the United 
States no cause for war." 8 

On the 7th of December Ellis demanded his pass- 
ports. 9 The government requested the minister to say 
on what grounds he was taking a step so calculated 
to affect the relations between the two powers. Ellis 
deigned no reply. 

The diplomatic intercourse between the two gov- 
ernments was now at an end, the Mexican repre- 
sentative, Gorostiza, having left Washington in Octo- 
ber. He had, before demanding his passports, 
published a pamphlet containing portions of his official 
correspondence with the American government and 
his own, with an introduction defamatory of the peo- 
ple and government of the United States. This being 
deemed by the latter a manifest impropriety, a dis- 
avowal of it was demanded: 10 but the Mexican foreign 
office sustained his course. The satisfaction was given, 
however, at a later day. 11 

The opportunity so much desired was now at hand, 
but the American executive hesitated to recommend 
to congress an open declaration of war. In his mes- 

8 And again: 'Should Mexico insult our national flag, invade our territory, 
or interrupt our citizens in the lawful pursuits which are guaranteed to them 
by treaty, then the government will promptly repel the insult, and take 
speedy reparation for the injury. But it does not seem that offences of this 
character have been committed by Mexico.' U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 24, Ses. 
2, H. Ex. 2, vol. i. ; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex. , ii. 27. 

9 Mayer's Hist. Mex. War, i. 29-30; Niks' Reg., Ii. 225, lii. 4. 

10 The matter was referred by the American president to congress on the 
5th of Dec. 1837, together with the list of claims against Mexico. U. 8. Govt 
Doc, Cong. 25, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 3, pp. 6-8, 31-164, vol. i.; Niks 1 Reg., Ii. 410^ 

11 In 1839 by Gorostiza himself, when he was secretary of foreign relations, 
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 290, 317. 


sage 1 ' 2 he suggested that the sister republic should be 
allowed "one more opportunity to atone for the past, 
before we take redress into our hands. But to avoid 
any misconception on the part of Mexico, as well as to 
protect the American national character from re- 
proach, this opportunity should be given with the 
avowed design and full preparation to take immediate 
satisfaction." The president accordingly asked for the 
passage of an act authorizing reprisals and the use of 
the navy against Mexico, to enforce them in the event 
of that government refusing to come to terms. 13 
Though congress was not ready actually to declare 
war, the proposal to make another demand on Mexico 
was accepted, both houses making exaggerated and 
hostile reports. 14 

I have already alluded to the treaty stipulation 
forbidding acts of reprisal and declarations of war on 
complaints for grievances or damages, till they should 
have been presented and verified, a clause wholly ig- 
nored by the president of the United States in his 
message, which was accompanied by forty-six new 
grievances. Of the original eighteen, only one, dated 
as far back as 1831, and in the new set no less than 
thirty-two, were founded on acts said to have been 
committed prior to 1832, and which, had they ever 
been valid, were already consigned to the grave by 
the treaty of April 5, 1831. 15 

12 Of Feb. 6, 1837. Gong. Debates, 1836-7, xiii. 723-4; U. S. Govt, Cong. 
24, Ses. 2, H. Journ., 354-5, Sen. Doc., 160, pp. 1-170. 

13 ' Upon another demand thereof, made on board one of our vessels of war 
on the coast of Mexico.' U. S. Govt, Cong. 24, Ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 105 and 
139; N lies' Reg., li. 378. 

14 The committee of foreign affairs in the house declared that the U. S. 
would be justified in taking redress; that of the senate was equally hostile. 
17. S. Govt, Cong. 24, Ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 281, pp. 1-4, H. Coram. Rept, 
281, vol. ii., Sen. Doc. 189, vol. ii.; Gong. Debates, 1836-7, i. 723-4, 854-7, 
982, 986, ii. 1912-18; Cong. Globe, 1836-7, 6, 12, 94; 1S37, 1-8. 

15 Mexican Company, Baltimore, 1816; amount not given. This associa- 
tion furnished Gen. Mina with means to invade New Spain, which they 
asserted had never been paid. Mrs Young, 1817; sum not stated. She was 
the widow of Col Guilford Young, one of Mina's companions killed in action 
in Mexico that year. The claim was probably for arrears of pay. These 
two demands were for revolutionary services against Spain, with whom the 
U. S. and their citizens were at the time at peace, several years before her 
domination over Mexico had ceased. John 13. Marie, 1824; amount not 


On the last day of the session congress appropriated 
money for the salary of a minister to Mexico, to be 
appointed "whenever, in the opinion of the president, 
circumstances will permit a renewal of diplomatic 
intercourse honorably with that power." The presi- 
dent, though nothing had occurred since December 
to invite a renewal of relations, appointed a minister, 
Powhatan Ellis, himself, being the individual chosen. 16 
It was pretended that they wished to conciliate Mexico, 
and so they sent thither her most unprincipled enemy. 
He was not, however, despatched at once to his desti- 
nation. A messenger or courier of the department 
of state went in his stead with a budget of grievances, 

Go ' 

old and new, now swelled to fifty-seven, which he was 
to place in the hands of the Mexican minister of for- 
eign affairs, allowing him one week 17 in which to study 
their merits and return an answer. 18 

The Mexican congress, however, had anticipated' 
such a step. Knowing only of the eighteen claims 
presented by Minister Ellis, it had passed an act au- 
thorizing the executive to submit those claims to the 
award of a friendly power. The foreign office, on the 
29th of July, 1837, replied, giving assurances of the 
desire of the Mexican government to settle the 
claims upon the principles of justice and equity. 19 

given; for goods seized on being imported contrary to a Mexican law of 
which the claimant pretended ignorance J. E. Dudley and J. C. Wilson, 
for property robbed from them by Comanches on their return from a trading 
expedition to Mexico; sum not stated. U. S. Govt, Cong. 24, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 
Doc. 139, in Mex. Treaties, ii. no. 1. 

1(i J. Q. Adams said: 'And who was this minister of peace to be sent with 
the last drooping twig of olive to be replanted and revivified in the genial soil 
of Mexico? It was no other than Powhatan Ellis of Mississippi, famishing 
for Texas, and just returned in anger and resentment from an abortive and 
abruptly terminated mission to the same government. His very name must 
have tasted like wormwood to the Mexican palate.' 

17 The messenger was instructed to remain in Mexico one week. Rep. of 
Cong., Cong. 29, Ses. 1, iv. 

18 The courier reached Mexico July 20, 1837. As a specimen of the new 
claims, I give the following: In 1829, as the reader knows, a Spanish army 
under Brigadier Barradas invaded the republic of Mexico at Tainpico. It 
destroyed a printing-press said to be the property of an American citizen. 
Eight years after Mexico was for the first time told that she was held re- 
sponsible for what her enemies had done "in time of war. 

19 The anxiety of the Mexican government was 'not to delay the moment 
of that final and equitable adjustment which is to termiuate the existing diffi- 


Mexico, anxious to preserve the peace, not only pro- 
posed to refer the claims to arbitration, but once 
more accredited a minister at Washington, 20 who ar- 
rived there in October 1837, but did not announce 
the proposal for arbitration till the 2 2d of Decem- 
ber. 21 This was a sore disappointment to the enemies 
of Mexico; for it would postpone the object so dear 
to their hearts, namely, the annexation of Texas and 
other portions of Mexican territory. Secretary For- 
syth dryly acknowledged the receipt of the proposi- 
tion, and several times afterward pressed upon the 
Mexican minister, Francisco Pizarro Martinez, new 
demands without signifying his acceptance of it. 22 
He did so at last on the 21st of April, 1838, say-' 
ing that the president was "anxious to avoid pro- 
ceeding to extremities." The negotiations following 
resulted in a convention concluded on the 10th of Sep- 
tember, 1838, by which it was agreed that all claims 
against Mexico should be referred to a mixed com- 
mission composed of two members appointed by each 
government, and for cases in which they could not 
agree the king of Prussia w T as requested to name an 
umpire. 23 Owing to delay in obtaining the consent of 

cul ties between the two governments;' and that nothing 'should be left undone 
which may contribute to the speediest and most equitable termination of the 
subjects which have so seriously engaged the attention of the United States;' 
that the ' Mexican government would adopt, as the only guides for its con- 
duct, the plainest principles of public right, the sacred obligations imposed 
by international law, and the religious faith of treaties;' and that 'whatever 
reason and justice may dictate respecting each case will be done.' The 
American government was further assured that the decision in each case 
would be communicated to it by the Mexican legation at Washington. U. S. 
Govt, Cong. 25, Ses. 2, vol. viii. passim; flayer's Hist. War Mex., i. 29-30. 
The president in his message of Dec. 8, 184G, referring to the steps taken in 
July 1837, said that Mexico gave solemn assurances, and yet again delayed, 
and the moderation of the United States only complicated the difficulties. U. 
S. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 4, pp. 3-8. 

20 It was authorized by the act of the Mexican congress of May 20, 1837. 
The minister was appointed May 23d. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 
392; Arrillaga, Recop., 1837, 399; Niks' Beg., Iii. 309, 354. 

' 21 Owing, it seems, to a misapprehension on his part that the proposal had 
been at an earlier date made to the U. S. cabinet. 

22 Four months were allowed to elapse. When the public heard of the 
Mexican offer, petitions came from all quarters to congress to accept. 

23 The board was to meet at Washington three months after the exchange 
of ratifications, and to sit not over 18 months. It was left ,to the option of 


Frederick William III. to act as umpire, the con- 
vention had to be renewed, when it suffered slight 
modifications, the most important of which was that 
the awards were to be paid one half in cash, and the 
other half in treasury notes bearing eight per cent in- 
terest per annum, and receivable for customs duties. 
The date of the signing of the new convention was 
the 11th of April, 1839. 24 

It must not be inferred that among the claims there 
was not a considerable number founded on justice and 
equity ; but not all of these were proper topics for na- 
tional controversy. Still, some of them came within 
that category. 25 Had the United States government 
confined itself to these, and preferred its demands in 
a temperate manner, its course would have been in 
order, and Mexico could not rightly have refused 
their proper adjustment. 

The mixed commission went into operation at 
Washington on the 17th of August, 1840, 26 and in 
about nine months, say to the 26th of May, 1841, 
had passed judgment upon every claim laid before 
it accompanied by the requisite vouchers. In Feb- 
ruary 1842 it ceased to act by virtue of the 18 
months' limitation clause. The result was, that of 
the claims presented less than one fifth were allowed; 
three fourths were thrown out as spurious; others of 
the same fraudulent and speculative character, amount- 

the Mexican government to effect payments in government stock having in 
London a value equal to the award. 

24 Ratified by Mexico, Jan. 11, 1840; by the U. S., April 6th. The ex- 
change of ratifications was published in Mexico, June 2d. The Spanish and 
English texts may be seen in Mex., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 180-9; Dublan 
and Lozano, Ley. Mex., iii. 712-1C; Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec, 1840, 492-505; 
Mayer"* Hist. War Mex., i. 31-2; U. 8. Govt, Cong. 26, Ses. 1, Acts and Re- 
sol., 111-18, 122-3, H. Ex. Doc, vol. iv. passim. 

25 For instance: American vessels taken with contraband of war on 
board, and condemned by the Mexican admiralty courts. The contraband of 
war was liable to forfeiture; but the vessels themselves, and such portions of 
their cargoes as were not of a contraband nature, wefe by treaty exempt from 
condemnation. Art. xvi. of treaty of April 5, 1831. 

20 The American commissioners were William L. Marcy and John Rowan, 
with John Demitri as secretary; on the part of Mexico, Pedro Fernandez del 
Castillo and Joaquin Velazquez de Leon, with Lucas Palacio y Margarola as 
secretary. The umpire was the baron de Roenne, Prussian minister at 
Washington. M6x., Mem. Min. Relaeiones, 1841. 


ing to nearly three and a half millions, were not pre- 
sented in time to be examined, even after the most 
unwearied efforts of the United States government to 
swell the demand against Mexico. 27 But adding for 
these one million, the outside estimate that they will 
bear with any degree of equity, Mexico was indebted 
to United States citizens about three millions, in- 
stead of nearly twelve millions as claimed. I give 
in a note a few samples of the claims/ 


21 Total amount of claims presented $11,850,578 

Amount of claims presented too late for adjudication 3,33(3,837 

Referred to umpire and undecided for want of time 918,627 

Amount of claims adjudicated $7,595, 114 

Rejected by commissioners and umpire 5,568,975 

Allowed by commissioners and umpire $2,026, 139 

Rivera, Hist. Jalajya, iii. 418; U. 8. Govt, Cong. 27, Ses. 2, Sen. Doc, vol. 
iv. passim, H. Comm. Rept, 1096, vol. v.; Id., Cong. 27, Ses. 3, H. Journ., 
18; Broods Hid., 13-22; Mayer's Hist. War Mex., i. 31-2. The president 
on Aug. 9, 1841, said to congress, with reference to certain reflections cast on 
the Prussian umpire, that the government had no complaint to make against 
him. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 27, Ses. 2, Sen. Journ., 554. 

28 Orazio de Atellis Santangelo, a school-master, Writer, and printer, of 
whose unjustifiable expulsion from Mexico I spoke in an early chapter of this 
work, after that act settled in New Orleans, and in due time became a natu- 
ralized citizen of the U. S. After a while he presented through the U. S. 
govt a demand against Mexico for $398,690 for damages. The Mexican com- 
missioners denied that anything was due; the U. S. com. allowed $83,440; 
the umpire cut the sum down to $50,000. On what grounds the United 
States government demanded an award for a person who was not an Ameri- 
can citizen at the time the claim originated was not made to appear. San- 
tangelo afterward jmblished several papers against the U. S. govt, in one 
of which he employs his terrible satire against President Polk for having ' de- 
frauded the U. S. claimants on Mexico out of their money.' He also pre- 
ferred before the president of the U. S. accusations against the Mexican 
members of the commission. There was also a memorial of his to the Ameri- 
can congress in 1846. Mex. Treaties, ii. no. 12. Rhoda McCrae claimed $6,- 
694 for a pension for her son killed in the Mexican service. It was allowed 
by the American commissioners, disallowed by the Mexican, and rejected by 
the umpire. Sophia M. Robinson claimed for services rendered by her hus- 
band in Mexico, when a dependency of Spain in 1817, $16,000, and as much 
more for interest. Rejected bodily by the umpire. John Baldwin claimed 
for a trunk of wearing apparel seized by the Mexican custom-house officials, 
principal and interest, $1,481, allowed by the American commissioners; un- 
decided by the umpire. There was one claim for 53 doz. bottles of porter, 
original cost and six years' interest, $8,260! Even Mr Pendleton, member of 
congress from Virginia, called such claims utterly ridiculous. A Texan la i l 
company wanted $2,154,604; a certain man demanded $690,000 for erroneous 
decisions against him in Mexican courts, etc. Jay's Rev. Mex. War, 72-3; U, 
S. Govt Doc, Cong. 27, Ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 2t. 


The treaty of arbitration was a thorn in the flesh of 
many who had cast an evil eye on Mexico, as it did away 
with all pretexts for complaint against the latter repub- 
lic, and postponed indefinitely the acquisition of Texas. 
Still they did not despair. Where strength on the one 
side and weakness on the other were so palpable; 
where success was certain if the issue could only be 
brought on; where all that stood in the way of mag- 
nificent plunder was some excuse for the deed — surely 
the Anglo-American mind should be fertile enough 
to produce such an excuse. The dissolution of the 
mixed commission by limitation left, as we have seen, a 
large number of claims undecided. The United States 
government, therefore, had yet a pretext for continu- 
ing the diplomatic pressure upon Mexico. President 
Tyler, in March 1842, accredited to the latter govern- 
ment as minister Wackly Thompson, a slave-holder 
from South Carolina, who was anxious to see Texas an- 
nexed to his country. 29 The new representative found 
Mexican credit very low, the treasury notes being 
worth only thirty cents on the dollar. He succeeded 
by some means in negotiating, on the 30th of January, 
1843, a new convention, under which Mexico agreed 
to pay on the 30th of April of that year all the in- 
terest then due, and the award itself in five years in 
equal quarterly instalments. 30 This arrangement has 
been represented as a boon to Mexico. 31 The fact is, 
that even by Thompson's showing the owners of the 

29 He had as a member of congress made a motion in favor of annexation 
as soon as it should be consistent with the treaty stipulations of the govern- 
ment. This naturally rendered him offensive to the Mexicans, and for that 
reason he was not a lit person for the appointment. Bustamante had no good 
opinion of his character or course; and with his usual venom accuses him of be- 
ing a spy rather than a minister, and a flatterer of Santa Anna's. Hist. Gen. 
Santa Anna, MS., ii. 38. 

™Mex., Derech. Intern., 1st pt, 189-93; Thompson's Recoil. Ilex., 229, app. 
279-304. The interest due was about $270,000. The quarterly instalments were 
to begin the same day. To secure the payments the direct taxes were hy- 
pothecated. Mex., Mem. Min. Bel., 1844, xcvii.-c. 8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
iii. 5G7-9; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 257-8; U. S. Govt, Cong. 28, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 
Doc. 158, in Mex. Treaties, ii. no. C. 

31 Rept of C. J. Ingersol, chairman of comrm of Foreign A$., June 24, 


claims were anxious to make some other arrangement 
that would save them heavy loss in the acceptance of 
treasury notes, as they were bound to do under the 
last preceding convention. 

The Mexican government paid the interest accrued, 
and decreed a forced loan collectible at periods cor- 
responding to those stipulated in the agreement with 
the United States. The instalments for July and 
October 1843 and January 1844 were also paid; 
but whether for want of means or because the news 
came that Texas had been annexed to the United 
States, those for April and July 1844 were not cov- 
ered. However, when it became known that the 
senate of the United States had rejected the annex- 
ation treaty, President Santa Anna ordered the pay- 
ment of the 4th and 5th instalments, in cash, to Voss, 
the American government's agent, and his principal 
was duly apprised of it. It has been said, reflecting 
on Voss' good sense and integrity, that the govern- 
ment never received the cash; for instead of it, he had 
taken drafts, which were not honored, and he had 
given receipts for so much money. 32 After that, the 
objectionable arrangement having become an accom- 
plished fact, Mexico paid no more instalments. 33 

The last understanding with the American plenipo- 
tentiary called for still more; it stipulated the nego- 
tiation of another arbitration treaty, one more com- 
prehensive than the last; that is to say, a convention 
providing for the settlement of claims of the govern- 
ment and citizens of Mexico against the United States, 
as well as those of the latter government and its citi- 
zens against Mexico. 

The claims of Mexican citizens do not appear; but 

32 This has been denied by Minister Thompson, who speaks in high terms 
of Voss' business ability and integrity; he sa} r s that only a small portion of 
the two last instalments was not paid until perhaps a month after it was due, 
and the money was immediately sent to Vera Cruz, and shipped thence as 
soon as it could be counted. Recol. Mex., 225. 

33 On the 30th of January, 1846, eight instalments and two years' interest 
were due. Young 9 8 Hist. Mex., 323; Santangelo, Memorial, in Mex. Treaties^ 
no. 12. 


their government had several important ones. Amer- 
ican vessels, captured by Mexican war ships for being 
engaged in contraband trade, had been forcibly res- 
cued by United States cruisers; and even a Mexican 
national vessel, duly commissioned, had been taken 
and sent int^ a port of the United States. 34 

The treaty stipulated for by the convention of 
January 1843 was concluded in Mexico on the 20th 
of November; and under it a commission was to sit 
in Mexico — the Mexican government as a point of 

34 On the 1st of Sept. 1835, the Correo, a revenue cutter commanded by 
Lieut Thomas Thompson, was captured by an American armed vessel aided 
by a Texan steamboat, for interfering with smugglers, and sent for adjudica- 
tion to New Orleans. The captors were accused of robbing the cutter's pa- 
pers and her officers' property. The officers and men were kept in jail for 
some time in New Orleans, and there tried on the charge of piracy preferred 
by the captors; but the vessel, officers, and crew were released. No satisfac- 
tion or indemnity was given them, however, on the ground that the officers had 
not established their status. This decision was given in the face of their dec- 
larations that their papers had been taken from them, and of the Mexican 
consul's assurance that the Correo was a revenue vessel, and her officers and 
men servants of his government. Report of Thompson'* Trial, 3-44. In Nov. 
]835, an expedition was openly fitted out in New Orleans to commit hostili- 
ties against the Mexican government, and landed in the Tampico River. Niles' 
Ile<j., xlix. 339-40. Another cause of complaint, and a very serious one, was 
the invasion of Mexican territory by U. S. forces in 183G. Again, the Mexi- 
can squadron captured two American schooners engaged in conveying contra- 
band goods to the Texans, then at war with Mexico, and taken into Mata- 
moros. This act was in perfect accord with articles 18th and 20th of the 
treaty of 1831. The American corvette Natchez then arrived at the bar and 
demanded, on the lGth of April, 1837, their surrender, which being refused by 
the commander on the frontier, she retook one of the schooners, and made a 
prize of the Mexican war brig General Urrm. The latter was afterward 
ordered to be released at Pcnsacola. Id., lii. 1G3, 193, 204-5, 209, 249, 289. 
That act of the corvette was a deliberate infraction of the 3d clause in the 
34th article of the treaty of 1831. The Mexican government with good rea- 
son was indignant at such proceedings, but exercising a wise moderation in 
its efforts to avert a conflict, ordered the release of the schooners, and of the 
bark Anne Eliza that had been detained at Vera Cruz. Id., lii. 209, 228, 362. 
U. S. Govt, Cong. 25, Ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 75, vol. ii. ; Bnstamante, Gabiwte 
Mex., i. 10-12; Mex., Mem. Min. Relaciones, 1838, 11-14; Tornel, Tejas y 
Est. Unidos, 79-80. Later, on the 24th of June, an American squadron of 
one frigate and four sloops of war, under Commodore Dallas, called at Sacri- 
ficios, and the commodore demanded of Castro, the comandante general, an 
assurance, such as had been given him by Gen. Filisola at Matamoros, that 
there should be no more attempts against American merchantmen; otherwise 
lie would, adopt efficacious measures to deprive the Mexican squadron of the 
means of annoying American commerce. Gen. Castro, without manifesting 
a hostile spirit, replied that neither he nor Gen. Filisola could give such as- 
surances, as they were of the exclusive province of the supreme government. 
Niles'' Reg., lii. 362-3. Dallas then wrote back on the 28th, saying that he 
would leave on the Mexican coast a sufficient naval force to protect American 
commercial interests from future Mexican aggressions. Bustamante, Gabinete 
Mex., i. 20-6. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 21 


national pride, because the former one had met at 
Washington, made this a sine qua non — and the king 
of the Belgians, the choice of the United States minis- 
ter, was to be the umpire. The United States senate, 
in utter disregard of the convention, only ratified the 
treaty with amendments, first striking out of it the 
right of each government to prefer before the com- 
mission any claims or complaints against the other 
— this point being considered ' strictly diplomatic' — 
and secondly, changing the place of meeting to Wash- 
ington, thus ignoring the Mexican stipulation. The 
mutilated treaty, conditionally ratified, came back to 
Mexico, the government taking no further notice of 
it. 35 Hence the outcry of the friends of Texas that 
Mexico would not settle the claims against her, and 
President Polk's assertion that Mexico had thus 
violated a second time the faith of treaties by failing 
or refusing to carry into effect the sixth article of 
the convention of Januar}^ 1843. 36 The subject was 
again before the United States congress in January 
1844, when the president laid before the house infor- 
mation on the indemnity to be paid by Mexico. 37 

Mexico's efforts to maintain peace with the United 
States, by acceding to the settlement of claims on a 
just basis, only postponed the inevitable and prede- 
termined war. The reader is informed of the unsuc- 
cessful attempts of the United States government to 
acquire by purchase the old province of Texas, which 
had been surrendered to Spain in 1819. The last ex- 
pressed wish to this effect, as appears in a despatch 
to Joel R. Poinsett, its envoy to Mexico, was to ob- 
tain the cession of a much larger area, that is to say, 
the territory extending from the mouth of the Rio 
Grande along its eastern bank to the 37th parallel of 

originally made, it had been ratified by Mexico on the 24th of Nov. 
J 4,x., Derecho Intern., 2d pt, 154-66; Thompson's Recol. Mex., 225-7. 

35 A g 

1843. M4x. 

36 Polk's message to congress, Dec. 8, 1846, p. 6. 

37 U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 28, Ses. 1, H. Journ., 167, 198; Id., Cong. 28, 
Ses. 2, Sen. Journ., 134, 248. 


latitude, and all north of that line to the Pacific 
Ocean. 33 Poinsett, however, aware that a proposi- 
tion to that effect would be met with scorn, forbore 
even to make an overture for the purchase of Texas. 
The opposition of the Mexicans to all arrangements 
leading to the loss of national territory became more 
intensified from year to year. There were not want- 
ing, nevertheless, representative men in Mexico will- 
ing to accede to the annexation of Texas to the 
United States rather than to see her an independent 
country, or under the control of England; for if a 
nation, other states of Mexico would unite with it 
willingly or by conquest; and if anywise connected 
with England, goods from the latter country would 
be smuggled through Texas into Mexico, to the ruin 
of Mexican manufactures and revenue. But the feel- 
ing finally culminated into a question not only of 
national pride, but of actual fear of the consequence;; 
that the alienation of Texas would entail. 39 

The Texan colonists had, however, from the earliest 
times desired to unite with the northern republic, a 
feeling which became intensified after their declared 
independence from Mexico. The slave-holders of the 
American southern states wanted no independent 
state there forming a barrier to the advance of their 
favorite institution. The Texans, on their side, in 
order to stimulate the desire of the slave-holders for 
annexation, a few days after declaring their indepen- 
dence, inserted in their constitution a clause giving 
the rights of citizenship to all white emigrants after a 
residence of only six months, and authorizing them to 
brin^ in their slaves, at the same time that the im- 
portation of slaves, except from the United States, 
was strictly forbidden. 40 Free negroes and mulattoes 

38 Including Texas and the largest and best portion of California, together 
with the port of San Francisco. Official correspond, in U. S. Govt Doc, 
Cong. 25, Ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc. 42. 

3a President Santa Anna said it would be like signing the death-warrant 
of Mexico; for the U. S. would gradually take one after another of the Mexi- 
can departments till they had them all. Thompson's Recol. Mex., 238-9. 

40 This offered to the slave-breeders of the U. fS. a monopoly which they 


were required to leave the country within a short 
time, under penalty of being reduced to bondage. 

The slave-holders, whose representative man at 
that time was Thomas H. Benton, senator from Mis- 
souri, thought of forming nine slave states out of 
Texas alone. But the Texans wanted to allure them 
with the prospect of a larger accession; and with that 
end in view, on the 19th of December, 1836, voted 
themselves the territory lying between the United 
States and the Rio Grande, from its source to its 
mouth. 41 The option of an independent nationality, 
or the consecration of that large domain to slavery 
through annexation to the United States, was sub- 
mitted to the popular vote, and was decided in favor 
of the latter by 3,279 votes against 91. The slave- 
holders in the United States kept themselves well in- 
formed on these movements, and showed their alacrity 
to meet such manifestations half-way. 

President Jackson despatched an agent to Texas to 

failed not to take advantage of. The desire of the slave interest in the U. S. 
became an anxiety when the young republic entered later into a treaty with 
England for the suppression of the African slave-trade. The slave-holders 
were greatly alarmed at the idea that a time might come when Texas, if left 
to herself, would decree the abolition of slavery. That fear was shared in by 
some of the Texan leaders; for even at the latest day, preceding the annexa- 
tion, though the anti-slavery party was in the minority, the fact could not bo 
disregarded that the majority of the people of Texas were not slave-owners, 
and that ere long the number of opponents to slavery would be increased by 
immigration from Europe. The idea of emancipation was an alarming one; 
whereas, on the other side, annexation was deemed of the highest importance 
to give stability and safety to slavery, and ' thereby save them forever from 
the unparalleled calamities of abolition.' Mirabeau Lamar's Letter, in Jaifs 
Rev. Mex. War, 87-8. 

41 Taking in parts of Coahuila and Tamaulipas and New Mexico. Accord- 
ing to the report of Henry M. Morfit, special agent of the U. S., the bounda- 
ries claimed by Texas extended from the mouth of the Rio Grande, on the 
east side, up to its head waters, thence on a line due north until it intersected 
that of the U. S.; thence to the Sabine, and along that river to its mouth, 
and from that point westwardly with the gulf of Mexico to the Rio Grande. 
The political limits of Texas proper, previous to her revolution, were the 
Nueces on the west, along the Red River on the north, the Sabine on the 
east, and the gulf of Mexico on the south. It had been the intention of 
the Texan government, immediately after the victory of San Jacinto, to have 
claimed from the mouth of the Rio Grande along its course to lat. 30°, and 
thence west to the Pacific. It was, however, discovered that this would not 
strike a convenient point on the California coast, that it would be difficult to 
control a wandering population so distant, and that the territory now deter- 
mined upon would be sufficient for a young republic. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 
24, Ses. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 35, vol. ii. 


send reports upon the advantages of the country, in 
order to excite Americans to go there and take pos- 
session. His account of its political, military, and 
civil condition was laid before the American congress 
on the 22d of December, 1836, and was accompanied 
with remarks showing the policy pursued from the 
first by the American government toward Texas. It 
is said that the title of Texas to the territory she 
claimed was identified with her independence; that she 
asked the United States government to acknowledge 
that title by recognizing her independence, and then 
Texas, with a part of Coahuila, Tamaulipas, and New 
Mexico, might soon become integral portions of the 
United States. As Mexico would neither sell Texas 
nor allow herself to be provoked into a war, there 
was no recourse but to recognize the independence of 

But the northern states were opposed to the acqui-, 
sition of more slave territory, and it was necessary for 
the southern schemers to allay all suspicion that they 
were acting from interested motives. The president 
laid stress on the benefits to accrue from the recoomi- 
tion, but said that it must be postponed indefinitely. 
Prudence dictated this attitude till Mexico or some 
other power recognized the independence of the new 
nation, or at least "till the lapse of time or the course 
of events shall have proved beyond all cavil or dis- 
pute the ability of the people of that country to 
maintain their separate sovereignty, and to uphold 
the government established by them." Mark the 
quoted words. Eight weeks after, namely, on the 1st 
of March, 1837, a majority in congress being secured, 
the lapse of time and course of events which the 
president contemplated in his message had come, the 
senate acknowledged the independence of Texas, and 
soon after the house passed a resolution to the same 
effect. Thus was Texas recognized as an independent 
republic. To Mexico's just protest, the United States 
government answered in effect that Texas as a sover- 


eign state had the right to make herself independent 
if it suited her interests. 42 This was quite a differ- 
ent doctrine from that enforced at the mouth of the 
cannon by the v northern United States against the 
southern twenty-five years after. Of course it is 
right for a Mexican state to secede if the United 
States wants it, but it is very wrong for any of the 
states of the northern confederation to secede on anv 
pretext whatsoever. It will be well to state here 
that Forsyth had on the 29th of May, 1836, assured 
Gorostiza that his "government would adopt no reso- 
lution or decision on that question which was not 
founded on the same rules and principles that had 
guided its action in the dissensions between Spain 
and her American colonies. The department of state 
was now reminded of that declaration by Monasterio, 
the Mexican minister of foreign affairs, and asked if 
the Texans were in the same position that the Mexi- 
cans held toward Spain when the United States ac- 
knowledged Mexico's independence. Did the Amer- 
ican government see the slightest point of similarity 
between a nation of upward of six million people, 
who by their unaided efforts had thrown off the yoke 
of Spain after a bloody struggle of eleven years, and 
a revolting "few thousand adventurers without coun- 
try, without religion, without virtues, and without 
laws, menaced by a numerous army," etc. ? The min- 
ister also alluded to Jackson's message of December 
22, 1836, and in obedience to the orders of the execu- 
tive makes known the solemn protest of Mexico be- 
fore all civilized nations against the recognition of the 
"pretended republic of Texas," made by the United 
States. 43 General Tornel, minister of war of Mexico, 
in a speech before the congress of Mexico, accused 

42 See Arrarigoiz, Mej., ii. 262. 

43 Jose" Maria Ortiz Monastery's note bears date of March 21, 1837. His 
protest involves the following points: that the acknowledgment complained 
of could in no manner whatever weaken, diminish, or compromit the rights 
of Mexico to the territory of Texas, nor her right to employ every means in 
her power to recover that territory. A translation ^f the note is given in 
Nile*' Bey., Hi. 248-9. 


the Americans of punic faith, reiterating his govern- 
ment's resolve to uphold its rights at all hazards, and 
ended with the words, "the Mexicans will conquer or 
cease to exist." 

Soon after the recognition of Texas the United 
States accredited a diplomatic agent, named Alcee 
Labranche, to that government, and received an en- 
voy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary called 
Hunt, an American citizen until very recently, who 
in August 1837 proposed the annexation of Texas 
to the American Union. He found many obstacles in 
the way, the chief ones being that a treaty for its 
accomplishment would involve a war with Mexico, 
and that the requisite two-thirds vote in the senate 
for its ratification could not then be obtained. Pres- 
ident Van Buren 44 was too shrewd a politician to 
risk its rejection and to jeopardize the popularity of 
his administration in the northern states. To decline 
the proposal for the time being would not affect him 
in the southern states. He trusted that by a dexterous 
management of the American claims against Mexico, 
the main obstacle to the annexation would soon be 
removed. In this he was disappointed, as we have 
seen that Mexico's offer to submit the matters in 
controversy to arbitration postponed for several years 
the maturity of that plan. 

The independence of Texas was recognized by 
Great Britain and France, which powers immediately 
afterward sent their diplomatic representatives, the 
former Captain Elliot of Canton war fame, and the 
latter the comte Dubois de Saligny, who in after 
years became so notorious for his diplomatic trickery 
in Mexico. 45 These two nations well knew that Texan 

44 Ycleped the 'old fox,' and more specially the 'northern man with 
southern principles.' 

43 The Mexican minister of foreign affairs refers on the 31st of Jan. 1840, 
to the provisional declarations of the French government relative to its recog- 
nition of Mexico's independence from Spain, adding that no such dilatoriness 
was observed in acknowledging Texan independence from Mexico. Existing 
ties of friendship were as naught; and in the same manner was the fact ig- 
nored that Texan population and resources as compared with those of Mexico 


independence was but a preliminary step toward an- 
nexation to the United States. But it seems that 
certain of their statesmen allowed themselves to be 
carried away with the idea, partly inspired by the 
leading men of Texas with General Houston at their 
head, that the small party existing in the new repub- 
lic who sincerely wanted a separate nationality, and 
looked to a not distant day when they could carry 
her boundaries to the Sierra Madre, would succeed 
in warding off the annexation. Elliot supported that 
party, among whose members the annexationists had 
agents; he even went to Mexico and tried to prevail 
on the government to grant Texas her independence. 
Texas as one of the family of nations now enjoyed 
facilities for trade of which both her citizens and those 
of the United States availed themselves to the fullest 
extent; and it may well be supposed that war mate- 
rial greatly entered into it, to the further displeasure 
of the Mexican government. Hence its protest on the 
12th of May, 1842, wherein the minister Bocanegra 
accused the American government of flagrant vio- 
lations of the treaty of friendship between the two 
nations in allowing its citizens to afford personal and 
other aid to Texas, and even at public meetings and in 
other ways, to promote her annexation to the United 
States. 46 The Mexican minister asked if the United 
States could act in a more hostile manner toward his 
government short of actual war. This protest was 
reiterated on the 31st of May, Bocanegra expressing 
"regrets that, to judge from facts patent to all the 
world, the United States cabinet and authorities ob- 
serve a conduct openly opposed to the most sacred 
rights of men and to the solemn pact of friendship ex- 
isting between two nations." Repeating the charges 
of his previous note, he adds that the " countenancing 
of this toleration will be regarded as positively hostile 

were insufficient. Without giving Mexico any prior notice, France recog- 
nized Texas and made a treaty of amity and commerce with her. Mex. , Mem. 
Melaclones, in Diario del Gob., May 20, 1840. 

46 Corroborative documents accompanied the protest. 


to the republic." The matter was also formally brought 
to the attention of the other members of the diplo- 
matic corps residing in Mexico. I epitomize in a 
note this circular, and the correspondence with Min- 
ister Thompson arising from it. 4r Bocanegra's first 
complaint was answered by the American envoy on 
the 5th of September, under instructions of July 8th 
and 13th from Secretary Webster. He sustained 
the right of the United States to promote trade with 
independent Texas, 48 though recognizing the right of 
Mexico, as a belligerent, to intercept all articles em- 
braced within the term 'contraband of war.' He re- 
minded the Mexican government that under the 
treaty of 1831 obstructions to legitimate trade were 
guarded against. As to neutrality toward the bellig- 

47 The note to the legations of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Prussia 
explained Mexico's good faith toward the U. S., and complained of the aid af- 
forded, against her rights, in men, arms, and money, to the Texan rebels. The 
American envoy, Waddy Thompson, then, on the Gth of June, also addressed 
his colleagues a note denying the allegations of the Mexican government. 
He argued, cpioting Vattel and the treaty with Mexico, that American citizens 
had a right to send war material to either belligerent, though such material 
was liable to seizure by the other. He concluded saying that though the U. 
S. looked on war without cause as the greatest of crimes, they would not 
shrink from it if necessary to uphold their rights and great principles. Boca- 
negra, on the 6th of July, objected to Thompson's circular, claiming that the 
American legation should have waited till the answer from the secretary of 
state had come. Referring to the oft-repeated charges, he said that his gov- 
ernment expected that contraband trade would occur, but had a right to ob- 
ject to its being countenanced by the U. S. government, as such a course, on 
the part of the latter, rendered it as guilty as the offenders themselves. Bo- 
canegra insisted on the fact that the Texan rebels for a long time past had 
openly kept an agency in New Orleans; that Texan war vessels were built 
and repaired in the U. S.; that the proclamation of the Texan president call- 
ing for the aid of Americans had been published; that a commission had been 
recruiting men and procuring supplies openly in New Orleans; that the legis- 
latures of Louisiana and Kentucky, and members of the national congress, had 
urged war against Mexico. The two war vessels claimed to have been al- 
lowed to leave the U. S. for Mexico to fight against Texas were despatched 
as American vessels with regular papers, and after full guaranties had been 
furnished; and yet they had been detained at the moment of sailing, and only 
unwillingly permitted to sail. But Texan vessels publicly recruited and refitted 
at New Orleans to cruise against Mexican trade and to wage war against Mexi- 
can ports. Ilex., Mem. Relaciones, 1844, xli.-lxii.; Bustamante, JJiario Mex., 
MS., xlv. 53; U. S. Govt., Cong. 27, Ses. 8, Sen. Doc. 1, pp. 146-57, vol. i., 
H. Ex. Doc. 1, pp. 144-55, vol. i.; Thompson's Recoil. Mex., 284-303; JSfiles' 
Heg., lxii. 305, 318-19, 321, 326-9, 333. 

48 Secretary Webster received Bocanegra's first note on the 29th of June, 
and his second on the 9th of July. Thompson's despatches, and a copy of 
his answer to Bocanegra's circular to the diplomatic corps, reached the state 
department at Washington about the 3d of July. 


erents, the United States government had provided 
for its strict observance, and had heard of no enrol- 
ment of troops or equipment of ships. Giving or 
lending money by Americans, he contended, was per- 
fectly legal, and as to the expression of opinion at 
public meetings on Texas affairs, American citizens 
enjoyed that privilege under the general laws of the 
United States. The American government also de- 
clared that the emigration to Texas consisted of men 
who in the exercise of their rights and free will changed 
their domicile and nationality ; if such men went back 
to the United States and claimed American citizen- 
ship after serving a foreign country, then the govern- 
ment could take action respecting them, but not be- 
fore. 49 The declaration that Mexico would regard 
aggressions by American citizens as a violation of the 
treaty of friendship between the two republics, he 
added, had greatly surprised his government, and its 
onlv answer thereto must be that Mexico was de- 
mancling what could not be conceded, and if she should 
break the peace she must abide the consequences. 
To Bocanegra's second note Thompson replied that 
the president of the United States considered his lan- 
guage and tone as highly offensive, implying as it did 
want of faith on the part of the American govern- 
ment. The latter would not, however, alter its course, 
which was one of impartial neutrality. 

Bocanegra was evidently anxious to keep the peace, 
for on the 10th of September he accepted the declara- 
tion of the United States of their intention to ob- 
serve a strict neutrality. 

An incident occurred the same year that tended to 
widen the breach and increase the alarm of Mexico. 

49 Mexico was reminded that when she was fighting against Spain she re- 
ceived all who came to her standard from the United States or Europe, and 
that in her warfare against Texas, before 1836, au American held high com- 
mand in the Mexican army stationed in that country. The constitution and 
laws allowed no interdiction of legal trade or emigration to Texas. Should 
the emigrant, however, enlist there he would be no longer entitled to Amer- 
ican protection, as the government of the U. S. must look on Texas as a for- 
eign independent nation. 


This was the capture and surrender of Monterey in 
Upper California, by Commodore Thomas Ap C. 
Jones. 50 

The Texas question was one pregnant with dis- 
agreeable complications for Mexico. Projects being 
contemplated to introduce French and English colo- 
nists into Texas, under concessions of the Texan gov- 
ernment, the secretary of foreign relations, on the 19th 
of April, 1843, notified the diplomatic corps that such 
immigrants would not be recognized by his govern- 
ment as bona fide settlers. To translate his own 
words, "They will be treated as real invaders and 
enemies of Mexico, . . . and will receive condign 
punishment;" that Mexican troops in Texas would ac- 
cord to persons calling themselves consuls only the 
rights of foreign neutrals. The representatives of 
powers that had recognized Texas as a nation insisted 
on the right of their governments to accredit consuls 
in Texas, and of their citizens or subjects to settle in 
the country, holding Mexico amenable for any disre- 
spect to their agents, or for injuries to the persons or 
property of their innocent subjects. 51 

50 Bocanegra's two notes, having been published in a Mexican journal, fell 
at T3allao into the commodore's hands, together with a Boston newspaper, copy- 
ing from another of New Orleans a false rumor of British interference, to the 
effect that Mexico had ceded California to Great Britain for seven million 
dollars. The commodore, from the tenor of those notes, jumped at the con- 
clusion that Mexico had declared war against the United States; and there 
being at the time in the Pacific three British war-ships, of whose business he 
had obtained no knowledge, he thought they were going to take possession 
of the supposed recent purchase. Jones resolved to be before them, and sailed 
for the coast of Mexico. Reaching Monterey, the capital of California, on the 
19fch of Oct., and finding the territory still under the Mexican flag, without 
more ado he took formal possession of the place on the next day, only to dis- 
cover his error one day later, and to find himself obliged to restore the Mexi- 
can flag, with an apology for his proceeding. The American government of 
course disavowed the commodore's act; but Mexico's demand for his punish- 
ment was disregarded. She was told that he had 'intended no indignity.' 
Bustamante, Diario Mex., MS., xlvi. 69. Full details given in Hist. CaL, 
this series. 

51 Doyle, British chargd, said on the 20th that his government having ac- 
knowledged Texan nationality, British consuls and subjects must be respected 
by Mexico. The French legation took the same view. Spain and Prussia not 
having recognized Texas, their representatives referred the subject to their 
respective superiors. The American minister said that the U. S. claimed no 
rights over those who had joined the Texan army or become citizens of 


Apprehensions of a possible collision with Great 
Britain on the north-eastern boundary question no 
longer existing, the United States government re- 
solved that the annexation of Texas should not be 
dela}^ed, notwithstanding the opposition of a large 
element in the northern states. 52 

As early as the 23d of August, 1843, the Mexican 
government, on hearing that a proposition would soon 
be submitted to the deliberations of the congress of 
the United States to incorporate Texas with them, 
notified the American envoy, for the information of 
his government, that an act of annexation passed by 
that congress would be looked on by Mexico as a 
casus belli. This brought out an undiplomatic reply 
the very next day from Minister Thompson, warning 
the Mexican government against a repetition of such 
threats, which he considered incompatible with the 
respect due alike to his government and to that of 
Mexico. If intended for intimidation, he said, they 
would have no effect; and if as a warning, they were 
unnecessary. The American republic had its char- 
Texas; but could not accept the declaration as far as it related to American 
consuls who had to reside in the country to protect American citizens and 
trade. Bocanegra, on the 27th of May, wrote the British charge' that only 
persons in arms or plotting against Mexico would be treated as enemies; but 
Mexico could not hold herself responsible for injury to others that had 
entered Texas fully aware of the effects of the unavoidable struggle. Consuls, 
if not found aiding the rebels, would be treated as neutrals; for to recognize 
them as foreign officials would involve the recognition of Texas. To the 
French minister he said that land grants by the Texan government would be 
looked upon as invalid. Doyle replied on the 7th of June, hoping that Mexi- 
can troops would respect the property and persons of peaceable residents, or 
his government would claim indemnity for innocent parties injured. The 
French minister said the same, with this addition, namely, that he had in- 
structions to represent to Mexico the bad effects of her disregard of popular 
rights in Texas, and to seek their recognition. Bocanegra then, on the 11th 
of July, 1843, informed the French envoy that the Mexican troops would re- 
spect the property of foreigners, but not any grants obtained from the Texan 
authorities, inasmuch as they were usurpations from Mexico. He declared 
that Mexico was forbearing in war, though false reports represented her as 
cruel. Mex., Mem. Belaciones, 1844, lxxi.-lxxxvi. 

52 The southern slave-holders were now so determined that at the close of 
the session of congress in March 1843 a number of its members, headed by J. Q. 
Adams, issued an address of warning to the American people against the plans 
of annexation for extending the area of slavery, which might even bring on a 
dissolution of the Union; at the same time pointing out the gross infringement 
of treaty obligations toward Mexico, involved by those plans. Jay's Eev. 
Mex. War, S8. 


acter in its own keeping, and needed no admonition 
to save it from stain or dishonor. Bocanegra dis- 
claimed any intention to threaten, and still less to 
provoke and excite; but resolved to use the right 
that no one could deny his country, that of regard- 
ing the annexation of Texas to the United States as 
a hostile act, involving a violation of international 
law, and particularly of the treaty of April 5, 1831, 
between the two governments. In protesting against 
the violation of her rights she fulfilled an obligation 
peculiar to her sovereignty and independence. 

On the 13th of September, 1843, Mr Upshur, who 
had become President Tyler's secretary of state, in- 
formed the American minister in Mexico of his gov- 
ernment's intention to demand from Mexico that she 
should either make peace with Texas or show her 
ability with respectable forces to prosecute the war. 53 

It is not clear why the government of the United 
States should take umbrage at Mexico's failure to' 
wage an active warfare on its friends in Texas. Its 
animus in the effort to bully Mexico 54 into making 
peace with Texas appears revealed in Secretary Up- 
shur's note of September 8 th to Murphy, American dip- 
lomatic agent in Texas, wherein he speaks of a rumor 
about a scheme in England to furnish the Texan gov- 
ernment with pecuniary means to abolish slavery, in- 
demnifying the masters, and the lenders to receive for 
their money large tracts of land in Texas. Such an 

53 Upshur's predecessor had endeavored to bring about a settlement of the 
war. In Jan. 1843 he directed the American envoy to use his good offices 
with the Mexican secretary to mitigate the animosity of his government. He 
did not doubt Mexico's right to subjugate Texas if she could do so by the 
common and lawful means of war; but other states — specially the United 
States — were interested, 'not only in the restoration of peace between 
them, but in the maimer in which the war shall be conducted, if it shall 
continue.' The envoy was directed to use these suggestions at the time, and 
wa3 likewise informed that 'it is in the contemplation of this government to 
remonstrate in a more formal manner with Mexico, at a period not far dis- 
tant, unless she shall consent to make peace with Texas, or shall show the 
disposition and ability to prosecute the war with respectable forces.' U. S. 
Govt Doc, Cong. 28, Ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc. 271, p. G9, 2, pp. 20-48; Mayer's 
Hint. War Mex.j i. 55-6. 

5t 'The purity of the motives of our government became open to suspicion. ' 
Gallatin's Peace with Mex. , 9. 


attempt, Upshur said, would be viewed with deep con- 
cern by the United States, and must be prevented. 65 
Slavery in Texas was made a subject of discussion in 
the house of lords by Brougham in August 1843, 
when Aberdeen, secretary of foreign affairs, referring 
to the armistice then in force between the belliger- 
ents, hoped it would lead to the acknowledgment 
of Texan independence, adding that the British gov- 
ernment would use its best endeavors to this end. 
Brougham made some remarks in answer to that 
speech, which were considered ominous by the slave 
interest in the United States. 56 British policy on 
the slavery question was well known in the United 
States. Great Britain was pledged to encourage the 
abolition of the slave-trade, and of slavery as far as 
her influence extended, and in every proper way. 
The American minister in London was assured, how- 
ever, by Lord Aberdeen, in November 1843, in refer- 
ence to Texas, that "the suggestion of England having 
made or intending to make the abolition of slavery the 
condition of any treaty arrangement with her was 
wholly without foundation." 

On the 17th of October, 1843, Upshur proposed 
to Texas a treaty of annexation, and General Al- 
monte, the Mexican minister, 57 on the 3d of November 
notified the state department that if the United 
States should commit the 'inaudito atentado' of ap- 
propriating to themselves an integrant portion of the 

55 'It cannot be permitted to succeed without most strenuous efforts on our 
part to avert a calamity so serious to every part of our country. Few calam- 
ities could befall this country more to be deplored than the establishment of 
a predominant British influence, and the abolition of domestic slavery in 
Texas.' Murphy replied, assuming the liberty to give his superior what he 
considered a little wholesome advice; nothing should be said 'which can 
offend even our fanatical brethren of the north; let the United States espouse 
at once the cause of civil, political, and religious liberty in this hemisphere; 
this will be found to be the safest issue to go before the world with.' U. 8. 
Govt Doc, Cong. 28, Ses. 1, H. Ex. Doc. 271; Niles' Reg., lxvi. 1G6. 

50 Nothing could satisfy him more, while the minister's statement 'would 
be hailed with joy by all who were favorable to the object of anti-slavery 
societies.' London Morn. Chronicle, Aug. 19, 1843. 

57 Accredited after Wad dy Thompson was received in Mexico as American 
plenipotentiary. Mex., Mem. Belaciones, 1844, 6, 7. 


Mexican territory he would demand his passports, 
and his country would declare war. Upshur in his 
replies deigned no explanation, and treated the Mexi- 
can declaration with scorn. 58 Things were now work- 
ing well for the United States war clique. 

The Texans at first did not show much eagerness 
to be annexed, which worried Upshur, who then be- 
gan to use menacing language. 59 He endeavors to 
allay any apprehension the Texan government may 
have of a possible rejection by the United States 
senate of the treaty. He assures it that a clear 
majority of two thirds of that body is in favor of it — 
a most extraordinary assertion, indeed, which the re- 
sult failed to sustain. A treaty of annexation was 
finally concluded, 60 and laid before the senate of the 
United States on the 22d of April, 1844, when it 
was rejected by a vote of thirty-five to sixteen. 
Steps had been also adopted to induce Mexico to 
assent to the arrangement. 61 While the treaty was 
under consideration in the senate, a force of about 
1,150 men under General Zachary Taylor was sta- 
tioned at Fort Jesup, near Natchitoches, and a strong 
naval force ordered to the gulf of Mexico, to guard 
American interests in Texas and to check Mexican 
attempts at recon quest. Taylor was directed, if any 
danger threatened Texas, to march with his force to 
the Sabine, but not to go beyond the frontier with- 

58 Two notes passed from each side between Nov. 3d and Dec. 1st, both in- 
clusive. Niks' Reg., lxv. 266-8. 

59 He wrote Murphy, the American agent, Jan. 14, 1844, if the proposal 
for annexation should be rejected, 'instead of being, as we ought to be, the 
closest friends, it is inevitable we shall become the bitterest foes.' Without 
annexation, 'Texas cannot maintain that institution [slavery] ten years — 
probably not half that time.' 

00 April 12, 1844, in nine articles, signed by John C. Calhoun, Upshur's 
successor, for the United States, Isaac Van Zandt and J. Pinckney Henderson 
for Texas. 

61 Gilbert L. Thompson, a special agent of the United States, had a confer- 
ence with Gen. Santa Anna at Puente Nacional on the 17th of May, to obtain 
Mexico's acquiescence, offering a sum of money for differences of limits. His 
proposals were rejected, and Mexico's resolve to reconquer Texas assured 
him. Santa Anna's report of the same date in El Slglo, June 12, 1844, and 
its translation in Niks' Reg., lxvi. 351. 


out further orders. He was to keep everything in 
readiness, however, for a possible campaign. 

The failure to secure the senate's ratification of the 
treaty opened the eyes of the president and his cabi- 
net to the necessity of removing obstacles. The chief 
argument relied on was that war had virtually ceased 
between Mexico and Texas. But the Mexican gov- 
ernment was now roused to activity, and issued some 
threatening proclamations indicative of a purpose to 
subdue Texas. Though Mexican efforts to that end 
must prove abortive, yet the existence of active war 
would be an argument against annexation, and if an- 
nexation was carried out, the United States must 
needs be a party to the war. Hence, the American 
government resolved at once to remonstrate against a 
further prosecution of the war and against the san- 
guinary manner in which it was waged. Shannon, 
the present envoy, was instructed on the 14th of 
October to that effect, and lost no time in carrying 
out his instructions in a manner that left no doubt 
the United States were determined to utterly disre- 
gard Mexican rights to and over Texas. Mexico, in 
her exhausted condition, could resent the insult with 
words only, but they were dignified and truthful 
words, and grounded on honesty and common sense. 
The particulars of the correspondence between this 
minister and Manuel C. Rejon, the Mexican secretary, 
which brought on a suspension of diplomatic inter- 
course, are given in a note attached. 62 

62 Shannon accused Mexico of barbarous practices in the manner of waging 
war, confessing that his government for twenty years past had fostered the 
policy of detaching Texas from Mexico with the ulterior view of her annexation 
to its territory for the safety and welfare of the latter; and now it would not 
permit Mexico to renew the war for the purpose of defeating the annexation. 
He clearly intimated that in view of the importance of Texas to the United 
States, the American government would espouse her cause. Rcjon repelled 
such pretensions, declaring that the American president was greatly mis- 
•taken in supposing that Mexico would yield to the menace which h.?., ' ex- 
ceeding the powers given him by the fundamental law of his nation,' had di- 
rected against her. His arguments are powerful, but the great length of his 
note precludes its insertion here. After some comments on the conduct of 
the U. S., to show that the latter were practising a 'descarada usurpacion,' 
he scathingly says: ' If one party labors to obtain more ground to blot it with 


President Tyler keenly felt the rebuke inflicted on 
him by the Mexican foreign office, and while yet 
writhing under it, in his message of December 19th, 
to congress, confined himself to comments on "the 
extraordinary and highly offensive language which 
the Mexican government had thought proper to em- 
ploy." He believed Mexico's conduct merited pun- 
ishment; but abstained, as he said, through a sincere 
desire to preserve peace, from recommending any 
measures of redress, and simply urged " prompt and 
immediate action on the subject of annexation." 

Tyler's term of office- was near its close. His suc- 
cessor, Polk, had been nominated as the candidate of 
the democratic party, on the pledge to carry out the 
immediate annexation of Texas. The democrats of 
the north had been forced at the party's convention 
to accept his candidacy, and to submit to the demands 
of the slave-holders of the south. Polk was elected, 
and stood as the champion of Texas annexation, repre- 
senting the national will on that point. 

The former plan of annexing Texas by treaty, in- 
volving its ratification by a two-thirds vote of the 
senate under constitutional provision, was now aban- 
doned, Tyler having discovered, as he and the sup- 
porters of annexation claimed, that the object in view 
could be accomplished by means of joint resolutions 

the enslavement of a hapless branch of the human family, the other is trying 
to diminish, by preserving its own, the incentive that the former seeks for so 
detestable a traffic. Let the world now decide which of the two has justice 
and reason on its part.' The New Orleans Dee declared the answer couched in 
courteous and respectful terms; but it had made Shannon wrathful, and 
prompted his unheeded demand for an immediate retraction on penalty of dis- 
continuance of all further diplomatic intercourse till he received instructions 
from his government. Itejon then retorted that the American minister's re- 
luctance to discuss the conduct of his government was not surprising. 'And 
indeed, to what else can be attributed this exclusive desire to claim for him- 
self, his nation, and his government the respect denied by him to the Mexi- 
can republic and its government, to which he has so often applied the term 
"barbarous" in his note of Oct. 14th? Is the government of the United States 
superior in dignity? or has its legislature any right to be thus disrespectful to 
a government to whom it has refused that courtesy which is due even to mere 
individuals ? Instead of withdrawing his letter, he is ordered to reiterate his 
former statements. ' 21 ex., Mem. Relaciones, Docs Justif., 1847, 41-GO; Niles' 
Re<j., lxvii. 224, 234-5. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 22 


of the two houses of congress. 63 In short, the joint 
resolutions had been passed on the 1st of March, 
1845, the senate leaving, however, to the president 
the option of effecting the annexation by resolu- 
tion or by treaty, 64 which that functionary promptly 
availed himself of. A messenger was at once de- 
spatched with a letter from Secretary Calhoun to the 
American representative in Texas to propose the 
resolutions of annexation to the acceptance of the 
Texan government. 65 On the 4th of July Texas 
agreed to be annexed, 66 and on the 22d of December, 
1845, she formally became a member of the Ameri- 
can Union. The European governments which had 
recognized Texas as a nation, albeit they had endeav- 
ored to prevail on her to retain her independent status, 
made no objection to the change effected. 67 

It is almost needless to state that General Almonte, 
the Mexican minister, upon the official publication of 
the joint resolutions, on the 7th of March, demanded 
his passports after addressing a protest to the diplo- 
matic corps at Washington against the spoliation thus 
decreed of his country's territory. 63 This was fol- 

63 See his message of Dec. 1844. Id., 222. 

64 In the house it was adopted by a majority of 22 votes; in the senate, 
finally, by a majority of two. Id., 369, 378-83, 401. 

65 Some of the most prominent American statesmen and jurists not only 
pronounced this device unconstitutional, but the whole plan of annexation 
and the consequent war, violent, unjust, pernicious, and unprincipled. Among 
these were Chancellor Kent, Judge William Jay, Charles Sumner, Theodore 
Parker, Giddings, and many others. See Kent's and Jay's letters in Id., 
lxviii. 89-90; Jay's Rev. War Mex. , 104; Sumner's Orations, ii. 131-62, 186- 
95; Parker's Sermon on Mex. War, Am. Rev., ii. 221-9, iii. 565-80, iv. 1-16, 
v. 217-30, vi. 331; Giddings" 1 Speeches in Gong., 250-63; Mansfield's Mex. War, 
9-19; Livermore's War with Mex., 5-40. On the other hand, the authors and 
upholders of the annexation plot were numerous and able, though interested 
in the scheme of enlarging the area of slave territory, and to a great extent 
unprincipled. Among the most prominent was Thos H. Benton, a man always 
too ready to sacrifice right to interest. See Benton's Debates in Cong., xv. 241, 
487, 622, 664; Benton's Thirty Years' View, ii. 639-49, 679-711. 

66 The convention held at Austin voted 55 ayes against one nay, Richard 
Bache's being the only negative vote. That action was almost unanimously 
ratified by the people Oct. 10th. Thrall's Hist. Texas, 348-50. 

67 Their commercial treaties with Texas accordingly ceased to have any 

68 The correspondence may be found in M onitor Gonstituc. Ind., 1845, March 
22d, 29th, and May 3d; Boletln de Notic, 1845, March 31st; U. S. Govt, Cong. 
28, Ses. 2, Sen. Journ., 142; Niks' Reg., lxviii. 17, 84, 117; Mayer's Hist. 
War Mex. , i. 76. 


lowed by a correspondence in Mexico between Secre- 
tary Cuevas and the American legation, in which the 
former signified the resolution of his government to 
close all relations with the United States, and there- 
with enclosed him his passports. The fact was also 
formally made known to the other foreign represent- 
atives. 69 The next step of the Mexican government 
was to announce the condition of affairs to the nation, 
summoning the people to take up arms in defence of 
their country's rights and honor. 70 

Measures were decreed to raise a large loan, in 
order to meet the expenses of the impending war. 71 
Generals Arista, Paredes, and Graona with their divi- 
sions, numbering together about 1,000 men, were 
ordered to the front. It was still hoped, notwith- 
standing these preparations, that war might be averted 
through foreign mediation or otherwise. 

On the other hand, the American government 
thought proper to concentrate on the frontier of 
Mexico 72 all the disposable portion of the United 
States army. Arms, ammunition, and supplies of all 
kinds in considerable quantities were shipped for the 
same destination. A strong fleet was also despatched 
to the coast of Mexico. In one word, the military 
and naval departments used all necessary means to 

69 The note passed may be seen in Niks' Beg., lxviii. 134-5. 

70 March 29, 1845, the government urged on the departmental authorities 
the utmost zeal to defend the national honor, and the respect due the supreme 
powers. From that time a number of war measures were adopted. Among 
them were the following: on the 13th of May, wheresoever American vessels 
might make their appearance the consuls should cease exercising official func- 
tions, and American citizens should be made to reside in the interior, at least 
60 miles from the coast; on the 30th of May, that the American consuls in 
Mexico, and Mexican consuls in the United States, should cease acting as 
such. Mex., Mem. Relariones, 1847, 8-10; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., 
MS., ii. 221-3; Amigo del Pueblo, 1845, July 19th, Sept. 4th; Mies' Reg., 
lxviii. 305; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 19-22; Mix., Col. Ley. y 
Dec., 1844-6, 117-20; Mex., Decretos, Min., 1845, no. 19. 

71 Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaz, i. 43-53, 71-2; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., 
MS., ii. 14-99 passim, 210, 221, iii. 14-15, 77-8, 113-K, 140; Niks' Reg., 
lxviii. 388; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 36. 

72 The United States regarded Texas as extending to the Rio Bravo or 
Grande on two grounds: 1st, on the declaration of the Texan congress in 
December, 1836; and 2d, that said river had been the natural limit of Louisi- 
ana. Both grounds were untenable. 


guard the Texan frontier, and to intimidate Mexico. 
The troops, however, had orders to stand on the de- 
fensive as long as they could fairly and properly do 
so, and not to commit or provoke any hostilities. 73 
General Taylor accordingly encamped in June at 
Corpus Christi, ready to advance on the Rio Bravo. 

Texas secured, Mexico exasperated, and diplomatic 
relations at an end, everything was now favorable to 
secure the war determined upon, and which would re- 
sult in the acquisition of more valuable territory, in- 
cluding much-coveted California. But such a war, to 
be popular or even tolerated in the northern states of 
the American union, must be made to appear a war 
by the act of Mexico. It would, be a fine stroke to 
pretend to further negotiation, or even conciliation, 
howsoever hypocritical they might be, and these fail- 
ing, as care should be taken that they should fail, then 
Mexico might easily be provoked to strike the first 
blow. It would then be, on the part of the United 
States, a war of defence, not of aggression, and the 
national conscience would remain satisfied. This was 
the policy adopted by the administration of President 
Polk, and it met with the most infamous success. 

Now for the first step, namely, renewing the nego- 
tiations. On the 13th of October, 1845, John Black, 
consul of the United States in the city of Mexico, 
confidentially apprised Secretary Pena y Pena of the 
desire of the American secretary of state that the 
Mexican government should receive an envoy clothed 
with powers to arrange the questions pending between 
the two republics. Two days afterward Pena delivered 
Black a written reply of the 14th, saying that though 
the Mexican nation had been deeply injured by the 
acts of the United States in the department of Texas, 
his government was disposed to receive a commissioner 

73 The details of those measures accompanied the American president's 
message of December 8, 18-16. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 20, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 
Doc. 4, pp. 3-20; Am. Quart. Rev., i. 3S-S4. 


clothed with powers to settle the present dispute 7 * 
in a peaceful, reasonable, and decorous manner; and 
thus give a new proof that notwithstanding those in- 
juries and its firm decision to exact adequate repara- 
tion, it would not repel with contumely peaceful over- 
tures. The secretary did not agree to receive a 
minister fully empowered to adjust all questions in 
dispute, but expressly alludes to the dispute about 
Texas. His language refers to a commissioner, who 
was to come and offer — not demand — reparation for 
the alleged injury inflicted in Texas. Such seems to 
be the inference that should be drawn from his lan- 
guage, and yet the wording may have been intended 
to leave the Mexican government the option to reject 
an American minister, or to refuse entering with him 
into negotiations on other topics than Texas, if cir- 
cumstances demanded such a course. If Pefla's reply 
was intentionally equivocal, the American govern- 
ment, with equal diplomacy, accepted it as a full and 
explicit answer to Consul Black's question. Polk's 
government must have acted not only with its eyes 
open, but likewise with an ulterior and sinister design. 
It asked for no explanation, and hurried off John Sli- 
dell &s envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- 
tiary, and gave him full powers to discuss and settle 
all disputed questions. That was three weeks before 
the meeting of congress, and before his confirmation 
by the senate. 

There were two other suggestions, at least one of 
which was intended as a condition sine qua non, name- 
ly, that the American squadron stationed off Vera 
Cruz should retire, inasmuch as its presence there 
would degrade Mexico in receiving the commissioner, 
and at the same time place the United States in an 
equivocal position, apparently contradicting the vehe- 
ment desire for conciliation, peace, and friendship that 

74 ' Esta dispuesto a recibir al comisionado que de los Estados Unidos venga 
a esta capital con plenos poderes de su gobierno para arreglar de un modo 
pacifico, razonable y decoroso la contienda presente.' Alex., Mem. Jielacioiies, 
1847, 11, and Doc. Juslif., 8-10; Niks' IZeg. t lxx. 205. 


was offered and assured with words. Pena's other 
remark was that he hoped the United States would 
send a person " whose dignified deportment, prudence, 
and moderation, and the discreetness and reasonable- 
ness of whose proposals will tend to calm, as much as 
possible, the just irritation of the Mexicans." But 
care was taken by the Washington officials that the 
chosen agent should not be one who would in any 
wise attempt a calming influence. 

The envoy arrived inopportunely at Vera Cruz, 
December 3, 1845, and Consul Black was asked to 
prevail on him to postpone his visit to Mexico, as he 
had not been expected before January, by which time 
the government hoped to receive the assent and ap- 
proval of the departments, so as to be able " to pro- 
ceed in the affair with greater safety." 

The minister, however, addressed his first note to 
Secretary Pena on the 8th of December in Mexico, 
accompanying his credentials, and though the fleet 
had not wholly retired, the correspondence began. 
The question of Slidell's reception having been sub- 
mitted by the executive, for advice, to the council of 
government, that body decided on the 16th that he 
was not in duty bound to receive him in that capac- 
ity. 75 This solution of the point was written to Sec- 
retary Buchanan on the 20th, and also to Slidell; 
and to the latter were communicated in detail the 
grounds for the Mexican government's action. Sli- 
dell refused to transmit Pena's note to Buchanan 
because it was sealed. The American envoy again 
on the 24th addressed the department of relations, 
and in a long argument endeavored to charge the 
Mexican government with equivocation, and laid 
stress upon other matters that the United States 

75 ' The obligation assumed by the supreme government of receiving a 
plenipotentiary of the U. S., with special powers to treat on the affair of Texas, 
does not bind it to receive an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- 
tiary appointed to reside near the government, in which capacity Mr Slidell 
has come, according to his credentials.' Mex., Mem. Eelaciones, 1847; Doc. 
Justif.y 16. 


required a settlement of, referring specially to pend- 
ing claims of American citizens. 76 Prior to this a 
change of administration through revolution had 
occurred, and his last note aforesaid not having 
been answered, Slidell, from Jalapa on the 1st of 
March, 1846, tried to obtain a recognition from 
Joaquin Castillo y Lanzas, who was now secretary 
of relations, and met with the same refusal as be- 
fore. 77 After some further correspondence without 
any change in the government's resolution, Slidell 
demanded his passport, which was sent him on the 
21st of March. 78 

Meantime, in the early part of the foregoing dip- 
lomatic imbroglio, Slidell having apprised the state 
department 79 that the Mexican government would 
probably refuse to treat with him except on the Texas 
question, all hope of acquiring California by peace- 
able negotiations now vanished, and at once orders 
were transmitted to General Taylor to march to the 
Rio Grande. The American government was bent 
on war, professedly for two causes: first, the injuries 
said to have been inflicted on American citizens, which 
were to be atoned for by Mexico with money; and sec- 
ond^the insults involved in the imputations of bad faith 

76 The amount now claimed was a little over eight million dollars. The 
commissioners and umpire, under the treaty for settlement of American 
claims, rejected as spurious and fraudulent over five and a half millions. 
The unliquidated claims amounted, after deducting the award, to $6,455,464. 
Of these, the American government, by the treaty of peace with Mexico, as- 
sumed the payment of such as might be found valid, not exceeding, however, 
$3,250,000, so that claims amounting to §3,205,464 at least were abandoned 
altogether, and Mexico by treaty stipulation was released from all obligation 
to pay them. 

77 The government council had reiterated the advice of last December. 

78 The whole correspondence may be found in U. S. Govt, Cong. 29, Ses. 
1, H. Ex. Doc. 196; M6x., Mem. Belaciones, 1847, 7-12, and Doc. Justif., 11- 
46; Niks' Beg., lxx. 204-7, lxxi. 20, 270-1, lxxii. 58-9. The same and other 
interesting details in Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Alex., MS., iii. 46-51, 80-210, 
passim, iv. 82-4, 117; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 272-4; Id., Nuevo Bemal Diaz, 
i. 3-18, 43-53, 71-2, 92-4, 105; Arrangoiz, 3Iej., ii. 262-73; Mem. Hist., 
1846, Jan. 17, 19; El Tiempo, 1846, Mar. 9, 22, Ap. 23; Bivera, Hist. 
Jalapa, iii. 745-6; Apuntes Hist. Guerra, 24-5; Gallatin 's Peace with Mex., 
9-13; Mansfield 's Mex. War, 27-30; Bamsey's Other Side, 28-9; Mayer's Mex. 
Aztec, i. 331-3; Id., Hist. War Mex., i. 79-81; Jay's Bev. Mex. War, 111-16; 
Cong. Globe, 1845, app. 2. 

7a His first despatch reached Washington January 12, 1846. 


cast by the Mexican rulers on the government at Wash- 
ington for its course in Texas. There were two other 
causes, which were kept in the background, the acqui- 
sition of California, and the desire to extend the area 
of slavery. 

Cong. Globe, 1835-6, 24, index 33-4; 1836-7, 6, 12, 94; 1837, 8; 1837-8, 9, 
21, app. 35-6; 1838-9, 15; 1839-40, 304, 368, 428, 431; 1841, pp. v., viii., ex- 
tra, p. vi.; 1S41-2, p. vi. app. 513; 1842-3, 30; 1844-5, 50, 64, 77, 127, 140, 
209, 259, app. 1, 27, 101, 128; 1845, app. 2; 1845-6. pp. x.-xi., xxviii. app., 
passim; 1847-8, 4, 274; 1851-2, 100; Cong. Debates, 1834-5, i. 929-30; 1835-6, 
iii. 3493, 3593; 1836-7, i. 723-4, 854-7, 9S2, 986, ii. 1912-18, xiii. 723-4, 
854-5, 982-6; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 10-12, 20-6, ii. 25-39; Id., Mem. 
Hist. Max., ii.-iii. passim, iv. 82-4, 117; Id., Nuevo Bernal Diaz, i. 43-53, 
71-2, 92-4, 105; Id., Hist. Sta Anna, 82, 272-4, MS., ii. 38; Id., Diario Mex., 
MS., xliv. 181, xlv. 53, xlvi. 69; Brook's Hist., 6-104; Rejon, Justific, 1-35; 
Ramsey's Other Side, 22-3, 28-9; Atocha's Statement; Jenkins'' Mex. War, 25- 
6, 43-6, 64-9, 96-8; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 331-3; Id. Mex. as It Was, 311- 
12; Id., Hist. Mex. War, 26-32, 54-66, 76-84, 113-23; Boa Bdrcena, Recuer- 
dos, 1-31; Taylor's Broad Pennant, 201-22; Payno, Conven. Mex., 15; Vallejo, 
Col. Doc. Mex., ii. no. 333; Amer. Review, ii. 221-9, iii. 565-80, iv. 1-16, v. 
217-30, 325-38, vi. 331; Ceballos, Vind. Mex., 47-77, 93-7, 129-35; Bolet. de 
Not., 1845, March 31, 1-2; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 639; Id., Hist. Jalapa, 
iii. passim; La Abeja, 1844, Oct. -Nov., 70-1, 119, 181; Falconers On Discov. 
Miss., 55-9; Livermore's War with Mex., 5-50, 162-7, 187-200, 259-86; El 
Arco-Iris, Aug. 26, 1847, 1-2; Def. Integ. Nac, Nov. 16, 1844, 4; Monit. Con- 
stit., March-May 1845, passim; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., 21; Otero, Ensayo 
Cuest. Polit., 94-5; Young's Am. Statesman, 835-49; Id., Hist. Mex., 311, 
323; Polk, Me.nsage, 1-53;' Derecho Intern. Mex., 1st pt 180-93, 2d pt 154-68; 
Federacion y Texas, 13-39; Ariz., Howell's Code, 469-72; Becher, Mex., 56-7; 
Gwin's Memoirs, 205-6; Claimants on Mex.; Crane's Past. etc. of Pacific, 63- 
4; Baldwin's Claim; Mex. Pamphlets, v.; Domenech, Hist, du Mex., ii. 192-8; 
Porter's Review Mex. War, 36-51; Viglietti, Resena, 1-18; El Pabel. Nac, 
Oct. -Dec. 1844, passim; Cal. Star, April 3, 1847; The Califomian, June 5, 
1847; Amigo del Pueblo, July-Dec. 1845, passim; El Constit., April 16, 1844; 
Benton's Thirty Years View, ii. 639-49, 679-711; Id. Deb. in Congr., xv. 241, 
487, 622, 664; Morse's Speech; Peterson's Mil. Heroes, ii. 26-9, 137-60; Hays' 
Scraps, Cal. Notes, v. 54; Holmes' Speech on Mex. War; Cartas de D. Valen- 
tin Gomez Farias; Doc. Hist. Mex., no. 14; Jay's Mex. War, 9-271; Mex., 
Corresp. sobre Paso del Sabina. Sl-122; Id., Apuntes Hist. Guerra, 6-28; Id., 
Contest. Legac Ext., 81-120; Id., Col. Leyesy Dec, 1840, 492-505; Id., Con- 
testae habidas, 3-11; Id., Dec. Min., 1845, no. 20; Id., Discus., Diet, sobre 
Tejas, 1-37; Id., Diet. Agreg. Tejas, 1-8; Am. Quart. Reg., i. 8-17, 38-S4, 
534-41; Gallatin's Peace with Mex., 5-14; Rivero, Mex. en lSJf2, 214-31; 
Southern Quart. Rev., ii. 107-12, xv. 83-113; Memor. Hist., Jan. 5, 17, 19, 
etc., 1846; Parker's Sermon Mex. War; Wood's Wand. Sketches, 302-4; 
Capron's Hist. Cal., 38; Mansfield's Mex., 27-30; Hansard's Pari. Rcc, 
lxxxviii. 978-95; Parrott's Memorial, in Mex. Pamphl., v.; Thompson's Re- 
coll. Mex., 222-9, 238-41, 279-304; La Minerva, April-May 1845, passim; 
Gutierrez Estrada, M6j. en 1840 y 1847, 1-55; Giddings' Speeches in Cong., 
250-3; El Razonador, Jan. 19, 1848; Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 178-93; Payo 'de 
N. Me]., Aug. 2, 1845, 4; Furber's Volunteer, 13-44, 272-4; Tribune Aim., 
1847, 7-8, 17; 1848, 4-6; Webster's Speech, pp. 23, no. 29, in Mex. War 
Pamphl.; Cor win's Speech, no. 1, in Cong. Speeches, i. ; Sumner's Orations, ii. 
131-62, 186-95; Grattan's Civ. America, ii. 446-50; Escalera y Liana, Mex. 
hist.-descrij)t.. 81, 93; Mex., Claims on; Mex. War Pamphlets, nos 2, 3, 6, 8- 
13, 16-18, 21, 25, 27, 30; Green's Journal, 382-405; Guerra entre Mex. y los 


Est. Un., 1-28; Santangelo's Memorial; Id., Claims on Mcx.; Id., A Lesson to 
Mr Harding; Id., Address; Id., Charges against Velasquez de Leon; Mex. 
Treaties, ii. nos 10, 12; Montgomery's Life of Z. Taylor, GO-373; Buxton's Ad- 
vent., 304—6; Tejas, Diet. Com., 1-11; Id., Ult. Comunic., 1-22; Id., Supl., 1- 
30; Id., Com. Agreg. Est. Un., 3-30; Niles' Register, xlix. 334, 339-41, li. 
225, 378, 409-13, index 'Mex.,' lii. passim, liii. 45-8, 90, 102, 273, 280, 385, 
Hv. 147, 336, 385, 387, 407, 415, index 'Mex.,' lvi. 25-6, 213-14, 242, 348, 
384, lvii. 132, 180, index 'Texas,' 'Mex.,' lviii. 107, 218, 274, 305, 370, 388, 
index 'Texas,' 'Mex.,' lix. 97, lx. 33, 130, 337, index 'Mex.,' lxi. 11, 14-15, 
37, 53, 395, 412, lxii. passim, lxiii. 3-4, 51, 83, 227, 242, lxiv. 51, lxv. 264-8, 
lxvi.-lxxi. passim, lxxii. 58-9; Tornel, Tejas Est. Un., 79-80; El Tiempo, 
Jan. 24-5, March 9, 22, April 23, 1846; Ripley's War Mex., i. 43-84, 496-510; 
Semmes' Service Afloat, 41-67; Robinson's Mex. and Her Mil., 304-12; Shack- 
ford's Citizen's Appeal, 3-40; Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1846, 1-43, annexes 1-17; 
Id., Mem. Min. Rel., 1838, 10-14; 1839, 6-8; 1841, 11-14; 1844, passim; 1845, 
16-22; 1846, passim; 1847, 1-60, doc. 13-26; 1850, 6-10; Chih., Represent, 8, 
10; Paredes y Arrillaqa, Manif, 1-19; Repub. of U. S., 77-99, 101-12, 212- 
17, 236-58, 288; Arrangoiz, Mej., ii. 251-2, 257-8, 262-73; Pena y Pena, 
Comunic, 1-35; Arrillaga, Recop., 1837, 391-2, 399; Dublan and Lozano, 
Legis. Mex., ii. 411, iii. 392, 712-16; Pap. Varios, lxxx. pt 8, lxxxv. pt 15, 
lxxxvi. pts 1, 8, xcix. pts 1, 2, cvii. pt 1, exeviii. pt 4; U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 
24, Ses. 2, Sen. 1, vol. i., pp. 4-5, 26-105; 160, vol. ii., pp. 1-170; 189, vol. ii., 
passim; H. Jour., 354-5; H. Com. Rept, 281, vol. ii.; H. Ex. 105, 139, 281; 
Id., Cong. 25, Ses. 2, H. Ex., 3, pp. 6-8, 31-164, vol. i.; 75, vol. ii.; Id., 
Cong. 26, Ses. 1, Acts and Resol., 22-3, 111-18; H. Ex. 2, p. 6, 190, vol. iv.; 
Id., Cong. 27, Ses. 1, Sen. 61; Id., Cong. 27, Ses. 2, Sen. Jour., 554; H. 
Jour., 855, 1189; H. Com. Rept, 1096, vol. v.; H. Ex. 291, vol. v.; Sen. 320, 
vol. iv., 411-12, vol. v.; Id., Cong. 27, Ses. 3, H. Ex. 2, pp. 5-6, 144-55, vol. 
i. ; Sen. 1, pp. 146-57, vol. i. ; H. Jour., 18; Id., Cong. 28, Ses. 1, Sen. Jour., 
10-12; H. Jour., 167-8, 198, 402; Sen. Com. Rept, 70; H. Com. Rept, 151, 
vol. i.; Sen. 341, 349, 350, 351; H. Ex., 2, pp. 26-48, vol. i.; Id., Cong. 2S, 
Ses. 2, H. Jour., pp. 154-5, index 'Mex. Claims;' Sen. Jour., 108, 134, 142, 
189, 248; Id., Sen. 81, pp. 1-26; H. Ex. 2, 19, 158; Id., Cong. 29, Ses. 1, H. 
Ex. 2, 196; Id., Cong. 29, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 4; Id., Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 
60, 83. 



March-May, 1846. 

Taylor Moves to Point Isabel — Advance against Matamoros — Erection 
of Fort Texas — Arista Appointed General-in-Chiee — The Mexicans 
Assume the Offensive — Capture of Captain Thornton's Command — 
Taylor Retires to Point Isabel — Bombardment of Fort Texas — 
The Battle of Palo Alto — Arista Retreats to Resaca de la Pal- 
ma — Description of the Field — The Battle — Defeat of the Mexi- 
cans — The Garrison at Fort Texas — Death of Major Brown — 
Arista's Retreat to Linares — Taylor Occupies Matamoros. 

The instructions to General Taylor, ordering him to 
advance from Corpus Christi and occupy positions on 
or near the east bank of the Rio Grande, were given 
January 13, 1846, and at the same time vessels were 
sent to reenforce the gulf squadron. Taylor was, how- 
ever, directed to await further orders relative to the 
question of common right to navigate the river, but 
was not to confine himself to the defensive in case any 
act of open hostility should be committed by Mexico. 
Later instructions ordered him under ail circumstances 
to protect private property, respect personal rights, 
and refrain from interference in religious matters. 1 

On the 8th of March he broke up his camp at Cor- 
pus Christi, and having decided to make Point Isabel 2 
his military depot, the greater portion of his stores 

1 U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 196, p. 18 et seq., 77 et seq.; 
337, pp. 82-4. Mansfield states that Taylor was ordered to advance to the 
Rio Grande before the government at Washington had received the corre- 
spondence of Slidell with Pena y Pefia. Mex. War, 30-1. 

2 The Mexican name for this place is Fronton de Santa Isabel. Fronton 

means a steep rocky eminence on a sea-shore. 

( 316 ) 



was sent thither by sea. His army barely amounted 
to 3,500 men, but during his encampment at Corpus 
Christi, General Taylor had pursued a rigid course of 
discipline and drill, and when he took the field, his 
force, in organization and efficiency, was for its size 
probably the best ever seen in the United States. 
The equipments of the soldiers, too, were superior to 


those of the enemy, and the supplies of all materials 
for war abundant and good. 

The march to Matamoros was uninterrupted except 
by wordy demonstrations of hostility at the Arroyo 
Colorado, about thirty miles north of that city. Here 
Taylor was notified that his passage of the river would 
be regarded as a declaration of war and would be op- 


posed by force; but no active resistance was offered, 
and on the 20th the army crossed the stream, the 
enemy retreating to Matamoros. On the 24th the 
army halted at a point about ten miles from Point 
Isabel, and leaving General Worth in command of the 
infantry brigades, Taylor proceeded thither with the 
cavalry and an empty train, in order to establish his 
depot. On his approach the inhabitants abandoned 
the village, having previously set fire to their dwell- 
ings. 3 The transports had just arrived; and having 
made arrangements for the defence of the depot, leav- 
ing Major Monroe in command with two companies of 
artillery, the general returned to the army. Resum- 
ing his march, he arrived opposite Matamoros on the 
28th, and at once sent Worth across the river with a 
communication to General Mejia expressing a desire 
to maintain amicable relations, and his willingness to 
leave the port of Brazos Santiago open to citizens of 
Matamoros until the boundary question should be 
settled. The Mexican commander, however, declined 
to hold any conference with a subordinate officer, and 
appointed General Vega to meet Worth. The meet- 
ing produced no other result than the intimation on 
the part of the Mexican general that the movement of 
the American army was considered as an act of war, 
and the refusal to allow Worth to have an interview 
with the United States consul at Matamoros. Tay- 
lor, in view of this hostile attitude, at once commenced 
to throw up fortifications on the left bank of the Rio 
Grande in front of Matamoros, and in a short time a 
fort with six bastions was erected, capable of con- 
taining 2,000 men, and batteries were mounted with 
heavy guns bearing upon the city. 4 

3 Mex., Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 31. Jenkins states that the fire appeared to 
have been the work of the port captain. Hist. War U. S. and Mex., 78. 
Taylor in his despatch states that only three or four houses were consumed, 
the fire having been arrested by his men. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 1, 
H. Ex. 337, p. 116. 

*Id., 118-22. Worth left the army at this time and returned home with 
the intention of resigning his commission. He insisted that his brevet gen 
eralship entitled him to precedence over Colonel Twiggs, whose commission 


As yet no collision had taken place. The Mexicans, 
however, were making equal preparations for hostili- 
ties. The fortifications of the city were strengthened, 
and an additional redoubt and a breastwork were 
thrown up on the west side. The strength of the mil- 
itary force at this time was about 3,000 men, 5 well 
provided with ammunition. The artillery consisted of 
twenty field-pieces. Reenforcenients, moreover, were 
on the way from Mexico, but not on a scale correspond- 
ing* to the danger. Internal dissension and discord in 
the army had weakened Mexico's power of self-de- 
fence, and the very troops which had been provided 
to repel foreign invasion had been turned against her 
own people. 6 President Paredes, however, despatched 
a force of 2,200 men, 7 but he gave command to Am- 
pudia, who had supported his revolution at San Luis 
Potosi, and moreover appointed him general-in-chief 
of the army of the north. This appointment gave 
great dissatisfaction at Matamoros, where Ampudia 
was regarded with distrust; and a representation was 
forwarded to the president, setting forth the fatal conse- 
quences that might result if so difficult an enterprise 
were intrusted to him, and recommending Arista. 
The president yielded, but unwisely retained Ampudia 
second in command, thereby sowing the elements of 
discord by leaving in the army two rival chiefs. And 
all through this war jealousy and want of harmony 

as colonel was of older date than his own. Taylor, however, in conformity 
with the rule adopted by the war department, decided that brevet rank gave 
no command. 

5 Consisting of the battalion of sappers, the 1st and 10th infantry regi- 
ments of the line, the 2d light infantry, and the 7th cavalry, the auxiliaries of 
the towns of the north, several presidial companies, and a battalion of the 
national guard of Matamoros. Two or three days after the arrival of the 
Americans the marines of Tampico, the 6th infantry regiment, and the bat- 
talion of the coast guard of that place arrived. Mex.,Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 32. 

6 Two strong divisions commanded by Filisola and Paredes had been or- 
dered to the frontier by President Herrera. Paredes having been recalled to 
the capital and instructed to deliver the command to Filisola, the officers re- 
fused to obey the latter. Soon after — Dec. 14, 1845 — Paredes rebelled against 
the government at San Luis Potosi and marched with the army toward the 
capital. Id., 30; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 284-5. 

7 Composed of the 4th infantry regiment of the line, the active battalions 
of Mexico, Puebla, and Morelia, the 8th cavalry, with six field-pieces and 80 
artillerymen. Mex., Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 34. 


crippled Mexico in the fight, rendered her defeat the 
more easy of accomplishment. In one point of view, 
this lack of united will and effort was fortunate for 
both countries. Under any circumstances, the result 
of the war must inevitably have been the same; but 
if, instead of anarchy, harmony had prevailed, much 
longer and more bloody w T ould have been the struggle, 
and each nation would have suffered and mourned a 
far greater loss of life. 

Ampudia, ignorant of the steps which had been 
taken to remove him, meantime hastened to Mata- 
moros, where he arrived on the 11th of April. On 
the following day he addressed a note to Taylor, per- 
emptorily requiring him to break up camp within 
twenty-four hours, and retire to the left bank of the 
Nueces River, under the alternative of war. Taylor 
refusing, Ampudia determined to cross the river and 
give battle. He had made preparations to carry this 
design into effect on the 15th. On the night before, 
however, he received the government despatch an- 
nouncing the appointment of Arista over liim, and 
also instructions from that general to suspend active 
operations till his arrival. Ampudia's mortification 
was great; he even assembled a junta of his leading 
officers with the object of gaining their assent to his 
commencing hostilities. They, however, declined to 
support him in a step which was in direct opposition 
to the orders of the general-in-chief. 8 

On the 24th of April Arista arrived at Matamoros, 
having sent General Torrejon with a portion of the 
army 9 across the river at a point some miles above 
the city. The same day he addressed a communica- 

8 During this period of inactivity frequent desertions occurred in Taylor's 
camp, fomented by Ampudia and Mejia by means of proclamations secretly 
introduced into the camp. Taylor's prompt measures speedily put an end to 
these desertions. U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 1, Sen. 337, p. 118; Id., Cong. 
30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 60, pp. 302-4; El Tiempo, 24 Abril, 1846, 1. Mejia's 
estimate of Taylor is amusing. Indulging in a sorry pun, he says he is ' ma3 
despreciable que el ultimo sastro de Mexico.' lb. 

9 All the cavalry, the battalion of sappers, and two companies of the 2d 
light infantry. M6x., Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 35. 



tion to the American commander, stating that he 
considered hostilities to have commenced, and that 
he should prosecute them. 10 His plan was to throw 
troops across the Rio Grande above and below the 
position occupied by the Americans, and advancing to 
Point Isabel cut off Taylor from his base of supplies, 
and force him to an engagement. He accordingly 
marched with the remainder of the troops and twelve 
pieces of artillery to Longoreno, about five leagues 
down the river, leaving Mejia with only a small gar- 


rison in command at Matamoros. The plan was a 
good one, but ill carried out. At Longoreno the 
troops were long delayed in effecting the crossing, 
owing to the want of a sufficient number of boats, and 
Arista's hope to conceal his movements and surprise 
the enemy was frustrated. But Taylor had already 
penetrated his design. That Torrejon had crossed 
the river had been made known to him by an un- 
toward circumstance. Captain Thornton, who had 
been sent up the river with a party of dragoons to 

10 U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 60, p. 288. 


watch the enemy, fell into an ambuscade on the 25th, 
and after some fighting, in which several of his men 
were killed, was captured with his whole command. 11 
Later, Taylor received information that the enemy 
was preparing to cross below his position, and not 
believing that Arista would make an attempt upon 
his fortified camp, rightly concluded that Point Isa- 
bel was the object of his movement. On the 1st of 
May, the fort being brought into a good state of de- 
fence, he left in the work the 7th infantry under 
Major Brown, with Captain Lowd's and Lieutenant 
Bragg' s companies of artillery, and marched with the 
main force to Point Isabel, which he reached the 
next day. Taylor left his position while Arista was 
slowly passing his army across the river in two canoes. 

When Arista became aware that the enemy had 
anticipated his movements, he gave orders for the 
batteries at Matamoros to open fire on the American 
fort, and also sent Ampudia with a force and four guns 
to lay siege to it. The cannonade commenced at five 
o'clock in the morning of May 3d. Meantime the 
Mexican general, having united his forces with those 
of Torrejon, took up a position at Palo Alto, cutting 
off communication between the besieged and Point 
Isabel. The boom of the guns, however, was heard 
at the latter place, and Captain Walker was sent with 
a small cavalry escort to endeavor to communicate 
with Major Brown. Making a wide circuit, he gained 
the rear of the enemy; then, concealing his men in 
the chaparral, he made his way alone by night to the 
American work, and on the morning of the 5th re- 
turned to Point Isabel with Brown's despatch an- 
nouncing the safety of the garrison and the slight effect 
of the enemy's cannonade. 12 

Taylor now determined to go to the relief of the 
fort with supplies of ordnance and provisions, and on 

11 Taylor's official reports say that the party was 63 strong. lb. Captain 
Hardee, one of the captured, states that seven were killed. Id., 292. 

12 Taylor's and Brown's despatches in U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, 
H. Ex. GO, pp. 292-4. 


the 7th asfain marched for Matamoros. His force did 
not exc3ed 2,300 all told, for though reinforcements 
had arrived at Point Isabel, they were composed of 
raw recruits, fit only for garrison duty, and were con- 
sequently left behind. 13 About noon on the 8th the 
American army arrived in front of the enemy, and 
both lines prepared for action. Arista's position was 
well chosen. In his front extended a level plain, 
covered with high grass, surrounded by thickets of 
chaparral and clumps of dwarfish trees, 14 and flanked 
by small pools or low swampy bottoms. His line, 
drawn up only two deep and more than a mile in 
length, extended across the southern portion of the 
plain. On its right, supported by a slight elevation 
of ground, was placed a squadron of the light cavalry 
regiment of Mexico; the left was composed of the 7th 
and 8th cavalry regiments and the presidial companies, 
under the command of Torrejon, and rested on a 
thicket of chaparral. The artillery, amounting to 
twelve pieces, was posted at intervals along the line. 
Ampudia had been ordered to move up from his posi- 
tion in front of the American fort, and with the 4th 
line regiment, a company of sappers, 200 auxiliaries 
of the northern towns, and two guns, occupied a posi- 
tion on the right of the cavalry regiments. 15 

Taylor's right wing, under Colonel Twiggs, con- 
sisted of the 5th infantry, Lieutenant-colonel Mcin- 
tosh, with Ringgold's light battery, the 3d infantry, 
Captain Morris, with two 18-pounders under Lieuten- 
ant Churchill, and the 4th infantry, Major Allen. 
The left was occupied by the 1st brigade, commanded 
by Lieutenant-colonel Belknap, which was composed 
of a battalion of artillery serving as infantry, Duncan's 
light battery, and the 8th infantry. The train was 
parked in the rear under guard of a squadron of dra- 

13 Id., 294-5. 

14 This species is called palo alto, a name acquired by comparison with low 
growth which marks the vegetation in this district. 
lo Campaiia contra Amer. del Norte, 9. 
Hist. Mez., Vol. Y. 23 



At half-past two in the afternoon the Mexicans 
opened fire with their artillery on the American army, 
which was advancing by heads of columns, where- 
upon the latter deployed into line, and Ringgold's 
battery replied with deadly effect on Ampudia's divi- 
sion which was steadily moving forward in close column 
to form in iine. Taylor from the commencement of 
the engagement maintained himself actively on the 
defensive and fought the battle mainly with his artil- 
lery, his superiority in that arm being immediately 

Battle-field of Palo Alto. 16 

apparent. The American infantry, although posted 
at supporting distance, was kept in the rear almost 

16 Explanation of plan; 

A. First position of Mexican infantry. 

B. First position of Mexican cavalry. 

C. Second position of Mexican infantry. 

D. Second position of Mexican cavalry. 
C. Charges of Mexican infantry. 

D'. Charges of Mexican cavalry. 

E. Cavalry auxiliaries of the towns. 

a b c. Mexican park, hospital, and baggage. 

F. First position of American infantry. 
F'. Second position of American infantry. 

G. First position of American cavalry. 
G'. Second position of American cavalry. 
H. American park. 

K. Pools and swamps. 

y Y Line of the conflagration. 


out of range. For more than an hour the contest 
was carried on with the artillery. But in this duel 
the Mexicans suffered severely, while the Americans 
sustained trifling casualties. Arista now attempted 
to turn Taylor's right, and ordered Torrejon to charge 
with the cavalry. To meet this attack the 5th infan- 
try was ordered up and formed in square. Ringgold's 
battery meantime played with deadly effect on the 
charging cavalry until it reached the chaparral ; cir- 
cling round this and a shallow lagoon in front of the 
5th American infantry, it reappeared on Taylor's right 
anrl rear. When within close musket-rang^e the side 
of the square opposed to it delivered so destructive a 
volley that the whole mass gave way and retired from 
the contest. While this movement was being re- 
pulsed the Mexican infantry suffered severely, but 
stood their ground with great intrepidity. The cour- 
age of the soldiers was, indeed, sorely tried. Halted 
within deadly range of the enemy's guns, openings 
were made in their ranks over and over again by the 
fire, and as often filled up without sign of fear or 
thought of retreat. To add to their troubles, the 
wadding of Duncan's pieces set fire to the high grass, 
and the breeze fanned the flames till the conflagration 
spread along the whole line, the smoke being carried 
into the faces of the Mexicans. 17 

Arista now changed his front to the left, the troops 
executing the movement with precision, and a corre- 
sponding change was effected by Taylor, whose right 
was advanced nearly to the position occupied at first 
by Torrejon. During these operations, which lasted 
about an hour, the firing had been suspended, but it 
was now resumed with the same result, and a^ain the 
Mexican ranks were swept down by the cannonade. 
But stanch as the soldiers had proved themselves, 
this continued passive endurance of mutilation and 

17 The authors of Mix. , Apunt.* Hist. Guerra, 39, and Campaila contra 
Amer. del Norte, 10, say that the Americans set fire to the grass in order to 
hide their movements; but this was not the case. Bamsi y's Other Side, 47-8, 


death at last gave way to impatience. They became 
restive, and indignantly demanded to be led against 
the enemy, or be withdrawn out of range of his fire. 
Soon after the engagement began Ampudia had 
urged Arista to give the order to charge with the 
bayonet, but his representations were unheeded/ 8 and 
now again he in vain pressed him to do so. Disorder 
began to show itself among the troops; their patience 
was exhausted and they began to waver. Then, too 
late for them to have a fair opportunity of displaying 
their courage and efficiency, Arista ordered the charge 
they had wished for so long. But the movement was 
executed in disorder and without spirit. The men 
had lost confidence in their general; they were al- 
ready persuaded that he was a traitor; that he had 
sold the army, and that they were to be sacrificed. 19 
Night, too, was fast approaching, and the glare of the 
setting sun dazzled the eyes of the advancing Mexi- 
cans. As Arista's right, supported by the squadron 
of light cavalry of Mexico, bore down upon the ene- 
my's left, it was met by the steady fire of Duncan's 
battery, the guns being disposed to meet the coming 
attack. The cavalry was thrown into confusion, and 
wheeling to the left, pressed upon the infantry, which 
was steadily advancing, and threw it into disorder, 
while the enemy's grape and canister wrought havoc 
in its files. Confusion soon extended alono^ the whole 
front, though the left still maintained its line. The 
attack of Torrejon's cavalry on Taylor's right had been 
equally unsuccessful. Darkness had set in, and the 
dispirited troops were drawn out of action. Both 
armies encamped for the night near the field of battle. 20 

18 Ampudia, Ante el Tribunal, 9. 

19 'No faltaron voces entre nuestros veteranos de que "era otro Guana- 
juato."' Id., 10. In Mex., Apuut. Hist. Guerra, 46, I find this reilection 
upon the cause of the Mexicans' defeat on this and the following day at Re- 
saca de la Palma: ' Insistiremos en que la causa primordial de su caimicnto 
y desconfianza — that is the army's — en que el motivo mas eficaz de sus faltas 
fue - la voz que la rivalidad y el odio hicieron correr de que el geueral en gefe 
era un traidor. . .de que habia compromiso formal de vender al ejercito entrc- 
gandolo al furor de los enemigos.' The same statement is made in Gampana 
contra Amer. del Norte, 15. 

a0 Taylor in his report states that he dislodged the Mexican forces from 


At daylight on the following morning Arista began 
to retire toward Matamoros, and during the day took 
up a position at the Resaca de la Palma, 21 resolved 
again to give battle if the enemy continued to advance. 
The ground selected was different from that of the 
plain of Palo Alto, and chosen as favorable to defen- 
sive warfare. A slight ravine about two hundred feet 
wide and four deep, of irregular crescent form, with 
the concavity facing north, intersected the main road 
to Matamoros, about four miles from the city. The 
surrounding ground was covered with thick wood and 
chaparral, preventing the operation of troops in line. 
On the northern crest of the ravine, to the left of and 
commanding the road, a battery of three pieces was 
planted, and two others were placed on the south of 
the ravine, one on either side of the road, each of two 
guns, so trained as to support the first and rake the 
approach with a flank and cross fire. In the rear to 
the left was a single piece. Arista's first line of in- 
fantry was stationed behind, and protected by the 
front or northern brink of the ravine, while a second 
line was posted on the southern crest. The cavahy, 
unable to act from the nature of the ground, was 
massed on the road in the rear. 

Taylor, on the night of the 8th, had held a council 
of war, at which the general opinion was that it would 
be imprudent to advance further, and some officers even 
proposed to fall back to Point Isabel. But the gen- 
eral was of a different mind ; and supported by Colonel 
Belknap and Captain Duncan, he gave orders to con- 

their position and encamped upon the field. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, 
H. Ex. GO, p. 295. Arista states that each army remained in its respective 
camp in sight of each other. Roa Barcena explains by calling attention to 
the fact that Arista's despatch was written on the night of the 8th, while 
Taylor's was dated the 9th, when the Mexicans had retired to Resaca de la 
Palma. Invasion Norte- Am., 36. 

21 Meaning, dry river-bed of the palm. The action which took place here 
is indifferently called the battle of Resaca de la Palma and Resaca de Guerrero. 
It is generally believed that these are names of the same position. The first, 
however, is that of the place where the battle was fought, and the second of 
the site on which the Americans halted before engaging. Mix., Apunt. Jlist. 
Guerra, 42. 


tinue the march. 22 Parking the train on the field of 
Palo Alto under guard, and sending the wounded to 
Point Isabel, at one o'clock next day he broke up camp 
and followed the route of the Mexican army. As he 
approached the edge of the forest which bordered the 
road and the Resaca de la Palma, a body of the 4th 
light infantry, under command of Captain McCall, 
was thrown forward and soon discovered the enemy's 
position. At four o'clock Taylor came up with Mc- 
Call. A battery of field artillery was at once advanced 
under command of Lieutenant Ridgely, the successor 
of Major Ringgold, who had been mortally wounded 
on the previous day. 23 On either side it was flanked 
and supported by the 3d, 4th, and 5th infantry, de- 
ployed as skirmishers in the chaparral. The action 
immediately commenced and became general, the 
Mexican advanced troops gradually giving away 
before the steady progress of the Americans. It 
was dare-devil w T ork, enough to try the nerves and 
courage of the steadiest, this fight in those dense 
thickets where the fire-flash of the musket became 
visible in the gloom; where man hunted man as he 
would fierce wild game, every step embarrassed by 
tangled briers and matted undergrowth. But there 
were here no hounds to rouse the game, no pointers to 
mark the spot where lurked a prey that waited and 
watched to rend the hunters. Inch by inch the as- 
sailants forced their way forward as best they could, 
fighting in independent groups unseen by each other. 
Often the men lost sight of their officers, and had none 
to direct them as they struggled onward in bands of 
five or six, firing irregularly. Apparently all was con- 
fusion; but general confidence produced harmony in the 
attack; the rattle of musketry along the whole line told 
each small party that their comrades in arms were not 

22 Id., 41-2; Ripley's War with Mex., i. 123-4. 

23 Major Ringgold was struck by a cannon-ball, which passed through both 
thighs and the withers of his horse. He died on the morning of the 11th. 
Taylor's Reports, May 12 and 16, 1846; Frost's Hist. Mex. War, 229-30; 
Henry's Campaign Sketches, i. 93. 


lingering behind. The first line of Mexican infantry 
was at last driven from its position, and the 3d and 
4th regiments, which had been deployed on the right 
of the road, took possession of the ravine. No deci- 
sive advantage, however, could be gained until the 
enemy's artillery, which played incessantly upon the 
Americans as they advanced, was silenced. Taylor 
therefore ordered Captain May to charge the bat- 
teries with his squadron of dragoons. Pausing when 
alongside of Ridgely's guns, this officer discharged his 
pieces and drew the enemy's fire. Then May swept on 
to the batteries. As the dragoons leaped at the guns 
a terrible discharge of grape from the batteries on the 
other side of the ravine was poured into them, strik- 
ing men and horses to the ground. 24 But Mav was 
uninjured, and with those who could follow him, rode 
over the batteries, one after the other, sabring and 
dispersing the artillerymen. But though the guns 
were silenced, he could not retain possession of them. 
The second line of Mexican infantry closed in and 
drove him back with six men, carrying with him Gen- 
eral Vega prisoner. Meantime the 8th infantry had 
been brought up and was warmly engaged on the 
right. Taylor immediately ordered this regiment and 
a part of the fifth to charge the batteries. This was 
done; the Mexicans were driven from their guns, and 
finally from their position. The battle was now al- 
most over. A few desultory attempts to ^rnake a 
stand were overcome, and the battalion which had 
been left to guard the baggage train was ordered to 
pursue, which was done to the Rio Grande, great num- 
bers of the enemy being drowned in attempting to 
cross the river. 25 All the Mexican artillery, war 
material, baggage, and even Arista's official corre- 
spondence fell into the hands of the victors. 

24 Lieut Inge, 9 men, and 18 horses were killed; 10 men and as many 
horses Avere severely wounded. Jenkins' War U. S. and Mex., 115. Seven 
men and 18 horses were cut down, several of the former being whirled into 
the midst of the Mexicans. Fronts' Hist. M<>.x. War, 236. 

20 ' Pereciendo ahogados multitud de hombres.' lloa Bdrcena, Invasion 
Norte- Am., 39. 


With regard to the losses sustained during these 
engagements, the latter of which was the supplement 
of the former, according to Taylor's reports, at Palo 
Alto he had only four men killed, and three officers 
and thirty-nine men wounded, several mortally. At 
Resaca de la Palma his loss was 39 killed, three of 
whom were promising officers, and 83 wounded, in- 
cluding 12 officers; making a total of 43 killed and 
125 wounded. 26 It is more difficult to arrive at a 
conclusion as to the loss sustained by the Mexicans. 27 

As to the number of Mexicans engaged, Taylor 
says that 6,000 were engaged at Palo Alto, besides 
an irregular force, the number of which was not known. 
In his report of the engagement at Resaca de la Palma, 
he admits that he had no accurate data from which 
to estimate the enemy's force, but considers it prob- 
able, in view of reinforcements which Arista received 
from Matamoros, that 6,000 men were again opposed to 
him. On the other hand, according to statements pub- 
lished in Mexico, Arista had at Palo Alto only 3,596 
officers and men, 28 while the total amount of troops 

26 U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 29, Ses. 1, Sen. 388. Taylor's marching force on 
the 9th aggregated 2,222 men. The actual number engaged with the enemy 
did not exceed 1,700. lb. 

27 Taylor said 1,000 in killed, wounded, and missing in the two actions, 
but this is not to be relied upon. More than 200 of their dead, he says, were 
buried by him on the two battle-fields. Arista in his official report to the 
minister of war, dated May 14th, gives the following figures: At Palo Alto, 
102 killed, including 4 officers, and 127 wounded, of whom 11 were officers; 
at Resaca de la Palma, 6 officers and 154 men killed, 23 officers and 205 men 
wounded. He places his missing at 3 officers and 15G soldiers; giving a total 
of 2G2 killed, 355 wounded, and 159 missing. El Tiempo, 26 Mayo 1846, 1. 
In Mex., Apunt. Hist. Guerra, it is stated that the Mexican army was reduced 
by one fifth, the loss being principally confined to killed, wounded, and pris- 
oners, since nearly all the dispersed were reunited in Matamoros. Arista ill 
his despatch just quoted says that the total force reunited amounted to 4,000. 
Ampudia, Ante el Tribunal, 11, says 3,500. 

28 One hundred and ninety having remained before the American fort, and 
1,350 in Matamoros, besides the volunteer defenders. Campari. a contra Aim r. 
del Norte, 0, Estado no. 1. The author of this historical account of Arista's un- 
fortunate campaign was an infantry officer who took part in it from first to 
last, but conceals his name. He describes fully the actions at Palo Alto and 
Resaca de la Palma, the evacuation of Matamoros, and the retreat of Arista 
to Linares, and supplies plans of the battle-fields and five official tables of the 
force of the army and number of killed and wounded. While giving all credit 
to Arista's personal courage, the author attributes the defeat of the Mexicans 
to the want of military skill displayed by their general, and to his inattention 
to the representations made by officers under him. Tiie (JampaTia consists of 


of the line, according to the same authority, appears 
to have been 5,136 of all classes. There was, more- 
over, a large body of irregulars besides the volun- 
teers in Matamoros. 

In view of Arista's statement that 4,000 men were 
reunited in Matamoros after the affair of May 9th, 
I consider it not unreasonable to conclude that in 
the battle of Resaca de la Palm a at any rate the 
Mexican force was not less than 5,000 men. 

The result of the action at Palo Alto was due to 
the superiority of the American artillery over that 
of the Mexicans, 29 and Arista's obstinacy in contend- 
ing so long with that arm against the advice of his gen- 
erals, his troops being exposed in line to a fire which 
decimated portions of them. It would seem that his 
jealousy of Ampudia caused him to listen to no sug- 
gestion, however sound. Moreover, he directed his 
guns entirely against the American batteries, while 
those of the enemy were trained against his men, 
which explains the great disparity in mortality. 30 The 

37 pages, and ends at Linares in June' 1S46. It was published in Mexico the 
same year. Ampudia expresses the same views in his manifesto already 
quoted, the title of which is El Ciudadano General Pedro de Ampudia Ante 
u Tribunal respetable de la Opinion Publica, San Luis Potosi, 1S43, pp. 27. 
He supports his statements by copies of 15 documents signed by different 
military officers; among them are Arista's instructions to Ampudia, dated 
April 10, 1S46, on the occasion of his superseding the latter. Ampudia 
gives a brief sketch of his own previous military career from 1S34. In Bus- 
tamante, Nuevo Bemal Diaz, ii, 1G-37, is found an account more violently 
expressed. The writer, Miguel Maria Fernandez, a friend of Bustamante, 
without mincing matters, on page 19 says of Arista: 'Hasta el ultimo soldado 
distingue una infame intriga, y una alma negra en este general cobarde y pi- 
caro.' Bustamante loses no opportunity of publishing any statement, how- 
ever ridiculous, derogatory to Arista. In a Boletin de Noticias, which he edited 
in Mexico at this time, will be found many such absurd reports, as that Arista 
sold cattle and provisions to the enemy, and that he had cartridges without 
ball manufactured for his troops. In his Nuevo Bemal Diaz del Castillo, 6 
sea Ilistoria de la invasion de los Anglo- Americanos en Mexico, Mexico, 1847, 
vol. i., ii., pp. 102 and 235, he supplies — ii. 21-37 — a number of documents 
furnished him by Ampudia, tending to prove that Arista sold cattle to the 
Americans, held treasonable correspondence with Taylor, and displayed per- 
sonal cowardice in the battles of May 8th and 9th. With regard to the work 
itself, it is a disorderly collection of documentary and newspaper scraps, inter- 
spersed with squibs and the compiler's own comments. 

' 13 ' Xuestras piezas de mayor calibre se les tenia que dar elevacion para 
que alcanzaran, y las pequefias era una ridiculeza el dispararlas. ' Campana 
contra A mer. d< I Norte, 15. The distance between the two lines was from 
600 to 700 yards. 

30 ' The great disproportion in the loss of the two armies arose from this 


courageous bearing of the soldiers elicited the aston- 
ishment and admiration of their foes, and had they 
been handled by a more able general, the result would 
have been quite different. At Resaca de la Palma 
the troops were demoralized by the previous day's 
disappointment. Arista persistently refused to be- 
lieve that the enemy w T ould make any attack on 
the 9th. The ammunition and baggage wagons 
were unloaded, and the animals unharnessed; no re- 
serve was placed to support the lines, and even when 
the firing began, the Mexican general remained in his 
tent in the rear writing despatches, disregarding re- 
ports sent in, and maintaining that it was a simple 
skirmish. The morale and discipline of the men were 
destroyed. Troops that had fought bravely on twenty 
battle-fields, and were accustomed to victory, retired 
without firing a shot; many soldiers broke their arms, 
in their rage and disgust, previously declaring that 
they were betrayed. 31 At last, when all was lost, 

fact: we fired at their masses; they at our batteries!' Henry's Campaign 
Sketches, 95. 

31 Consult Apuntes para la Historia de la Ouerra entre Mexico y los Estados 
Unidos. Mexico, 1848. Svo, pp., v. 402, 1. 1. This work is the joint produc- 
tion of 15 Mexican authors, whose names arc: Ramon Alcaraz, Ale jo Barreiro, 
Jose Maria Castillo, Felix Maria Escalante, Jose" Maria Iglesias, Manuel 
Muiioz, Ramon Ortiz, Manuel Payno, Gailiermo Prieto, Ignacio Ramirez, 
Napoleon Saborio, Francisco Schiafino, Francisco Segura, Pablo Maria Torres- 
cano, and Francisco Urquidi. These writers state in their introduction that 
they met at Queretaro in 1847, and there formed the plan of writing an ac- 
count of the war, in the principal events of which many of them had been 
participators. It was agreed, and always observed, to intrust to one certain 
person a particular chapter, but all assisted in collecting documents and data. 
Each article was discussed in general, and criticised paragraph by paragraph; 
and in the event of a difference of opinion the majority decided. The writers, 
some of whom are still alive, were men of ability, and the candor and fairness 
they evince is in the highest degree praiseworthy. Though errors and mistakes 
are observable, the intention of the authors to write a faithful history of the 
war is undeniable, and is carried out to the best of their abilities. Speaking 
of their work, an American reviewer says: 'It will, we think, be read by every 
American who has any desire to form an impartial judgment on the subject. 
The statements are not, in our view, as partial or one-sided as many of the 
accounts of our own countrymen.' Hunt's Merchants Magazine^ xxii. 3G4. 
Albert C. Ramsey, colonel of the 11th U. S. inf. during the war, translated 
and published this work under the title of The Other Side: or Notes for the 
History of the War between Mexico and the United States. Written in Mexico. 
New York, 1850, 12mo, pp. 458. In his preface Ramsey does full justice to 
the merit of the book, meting out to it generous praise. Referring to mistakes 
which occur when American operations and opinions are spoken of, he says: 
'It must be remembered that American reports, notes, letters, and books 


Arista roused himself from his apathy, and placing 
himself at the head of the cavalry, attempted to re- 
trieve the day. With that branch of the service the 
effort was worse than useless. The woods on both 
sides of the road were now lined with the enemy, who 
in safety shot down his men, and he turned and fled. 
When the news of these disasters spread through 
Mexico, the outcry was great. The government, un- 
mindful of its own injudicious dispositions, threw the 
whole blame on Arista. It deprived him of the com- 
mand and submitted his conduct to court-martial. 
His trial was protracted for several years, and it was 
not until May 1850 that the supreme military tribu- 
nal pronounced sentence in his favor. 32 

abound with a still greater number of errors and mistakes when touching on 
the Mexican policy and measures. In fact, the latter are far better informed 
on subjects pertaining to the United States than are the American people in- 
formed on subjects pertaining to Mexico.' Unfortunately, the colonel was 
not sufficiently master of the Spanish language to undertake with correctness 
the translation of so important a work. The consequence is that his edition 
abounds with wrongly translated passages, some of them of grave importance. 
In illustration, I shall only notice one, which will suffice for the reader to 
recognize the magnitude of the errors. The original reads thus: 'El dia 10 
acabo de reunirse el eje>cito, disminuido en solo una quinta parte, cosa que 
verdaderamente asombra, y que se debi6 seguramente a que casi todos los 
dispersos tenian que presentarse precisamente en Matamoros.' p. 47. Ram- 
sey translates it: ' The day of the 10th was sufficient to unite the army, di- 
minished to only one fifth of its original strength — a lamentable fact, which 
was certainly thought so, and an opinion which all the fugitives entertained 
who actually reached Matamoros.' p. 56. The true sense of the passage is: 
'On the 10th the army was already reunited, diminished by only one fifth 
part, a really astonishing thing, and which was undoubtedly owing to the 
fact that nearly all the fugitives had necessarily to make for Matamoros.' 
In his edition be supplies notes of his own, 'appended purely for illustration, 
and without which many passages would be only imperfectly understood.' 
The Mexican edition is amply illustrated with excellent plans of battle-fields 
and portraits of generals, all of which are faithfully reproduced in the New 
York edition. 

32 For fuller particulars, consult Barasorda, Pedimentos presentado*, pp. 35; 
Brito t Defensa que el Sic. Juan Jos6 Baz hizo, etc., pp. 12; Suarez y Navarro, 
Defnisa que. . .Garay hizo, etc., p. 61; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., 
iv. 16, 37; Id., Mex. en 1848, MS., i.-iv.; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., 2 da Ep. i. 
927. The principal charges against Arista were: that, on assuming the com- 
mand, he had suspended the movements and dispositions of Ampudia; that 
he had withdrawn from Palo Alto the forces under Torrejon and Canales in 
order to protect the passage of his infantry over the Rio Grande, thereby 
opening the road for Taylor's retreat; that he had not attacked the rear of 
Taylor's army on its march to Point Isabel; that he did not charge the enemy 
at Palo Alto at an opportune time; that at Resaca de la Palma he unloaded 
his wagons and unharnessed his animals; that he unskilfully placed his men 
there, and made no effort to prevent the rout; and that he abandoned Mata- 


While the Mexican general by unskilfulness threw 
away all chance of victory, Taylor's action has not es- 
caped unfavorable criticism. It is maintained that if 
at Palo Alto he had ordered a charge to be made 
when the enemy's final attack had been repulsed by 
Duncan's battery on the left, the whole field would 
have been swept and the Mexican army been dis- 
persed. 33 His hesitation to attack on the following 
morning when Arista was moving off has also been 
condemned as enabling the enemy to take up a posi- 
tion which threw out of action one half of the Amer- 
ican artillery, 34 Taylor's most effective arm. His 
victory was thus due to the bravery of subordinates 
and soldiers, 35 not to any remarkable generalship. 5 


Meantime the garrison at Fort Texas, as the Amer- 
ican work in front of Matamoros was called, had well 
sustained itself during a bombardment of 168 hours. 
Though the casualties were trifling the fatigue was 
great. Finding that the enemy's cannonade did little 
harm, and that his own fire on the city produced no 
great effect, and an attempt to set fire to it with hot 
shot having failed, Major Brown confined his firing 
to periodical discharges at regular intervals, mainly 
as a signal to his general that the fort still held out. 
On the 6th he was struck on the leg by a fragment 
of a shell, and the command then devolved on Cap- 
tain Hawkins of the 7th. The same afternoon Arista 
summoned the garrison to surrender. Hawkins con- 
vened a council of his officers, and the unanimous 
decision was to defend the fort to the death. When 

moros when he had abundant means of defending the place. Boa Bdrcena s 
Invasion Norte- Amer., 50. 

33 Henry's Campaign Sketches, 93. The reason assigned was that he did 
not wish to expose his train to attack. 

34 Ridgely's battery was the only artillery that could be brought into play 
during the action. 

35 In his report of May 17th, U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 1, Sen. 388, 
Taylor writes: 'In so extensive a field as that of the 8th, and in the dense 
cover where most of the action of the 9th was fought, I could not possibly be 
witness to more than a small portion of the operations of the various corps.' 

36 Ripley's War with Max. , i. 140. 


the action of the 8th began, the boom of the distant 
guns was hailed with joy; but for hours the suspense 
was painful. At night the general result of the en- 
gagement was known from a Mexican fugitive who 
entered the fort. On the following day the roar of 
cannon was heard again, but not so distant as before, 
and the anxiety of the defenders was brief. The 
battle-din kept sounding nearer and nearer; the irreg- 
ular volleys of musketry rattled louder and more dis- 
tinctly as the tide of combat swept toward the river. 
Presently the Mexicans in tumultuous flight broke 
into view of the besieged, who witnessed their panic 
as they rushed to the water s edge. Then the exhausted 
men raised a shout of exultation. Major Brown 
had breathed his last a few hours before. In his 
honor the name of the work was afterward changed 
to Fort Brown. 37 

From want of means of transportation Taylor was 
unable to cross the river immediately and follow up 
his victory. The next day was employed in burying 
the dead, and on the 11th an exchange of prisoners 
was effected, by which Thornton's party was released. 33 
The wounded prisoners were sent to Matamoros, the 
officers on parole. General Vega, and lieutenants 
Prada and Silverio Velez, who declined a parole, with 
four soldiers, were sent to New Orleans. 

By noon on the 17th Taylor was in a position again 
to assume the offensive. Pleavy mortars had been 
brought up from Point Isabel with which to menace 
the city, and a large number of small boats collected. 
The order to commence the crossing had already been 
given, when General Requena waited upon Taylor, 
empowered by Arista to treat for an armistice until 
the governments should finally settle the question. 

37 Besides Brown, the garrison had one non-commissioned officer killed and 
ten men wounded. Taylor's report, in U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. 
Ex. GO, p. 296. Captain Henry gives 13 as the. number of wounded. Cam- 
paign Sketches, 103. 

88 Consisting of Thornton, Hardee, and 51 dragoons. ' Dieron por ellos, 
dos capitanes, tin subteniente y cincuenta y un soldados.' El Tiempo, 23 
Mayo, 1846, 1. 


But a similar proposal on the part of the American 
general had been rejected by Ampudia more than a 
month before, and Taylor, under the changed aspect 
of affairs, was no longer disposed to suspend opera- 
tions. He declined to listen to the proposal; the pos- 
session of Matamoros he said was now a sine qua non; 
he, however, said that Arista might withdraw his 
forces, leaving behind the public property of every de- 
scription. 39 Meantime Arista experienced all the bit- 
terness attending: defeat. Resentful murmurs against 
his conduct were no longer confined to the soldiery; 
the officers openly commented with severity on his line 
of action, while he, shutting himself up in his house, 
sought to ease his mortification by calling his soldiers 
cowards and coarsely insulting them. 40 Thus all har- 
mony between the general and his division was inter- 
rupted by a quagmire of mutual disgust, into which 
even the most moderate of his subordinates were 
drawn. On the 10th he had convened a council of his 
chief officers, but this did not mend matters. With 
angry threats he denounced the criticisms against 
him, 41 and then with puerile imprudence fully ex- 
posed the demoralized condition of his army, 
and the impossibility of attempting the defence 
of Matamoros. 42 When Requena returned from his 
unsuccessful mission, Arista's decision was made. 
Leaving behind his sick and wounded, to the num- 
ber of 500, 43 spiking what artillery he could not take 

39 U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 60, p. 298. 

40 ' Diciendo que a cada soldado se le podian poner unas enaguas y otros 
denuestos asf.' Campana contra los Amer. del Norte, 22. 

41 ' Manifest6 que estaba pronto a batirse con todas las clases de la division, 
pues dijo era yanecesario andar con el sable en la mano para el oficial y para 
el soldado.' Id., 22-3. 

42 This meeting, remarks the author of the Campana just quoted, had a 
worse result than the disaster of the 9th. The division became thereby in- 
formed that it was without support, that there were only provisions enough 
to last for a few days and ammunition for a few hours; that Matamoros could 
only be put in a state of defence at the cost of much time and labor; and that 
no portion of the army could rely upon any other for support, as the whole was 

i3 'Siendo 321 heridos y los demas de otras enfermidades.' Official report 
no. 3 in Id. Taylor says ' more than 300 of the enemy's wounded have been 
left in the hospitals.' U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 60, p. 298. 


away, and throwing a large quantity of ammunition 
into the river, he abandoned Matamoros the same 
evening, directing his course to Linares. Passing 
through Venado, Ebanito, Nutria, and Calabozo — a 
line of country almost destitute of provisions and 
water — he arrived there on the 29th of May. The 
sufferings of the soldiers were dreadful; nothing was 
wanting of hunger, thirst, and toil to make their mis- 
ery full. When on the fourth day a heavy storm of 
rain temporarily relieved their thirst, the benefit was 
counterbalanced by the road being rendered almost 
impassable, and all along the wayside weak and ex- 
hausted men sank despairingly in the mud and per- 
ished. Numbers died writhing in convulsions or struck 
dead by sunstroke, and some in their despair put an 
end to their own lives. The desertion, too, was great, 
and when the army reached Linares it numbered less 
than 3,000 men. 44 On June 3d Arista received the 
order of his removal, and resigned the command on 
the following day to General Mejia. 

Meanwhile, General Taylor crossed the river early 
on the 18th without resistance, and occupied the city. 
He gave assurances before doing so that the civil 
rights of the citizens would be respected, and adopted 
measures by the establishment of a system of police 
to insure order. On the following morning Lieuten- 
ant-colonel Garland was despatched with a body of 
cavalry in pursuit of the retreating Mexicans, with 
orders to harass their rear. This officer followed 
them beyond Ebanito, but was then compelled to re- 
turn, owing to the scarcity of water and provisions. 
He captured, however, a party in the rear, and brought 
with him twenty-two prisoners, arriving at Matamoros 
on the 22d. 

u Namely: 28 general and field officers; 209 company officers; and 2,638 
rank and file. Official Doc. no. 5, in Campana contra los Amer. del Norte, in 
which work a more detailed account of this retreat will be found, as also in 
Mex., Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 48-51. General Garcia died as he was entering 



May-September. 1846. 

The United States Declares War — Scott and the Government at 
Variance — Call for Volunteers — Gaines' Unadvised Action — 
The Volunteer Question — Want of a War Plan — March to Mon- 
terey — Preparations of the Mexicans — Ampudia Appointed Com- 
mander-in-Chief — Description of Monterey — The Siege — Capture 
of Fort Teneria — Hard Fighting — Worth's Operations — Ampudia 
Capitulates — Monterey Evacuated — Dissatisfaction in the United 

When the government of the United States be- 
came aware, by news of the capture of Captain Thorn- 
ton's party, that hostilities had broken out, the presi- 
dent addressed an extraordinary message, May 11th, 
to congress, then in session, invoking its prompt action 
to recognize the existence of the war, and to place at 
the disposition of the executive the means of prose- 
cuting it with vigor, and thus hastening the restora- 
tion of peace. It is to be observed that Mr Polk is 
both inconsistent and unjust, not to say wilfully men- 
dacious, in his endeavor to throw the whole blame of 
the war upon Mexico. After giving the details of 
Slidell's failure at negotiations to adjust the ques- 
tions in dispute, "both the questions of the Texas 
boundary and the indemnification of our citizens" — 
an admission that the boundary question was still un- 
settled — he asserts that "Mexico has passed the boun- 
dary of the United States, has invaded our territory, 
and shed American blood upon American soil." 1 

1 U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 60, p. 48. Benton, Thirty 
Years' View, ii. GTS, in his remarks upon throwing the blame of the war upon 



Nevertheless congress adopted his views without delay, 
and on the 13th declared that by an act of the re- 
public of Mexico, a state of war existed between the 
two governments; it authorized the president to call 
for volunteers to any number, not exceeding 50,000, 
to serve for twelve months after arrival at the place of 
rendezvous, and placed at his disposal $10,000,000. 

The president immediately intimated to General 
Scott, the commander-in-chief of the United States 
army, his intention to assign to him the command of 
the forces in Mexico. But a rupture soon occurred, 
brought on by the strictures of political parties. Scott 
held a high reputation for military skill, and he had 
already been spoken of by the whig party as their 
candidate for the presidency. His action was there- 
fore narrowly watched by both friends and enemies. 
The plan of the campaign, arranged at private consulta- 
tions between the president, W. L. Marcy, secretary 
of war, and General Scott, was to seize the northern 
territories of Mexico, and, making the Rio Grande 
the base of future operations, compel Mexico to come 
to terms, by moving the main army against the cap- 
ital, the centre of her resources. But serious difficul- 
ties presented themselves at the outset. The nearest 
base of supplies was New Orleans, too distant from 
the Mexican frontier. It was agreed that an army 
of 30,000, regulars and volunteers, would be required. 
Bat to provide and send in advance to the several 
places of rendezvous arms, accoutrements, and sup- 
plies of all kinds; to procure proper means of trans- 
portation by land and water; and at the same time 
to study the routes of march and all other details 

Mexico, and the cool assumption that it had been made by her, says: 'His- 
tory is bound to pronounce her judgment upon these assumptions, and to 
say that they are unfounded. .. .The actual collision of arms was brought 
on by the further advance of the American troops to the left bank of the 
lower Rio Grande, then and always in possession of Mexico, and erecting 
field-works on the bank of the river, and pointing cannon at the town of 
Matamoras (sic) on the opposite side. ... It was under these circumstances 
that the Mexican troops crossed the river, and commenced the attack. 
And this is what is called spilling American blood on American soil. The 
laws of nations and the law of self-defence justify that spilling of blood.' 
Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 24 


connected with the movement into the interior of 
Mexico, were not the labors of a few clays. Scott 
knew this full well. He suggested the 1st of Sep- 
tember as the earliest day for passing in full force be- 
yond the Rio Grande, 2 ard assiduously applied himself 
to the preliminary work, in which he was engaged 
fourteen hours daily. But the nation was excited and 
impatient. His necessary delay at Washington was 
regarded as inactivity. Why did he not hasten to 
the seat of war? it was asked; and prominent men 
made unfavorable comments upon his presence in the 
capital. It was forgotten that th© vast preliminary 
arrangements could only be made advantageously at 
that place, through the respective chiefs of the gen- 
eral staff. Within only a week after the declaration 
of war Marcy informed Scott that much impatience 
was felt because he had not already put himself en 
route for the Rio Grande. There was, moreover, a 
bill before the senate which proposed to authorize the 
appointment of two additional major-generals, giving 
the president power also of selecting generals for the 
command of the 50,000 volunteers. 3 This measure, 
if adopted, would have given the president power to 
place some new general over the head of Scott. The 
sensitiveness of the commander-in-chief, who as yet 
had received only verbal orders assigning him to the 
command, was irritated, and on the 21st of May he 
addressed a letter to the secretary of war which con- 
tained expressions that were construed into reflections 
upon the conduct of the president. 4 

After four days' consideration of his note, the pres- 
ident directed Marcy to inform him that he was re- 
lieved of the command, but would be continued in his 

2 He afterward, May 25th, came to the conclusion, according to most re- 
liable information, that such operations could not be assumed with the least 
possible advantage before the 1st of October. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, 
Ses. 1, Sen. 378, p. 11. 

3 See Scott's letter to Marcy in Id., p. 16. 

4 Marcy replied on the 25th, astonished at Scott's language. ' I do notwant 
a fire upon my rear from Washington,' Scott returned, ' and the fire in front 
from the Mexicans.' U.S. Govt, Cong. 29, Ses. 1, Sen. Doc. 378, pp. 4-9. 


position at Washington making arrangements and 
preparations for the campaign. In his reply Seott 
endeavored to explain that those portions of his com- 
munication which had given offence were intended to 
apply to Marcy and the president's advisers, 5 and dis- 
claimed all intention of attributing, either to the pres- 
ident or the secretary of war, any unworthy motives. 6 
He concluded by expressing the wish to be retained 
in command. But the president saw no reason to 
change his mind, and though Scott, in a further let- 
ter on the 27th to the secretary of war, appealed to 
the justice of the president and the rights of senior 
rank, Marcy, by letter of the 8th of June, informed 
Taylor of his assignment to the command, and the 
president's intention to continue him in it. 

Had not congress called for this correspondence 
and published it, the supersedure of Scott might have 
been regarded by the nation as an injustice; but when 
the particulars became known it was indorsed by pub- 
lic opinion, which was biased, however, by the ridicule 
ungenerously heaped upon him by his enemies, to 
whom he gave an unfortunate opportunity of display- 
ing their malignity by an unlucky expression in one 
of his letters. 

Taylor's position at Matamoros was not an enviable 
one. He was embarrassed by the arrival of volun- 
teers in numbers far exceeding his requisitions; he 
was crippled in his movements by the want of means 
of transportation ; he was perplexed by discrepant in- 
structions from Washington, and by the indecision of 
the government as to the plan of the campaign ; and 
lastly, he felt his responsibility increased by not being 

5 ' I beg as an act of justice, no less to myself than the president, to say — ■ 
I meant "impatience" and even " pre-condemnation " on your part, and the 
known, open, and violent condemnation of me on the part of several leading 
friends and supposed confidants of the president, in the two houses of con- 
gress.' M,pp. 12-13. 

6 ' But I have, for many days, believed that you have allowed yourself to 
be influenced against me, by the clamor of some of the friends to whom I 
have alluded.' lb. 


in full possession of the views and policy of the gov- 
ernment in regard to future operations. 

On the 26th of April he had called on the gov- 
ernors of Louisiana and Texas for a force each of four 
regiments, General Gaines at New Orleans being de- 
sired by him to assist in organizing them. The news 
of Thornton's disaster had been just received, and ex- 
aggerated conclusions were drawn. The army was 
believed to be in extreme peril, and much alarm was 
felt. Gaines, a veteran of the war of 1812, patriotic 
and fervent, adopted a course which, apart from the 
embarrassment in which it involved affairs, is comical. 
His enthusiasm, thoroughly aroused, ran away with 
his judgment. The old soldier completely lost his 
head. Without a shadow of authority he called for 
six-month volunteers, in numbers greatly in excess of 
Taylor's requisition. In the existing excitement his 
calls were quickly responded to, and regiment after 
regiment, ill conditioned, was hurried off to the seat 
of war. 7 He extended his calls for volunteers to other 
states, proceeded to make appointments of officers, and, 
in fact, seemed about to raise an army on his own ac- 
count, without a thought as to what might be the 
government's intentions. The secretary of war, by 
despatch of May 28th, sharply directed Gaines to dis- 
continue his independent action, and confine himself 
to carrying out the orders and views of the president 
so far as they had been communicated to him. But 
Gaines could not stop, 8 and to prevent further mis- 
chief, he was relieved of his command and ordered to 
Washington. Brevet Brigadier-general George M. 
Brooke was assigned to the command of the western 

But the mischief was done. The volunteers, all 
of whom Gaines had mustered into service for six 

7 See his letter to Marcy of May 11, 1846, in U. S. Govt Doc, Cong 29, 
Ses. 1, Sen. 378, p. 51. 

6 Id., p. 60-1. The reader is referred to this document, which contains 
official correspondence on this matter, and to General Taylor's despatches in 
U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 60, pp. 209, 305-6. 



months, could not according to law be detained for a 
period exceeding three months, while those who were 
in excess of Taylor's requisition, and not included in 
the president's sanction, were not even legally in the 
public service. 9 The government could find only one 
escape from the dilemma, and that was to offer these 
troops the alternative of becoming twelve-month vol- 
unteers under the act of May 13th. Accordingly in- 
structions to that effect were sent to Taylor, who was 
ordered to cause the volunteers to be returned to their 
respective homes if they declined, and to muster out 
at the expiration of three months' service the volun- 
teers legally enrolled by Gaines. Much dissatisfac- 
tion was exhibited by the six-month volunteers when 
the rumor was received from home that they were to 
be disbanded unless they volunteered for twelve 
months; but though Taylor requested to be allowed 
to retain them in service to the end of the term for 
which they had engaged, the government remained 
firm. Meantime the different quotas of the twelve- 
month volunteers commenced to arrive, and those who 
had responded to Gaines' calls were gradually dis- 
charged. Of all the Louisiana volunteers only one 
company consented to be mustered into the service 
for twelve months. 10 

On the 8th of June Marcy wrote Taylor, informing 
him of his promotion to the rank of brevet major- 
general, and of the president's intention to assign to 
him the command of all the land forces that would 
operate against Mexico. He also informed him that 
he might expect soon to have nearly 20,000 twelve- 
month volunteers besides the regular forces then under 
his command. He was told that the president was 
desirous of receiving his views in relation to the 
plan of the war, and while the hope was expressed 

9 Consult the correspondence on this matter between the governor of 
Louisiana and Marcy, dated June 12 and 25, 1S46, in Id., pp. 309-15. 

10 For full particulars relative to this volunteer question, consult the official 
correspondence in Id., p. 307-23. 


that he might be able to place a considerable portion 
of his troops in healthy towns on the Rio Grande and 
take and hold Monterey, the important question of 
striking at the city of Mexico was left pending upon 
Taylor's advice. 11 Four days later General Scott 
wrote him in quite a different strain, setting it down 
as the wish and expectation of the president that he 
would press his operations toward the heart of the 
enemy's country, making trie high road to the capital 
one of the lines of march which he was expected to 
take up beyond the Rio Grande. Such contradictory 
orders could only perplex Taylor, and engender inde- 

Taylor replied in a communication to the adjutant- 
general of the army, dated July 2d. Confining him- 
self almost entirely to the question of subsistence, 
he expressed the opinion — based upon calculations 
made on the supposition that the people of the coun- 
try would at least be passive, and willing to part with 
their produce — that a force exceeding 6,000 men could 
not be maintained beyond Saltillo. The distance 
from Camargo, where he proposed to establish his 
depot, to the capital was little less than 1,000 miles; 
and except in the improbable case of entire acquies- 
cence on the part of the Mexican people, he consid- 
ered it impracticable to keep open so long a line of 
communication. It was, therefore, his opinion that 
operations from the northern frontier should not look 
to the city of Mexico, but should be confined to cut- 
ting off the northern provinces — an undertaking com- 
paratively easy. 

Previous to the receipt of this communication at 
the war-office, the necessity of striking directly at the 
Mexican capital through Vera Cruz seems to have 
dawned upon the government. With the facts before 
its eyes that Mexico was without a commercial ma- 

11 ' Shall the campaign,' says Marcy, ' be conducted with the view of strik- 
ing at the city of Mexico? or confined, so far as regards the forces under your 
immediate command, to the northern provinces of Mexico?' Id., p. 321. 


rine, and that free communication with the interior 
did not exist, it was evident that she could only be 
effectively assailed at the centre of her resources. 
Partial operations in the north, however successful, 
could not be expected to enforce the submission of 
Mexico and obtain concessions from her. In a confi- 
dential letter of Marcy to Taylor, dated July 9th, the 
sui^crestion is made that the main invasion mi^ht take 
place at some point on the coast, as Tampico or in the 
vicinity of Vera Cruz, and Taylor is asked his views. 
Although the government cannot as yet be said to 
have formed any definite plan, it is evident from this 
communication that it began seriously to consider 
what might be the best means of promptly bringing 
the war to an end. Taylor, however, could express no 
opinion as to the practicability of an expedition against 
Vera Cruz, or the amount of force that it might re- 
quire, while he considered an expedition against the 
capital directed from Tampico to be out of the ques- 
tion, owing to the impracticable character of the 
routes. Moreover, he was equally indefinite in addi- 
tional remarks which he made relative to operations 
from the Rio Grande, and stated that it must be de- 
termined by actual experiment whether a large force 
could be subsisted beyond Monterey. 12 

When it is borne in mind that the war men at 
Washington had to contend against the captious spirit 
and interference of the commander-in-chief, against the 
indiscreet and unwarranted proceedings of the com- 
mander at New Orleans, and against the antagonism 
of the opposition party, while at the same time they 
obtained no suggestion of any value from the com- 
mander in the field, it cannot be denied that their diffi- 
culties in the formation of a war plan were consider- 
able. But the cabinet soon realized the fact that 
Taylor's experimental movements, with no more defi- 
nite object than to test the capacity of the northern 

12 Consult this correspondence in Id., 333-9. 


districts as regarded the subsistence of an army, would 
not conduce to a speedy termination of the war. 

Meantime Taylor's movements were delayed from 
want of the means of transportation. When the fresh 
troops began to arrive, he contemplated advancing 
against Monterey; and to carry on operations in the 
valley of the San Juan toward that city, the estab- 
lishment of his depot at Camargo was necessary. To 
effect this, the Rio Grande presented the only feasible 
means of communication, and the shallowness of the 
water necessitated the use of li^ht-draugdit steamers, 
to navigate which across the gulf from New Orleans 
was a hazardous undertaking. On the 28th of May 
Captain John Sanders was despatched by him to that 
city to procure steamboats suitable to the navigation 
of the river; but though the official correspondence 
proves that both the general's agents and the officers 
of the quartermaster's department promptly performed 
their duties, Taylor complained of the delay. 13 

He nevertheless pushed troops up the river in 
furtherance of his design against Monterey. Rey- 
nosa, Camargo, and Mier were occupied without re- 
sistance, and on the 24th of July General Worth 14 
arrived with his division at Camargo. As the steam- 
boats kept arriving, the difficulties of water transpor- 
tation were to a great extent removed, but still in- 
numerable inconveniences had to be overcome/ 5 and 
it was not until the 8th of August that he was able 
to make that town his headquarters. The different 

13 On Sept. 1st, just before marching for the interior, he addressed a letter 
to the adjutant-general, impeaching in unqualified terms the management of 
the quartermaster's department. The correspondence on this subject will be 
found iu Id., pp. 557-01. 

14 As the reader is aware, Worth had left the army in April and returned 
home, with the intention cf resigning. He had already sent in his resignation, 
when the news reached "Washington that hostilities had commenced. He at 
once withdrew it and returned to the Rio Grande, where he resumed command 
of his division on the 28th of May. 

15 Taylor, writing to the adjutant-general July 22d, says: 'I find the diffi- 
culties of throwing supplies up the river to be very great, in consequence of 
the rapidity of the current and the entire absence of dry steamboat fuel.' Id., 
p. 399. 


routes to Monterey, through Cerralvo and China, 
having been reconnoitred and the former selected as 
the more advantageous, the first brigade of regular 
troops, under Worth, was sent forward August 19th, 
and occupied Cerralvo without opposition. The army 
concentrated at Camargo for the movement on Mon- 
terey numbered a little over 6,600 officers and men. 
This force was divided into three divisions, under tho 
commands of generals Twiggs and Worth, and Major- 
general Butler, 16 the third division being composed 
of volunteers to the number of nearly 3,000. 17 The 
remainder of the volunteer force, amounting to over 
6,000 men, was left in camp and garrison at Camargo 
and other towns on the Rio Grande. 

On September 5th Taylor left Camargo and pro- 

16 The different divisions were composed as follows: Regulars: 1st Divi- 
sion, Brig. -gen. Twiggs. 

2d Dragoons, Captain May 250 men 

Ridgely's and Webster's batteries 110 " 

1st, 3d, and 4th infantry regiments, Captain Shiver's company of 

Texas volunteers, and Bragg's battery 1 ,320 " 

Baltimore battalion 400 " 

Total 2,080 " 

2d Division, Brig. -gen. Worth. 

Duncan's and Taylor's batteries 100 men 

Artillery battalion 100 " 

fifth, 7th, and 8th infantry regiments 1,500 " 

Blanchard's company of Louisiana volunteers 80 " 

Total 1,780 " 

Volunteers: 3d Division, Maj.-gen. Butler. 1st Brigade, Brig. -gen. Hamer. 

1st Kentucky regiment , 5-10 men 

1st Ohio regiment 540 " 

2d Brigade, Brig. -gen. Quitman. 

1st Tennessee regiment 540 " 

1st Mississippi regiment 690 " 

Texas Division, Maj.-gen. Henderson, 1st and 2d regiments mounted 
volunteers 500 " 

Total * 2,810 " 

Id., 417-18; Mansfield's Mex. War, 57. Taylor's return of the actual num- 
ber of his force before Monterey as 425 officers and 6220 men. His artillery 
consisted of one 10-inch mortar, two 24-pounder howitzers, and four light 
field-batteries of four guns each. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 
4, p. 88. 

17 In a paragraph of Orders, no. 108, Taylor assigns as his reasons for not 
taking a larger number of the volunteers into the field, 'limited means of 
transportation, and the uncertainty in regard to the supplies that may be 
drawn from the theatre of operations.' U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. 
Ex. 60, p. 500. 



ceeded to Cerralvo, where he arrived on the 9th. On 
the 11th he issued his order of march to Marin, and 
on the 15th the last division moved forward, Twiggs* 
division having: marched in advance on the 13th. The 
army met with no opposition, though parties of Mex- 

:.»-.\ i-iiado * 

% %. 

^Salinas ^ |g 





i n m i n i rr-TTT - ™" 11 

Field of Taylor's Campaign. 

ican cavalry were several times seen. As Twiggs 
marched through Marin on the 15th, a body of Mex- 
ican lancers retired before him. During the two fol- 
lowing days the army was concentrated on the banks 
of the Rio San Juan, about three miles beyond Marin 


and twenty-four from Monterey, and on the 18 th the t 
whole force moved forward. 18 

The numerous delays which retarded the prosecu- 
tion of hostilities on the part of the United States 
afforded the Mexicans ample opportunity for prepa- 
ration. But political intrigues and party animosities 
prevented harmonious action. After the removal of 
Arista and the provisional appointment of Mejia to 
the command, the army, reduced to 1,800 men, was 
transferred from Linares to Monterey, as soon as it 
became apparent that the latter city would be the 
point of Taylor's attack. The troops arrived at Mon- 
terey during the last week of July, and were soon 
reenforced from the surrounding districts. Mejia, in 
pursuance of his plan to carry on a defensive warfare, 
proceeded to improve the fortifications without mak- 
ing any attempt to arrest the operations of the enemy. 
While thus occupied, the change in the government 
occurred, involving the downfall of Paredes and the 
return of Santa Anna; and Ampudia, who had been 
summoned to the capital to attend the investigation 
into the affairs at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, 
was appointed by the general government to the 
command of the army in the north. The dilatory 
proceedings of Paredes had done little toward provid- 
ing a military force corresponding to the danger 
which threatened; but the new government began to 
act with more promptness. Immediately after the 
arrival of Santa Anna a levy of 30,000 men had 
been ordered, and the capital, or San Luis Potosi, ap- 
pointed as the rendezvous. 19 Ampudia, meanwhile, 
moved from that city with a large reenforcement for 
Monterey, where he arrived at the end of August. 

18 The advance, consisting of McCulloch's and Gillespie's companies of 
Texan rangers and a squadron of dragoons, left at half -past five in the morn- 
ing, the three divisions following at intervals of an hour. The habitual order 
of battle was: The 1st division on the right, the 2d division on the left, and 
the volunteer division in the centre. Jd., p. 506. 

19 In El Restaurador, Sept. 4, 1846, will be found copy of decree. 


On the 31st of that month he issued a decree pro- 
claiming the penalty of death against every native or 
foreigner who, directly or indirectly, should give aid 
to the enemy, or engage in contraband traffic with 
him. He moreover caused numbers of circulars to 
be dropped on the line of march of the American 
army, inviting the soldiers to desert under promises 
of kind treatment and protection. 20 But vacillation 
marked Ampudia's action, and the antipathy between 
him and his generals rendered it impossible to arrive 
at any settled plan. At first he conceived the idea 
of opposing the enemy at Marin, and concentrated 
there a large force of cavalry under Torrejon. The 
plan was soon abandoned, however, and Torrejon re- 
tired on the approach of the Americans. Several 
councils of war were held, but the opposing opinions 
expressed caused repeated changes to be made in 
the defensive preparations. Fortifications were com- 
menced, then destroyed, and again resumed. Such 
indecision had a most disheartening effect upon the 
army and seriously injured its morale. The defensive 
works of Monterey were nevertheless made very for- 

The city, which is the capital of the state of Nuevo 
Leon, is situated in a fertile valley surrounded by 
mountain ridges of the Sierra Madre. It extends 
about a mile and a half along the northern bank of the 
Rio San Juan, which making a north-easterly turn 
covers that flank of the town. The suburbs on the 
north and west were laid out in squares containing 
scattered huts with gardens enclosed by hedges and 
irrigating ditches. Directly to the north, about 1,000 
yards from the town proper, was the citadel, a bas- 
tioned work 270 varas square, erected around the un- 
finished walls of the new cathedral, protected by dry 
ditches, and pierced by embrasures for thirty-four 
guns. It only mounted, however, about twelve, of 

20 Copies of these documents are supplied in Taylor's and Worth's corre- 
spondence. Id., pp. 420-3. 



different calibres, from four to eighteen pounders. 
This fort was situated near the junction of the three 
roads leading respectively to Pesqueria Grande, Mon- 
clova, and Marin. Between it and the town an af- 
fluent of the Rio San Juan flowed easterly through 
the suburbs, the banks of which were steep and diffi- 
cult. Near the middle of its course it was spanned 
by the bridge of La Purisima. On the east of the 
town, just above the junction of this rivulet with the 
main stream, was Fort Teneria, mounting four or five 
guns which covered the roads from Marin and Cade- 
reita. Farther south was Fort Diablo with three 

City of Monterey. 21 

guns, and still farther in the same direction Fort La 
Libertad with four guns. A system of lunettes was 
commanded by these forts, and along the northern 
bank of the Rio San Juan a line of barricades ex- 
tended for some distance, and turning northward 


Explanation of plan: 


Principal plaza. 


Fort of La Federacion. 


Other plazas. 






American mortar battery an night of the 23d 


Fort of Teneria. 


Cerro del Obispado. 


Fort of El Diablo. 




Fort of La Libertad. 




connected with the bridge of La Purfsima, which was 
defended by a tete de pont. To the west of the town, 
north of the Saltillo road, was situated the Cerro del 
Obispado, and on the opposite side of the river, the 
hill of La Federacion; both these elevations were 
strongly fortified. The approaches to all the fortifi- 
cations on the east of the city were masked by dense 
shrubbery so as to render reconnoissance difficult. 

The exact number of Ampudia' s forces is difficult 
to be ascertained, but it probably amounted to 10,000 
men, 7,000 of whom were regulars. 22 He had, more- 
over, forty-two guns of various calibres and an abun- 
dant supply of ammunition. 

On September 19th the American army arrived in 
front of Monterey and pitched camp near Santo Do- 
mingo, at a beautiful spot called by the Americans 
Walnut Springs, about one league to the north-east. 
From a despatch addressed to the adjutant-general of 
the army on the 17th of September, it appears that 
the commander was doubtful whether any resistance 
would be offered by Ampudia; and he so greatly under- 
rated the enemy's forces that it is evident that his in- 
formation, derived from scouts and correspondents, was 
unreliable. 23 But he soon discovered that the town was 
occupied in force. By a reconnoissance that was made 
by the officers of the engineers, Taylor came to the con- 
clusion that the key to the defences was the fortified 
eminences on the west of the town, and he determined 
to occupy the Saltillo road, the possession of which 
would enable him to cut off the enemy's communica- 
tions. He accordingly detached Worth with his di- 
vision and a portion of Colonel Hays' Texan rangers, 
at noon on the 20th, instructing him to carry, if prac- 
ticable, the batteries in that direction. In order to 

22 Taylor states that the town and works were manned with at least 7,093 
troops of the line and from 2,000 to 3,000 irregulars. U. S. Govt Doc, Cong. 

29, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 4, p. 88. 

23 Taylor says: 'It is even yet doubtful whether Ampudia will attempt 
to hold Monterey. ... His regular force is small — say 3,000; eked out per- 
haps to 6,000 by volunteers — many of them forced.' U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 

30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. CO, p. 422. 


create a diversion in favor of Worth's movement, the 
remainder of the forces was displayed around the 
centre and lower part of the town. During the night 
a ten-inch mortar and two 24-pounder howitzers were 
placed in battery to play upon the citadel and town. 

Worth, meanwhile, pursued his march through the 
corniields lying to the north of the town, and during 
the night of the same day sent a despatch to Ta}dor 
to the effect that he had occupied a defensive position, 
and intended to storm the heights of La Federa- 
cion on the following morning. He suggested that a 
strong diversion be made against the centre and east 
of the city to favor his attack. 

Acccordingly on the morning of the 21st Taylor 
directed the 1st and 3d regiments of infantry and a 
battalion of the Baltimore and Washington volun- 
teers, with Captain Bragg's field-battery, the whole 
under command of Garland, 21 to advance against the 
lower part of the town and capture one of the enemy's 
works, if practicable. Major Mansfield of the engi- 
neers was charged with designating the points of 

As the command advanced it was exposed to a se- 
vere fire from the citadel on its right and Fort Teneria 
on the left. Still the assailants pressed forward, and 
rushed through the suburbs into the streets of the 
town. The fire now from house-roof and barricade 
was galling. Major Barbour of the 3d fell, shot 
through the heart; Colonel Watson of the Baltimore 
battalion, refusing to retire, though urged by some 
of his men to do so, was soon struck dead ; Captain 
Williams of the engineers and Major Mansfield were 
wounded, the former mortally; and many another gave 
his last gasp in those narrow streets. Bragg advanced 
his battery, but the fire from his light guns against 
the embrasures of Fort Teneria was ineffectual. His 

24 Twiggs was too ill to command. He repaired to the field, however, in 
spite of his illness. U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 4, p. 85; Henry's 
Campaign Sketches, 193. 


men and horses dropped fast, and he had to retire. 
Their lines being now broken, the Americans paused, 
and in detached parties sought cover against the mur- 
derous fire which they could return with no serious 
effect. All was confusion; the companies became sep- 
arated in the streets; officers and men were ignorant 
of their location, and all were perplexed. The struggle 
in this direction was hopeless, and the order was finally 
given for them to withdraw. 

As soon as Taylor became aware, by the dis- 
charges of artillery and rattle of small arms, that Gar- 
land's command was hotly engaged about Fort Tene- 
ria, he ordered up the 4th infantry and three regiments 
of Butler's division to support the attack by the left 
flank. The leading brigade, composed of the Missis- 
sippi and Tennessee regiments of volunteers, under 
Quitman, advanced against the work under a heavy 
fire from the citadel. Three companies of the 4th 
infantry 25 preceded this column, and pushing rapidly 
forward to the assault, had advanced in front of the 
battery within short range, when they were met with 
so heavy a fire that one third of the officers and men 
were almost in a moment struck down. Whereupon 
the rest fell back. 

General Butler, after Quitman's brigade was fairly 
in motion, had turned his attention to his remaining 
regiment, the Ohio, General Hamer, and had advanced 
with it under a heavy fire through several squares, 
when he met Major Mansfield, who informed him of 
the failure of Garland's attack, and advised him to 
withdraw his command. Butler immediately com- 
municated in person with Taylor, who gave the order 
for a retrograde movement. 

Thus, so far, the attack was a failure, and Taylor 
and his generals fully believed that they had lost the 
day. But a fortunate circumstance, and the decisive 

25 By some mistake two companies of the 4th did not receive the order in 
time to join in the advance. Taylor's report, in U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, 
Ses. 2, H. Ex. 4, p. S4. 


action of a single officer, turned the scale. About 
130 yards to the rear of the fort was a tan yard, 26 
within which stood a building with a flat roof, sur- 
rounded by a strong wall about two feet high, afford- 
ing an excellent breastwork for sharp-shooters. In 
the confusion of Garland's attack, Captain Backus of 
the 1st infantry, with a portion of his own and other 
companies, had gained the shelter of this tannery, and 
had already driven the enemy from their defences on 
the roof of a neighboring distillery, when he received 
the order to retire. Backus was actually withdraw- 
ing his men, when the firing in front of the fort, 
caused by the attack of the 4th infantry companies, 
made him decide to hold his position. The roof of 
the tannery completely commanded the open gorge 
of the enemy's battery, and thence he began to pour 
upon the garrison a murderous fire, which swept down 
the gunners. Under this hot salute the garrison be- 
gan to abandon the work. 2 * 

During this time Quitman, though his men were 
falling fast, had kept steadily advancing, and the fire 
from the battery having slackened, when within one 
hundred yards of the work the volunteers rushed for- 
ward with a loud shout, surmounted the parapet, and 
gained the lunette. Galled by Backus' fire in the 
rear, the Mexicans gave way before the assault, and 
abandoning their guns, fled to Fort Diablo. The dis- 
tillery in the rear was immediately afterward carried by 
the Americans, and thirty prisoners were captured/' 


26 Hence the name of the fort, teneria or tannery. 

27 The authors of Mex., Apunt. Hut. Guerra, GO, attribute the demoraliza- 
tion of the garrison to the cowardly conduct of the lieut-col of the 3d light 
infantry, which had been sent into the fort as a reiinf orcein cut. He had been 
ordered to make a sally against the Americans advancing in front, but when 
the word to fix bayonets was given, he rushed through the gorge of the work, 
and, talcing to flight, escaped by plunging into the river. The writer con- 
ceals this officer's name, remarking, ' con cuyo nombre no hemos querido 
manchar cstos renglones. ' 

28 Five pieces of artillery and a considerable supply of .ammunition fell into 
the hands of the Americans. Taylor's report, in U. S. Govt Hoc, Cong. 29, 
Ses. 2, H. Ex. 4, p. 8.3. In Mex., Apunt. Hist. Guerra, GO, it is stated 
that there were only four pieces, and that not a single cartridge for cannon 
remained when the Mexicans abandoned the work. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. V. 25 


Taylor heard of this success almost immediately 
after he had given the order to retire; he at once 
countermanded it, and Butler was sent with the Ohio 
regiment against Fort Diablo by a route more to 
the left. The troops advanced to within one hun- 
dred yards of the work, which was one of great 
strength, and Butler, while examining it with the ob- 
ject of attempting to carry it by storm, was wounded, 
and soon after compelled to quit the field from loss of 
blood. He recognized, however, that the place could 
not be carried without great sacrifice of life, and on 
surrendering the command to Hamer, advised him to 
withdraw the troops, who were falling fast, to a less 
exposed position. The division was, therefore, moved 
to a position near the captured fort, but not before 
having lost many men. 

While this was occurring on the left, such troops 
of Garland's division and of the 4th infantry as could 
be collected were ordered to enter the town on the 
right and endeavor to carry Fort Diablo by assailing 
it in the rear. No sooner, however, had the command 
left the cover of the captured work than it was ex- 
posed to a galling fire of small arms and artillery. 
The Americans nevertheless pressed on and reached 
the tete de pont of La Purisima, from which a terri- 
ble cannonade was opened upon them. A portion of 
the troops even passed beyond, and gaining some 
slight shelter still maintained themselves; 29 but to 
proceed was impossible. Around were barricaded 
streets and fortified houses; the stream was impassa- 
ble; to attempt to storm the bridge would be hope- 
less. Lieutenant Ridgely came up with a section of 
his battery, but his fire was ineffectual, and he was 
withdrawn. To gain the rear of Fort Diablo from 
this point was impracticable, and the harassed troops 
were ordered to retire under cover of Fort Tenerfa. 

29 It was here that the command of the 3d regiment devolved upon Captain 
Henry, who went into action with five senior officers, all of whom were 
killed or seriously wounded. Henry's Campaign Sketches, 198. 


With these unsuccessful attempts the principal op- 
erations of the day ended. During the combat sev- 
eral demonstrations of cavalry were made by the 
Mexicans, but were effectually checked. The guns 
of the captured work were turned as soon as pos- 
sible against Fort Diablo, and one of the 24-pound 
howitzers of the mortar battery — which had been 
steadily playing upon the citadel and town — was also 
brought up and trained against it. At the approach 
of evening, all the troops that had been engaged 
were ordered back to camp, except the 1st, 3d, and 
4th infantry, a battalion of the 1st Kentucky regi- 
ment, 30 and Ridgely's battery, which were detailed 
to hold Fort Teneria and the adjacent buildings. 

The result of the day was not encouraging. On 
three several occasions the Americans had been re- 
pulsed, and though a point in the enemy's defence 
had been taken, no important success could be claimed. 
Fort Teneria was by no means the key to Monterey ' 
— as the failure of the two attempts against Fort Di- 
ablo proved — and its capture had cost a heavy loss. 
Three hundred and ninety-four officers and men had 
fallen in killed and wounded, among the former some 
of the most gallant and promising in the army. 31 It 
is true a strong diversion had been made in favor of 
Worth's attack, but if he had sustained a correspond- 
ing loss with no more decided advantage, it did not 
seem very probable that Monterey would fall till half 
the army had been killed. These were gloomy 
thoughts, and the ardor of the invaders was damped. 
As night set in, however, Taylor received a despatch 
from Worth reporting that he had occupied the Sal- 
tillo road, thus cutting the enemy's line of communi- 

30 This regiment had remained as guard to the mortar battery, and took no 
part in the day's engagements. Taylor's report, ut 8ttp m , p, 84. 

sl 'Capt. Williams, topographical engineers; lieuts Terrett and Dilworth, 
1st inf. ; Lieut Woods, 2d inf.; capts Morris and Field, Brev. Maj. Barbour, 
lieuts Irwin and Hazlitt, 3d inf.; Lieut Hoskins, 4th inf.; Lieut-col Watson, 
Baltimore battalion; Capt. Allen and Lieut Putman, Tennessee reg. ; Lieut- 
col Hett, Ohio regiment — were killed, or have since died of wounds received. ' 
Id., 86. 


cation, had stormed, with comparatively small loss, 
the heights of La Federacion, and expected to carry 
the Cerro del Obispado in the morning. 

"Worth's progress on the 20th had been slow. Ow- 
ing to the delay caused by making the route practi- 
cable for artillery, it was nearly sunset before he had 
accomplished six miles. He had then, however, 
reached a suitable position near the intersection of 
the Pesqueria Grande road, by that leading to Topo, 
north of the Cerro del Obispado, 32 and just out of 
rani^e of the enemy's batteries. During the same 
evening he made a reconnoissance in person of the 
ground. Skirting round the base of the hills on 
the west of the valley, the Topo road connects with 
the Saltillo highway just before the latter enters the 
gorge through the sierra. Worth by following the 
former for some distance, and then ascending the slope 
of a spur, obtained a full view of the position, and 
decided to occupy the junction of the two roads. 

At daylight on the following morning the advance 
commenced, the 1st Texan regiment, Colonel Hays, 
leading, supported by light companies of the 1st 
brigade, under Captain C. F. Smith, followed by 
Duncan's light battery. But Worth's movements on 
the previous evening had been noticed by the enemy, 
and his intention divined. A strong force of cavalry 
with some infantry had been stationed overnight at 
the junction of the roads, 33 and as the Americans 
turned an angle of the mountain they came in full 
view of the Mexicans, about 1,500 strong, drawn up 
ready to oppose them. The Texan s were ordered to 
dismount in a cornfield, and take up a position behind 
the fence along the road side. Duncan's battery was 

32 \y or th in his report of his operations calls this hill the Loma de Inde- 
pendencia, which name and that of Independence Hill are adopted by Amer- 
ican writers on these events. 

83 M ex. , Ajmnt. Hist. Guerra, 59, where no mention of infantry is made. 
Worth in his report says: ' A strong force of cavalry and infantry, mostly 
the former.' U. 8. Govt Doc, Cong. 29, Ses. 2, II. Ex. 4, p. 103. 


placed in position on the sloping ground. The con- 
flict ensued immediately, and was short, bloody, and 
decisive. McCulloch's company of Texans, not hav- 
ing received the order to dismount, still advanced, 
and as the Mexican lancers came sweeping upon them 
the rangers emptied their rifles into the compact mass 
and then fell back. The lancers eagerly pursued, and 
exposing their flank to the Texans in the cornfield, 
a deadly fire was poured into them. Smith's light 
infantry opened upon them in front, while over the 
heads of the latter Duncan's battery delivered its 
fire. The squadron was terribly cut up. It halted, 
broke, and fled. In fifteen minutes the engagement 
was over, but in that short time over a hundred brave 
Mexicans had been stretched dead or wounded on 
the road, among the former their gallant leader, Colo- 
nel Juan Najera. As the fleeing lancers endeavored 
to escape up the slopes of the mountains many a 
saddle was emptied by the shots of unerring marks-' 
men. 34 The American casualties were insignificant. 

Worth now pressed forward